japan education

Promotion of Educational Travel to Japan

• ABOUT JAPAN EDUCATIONAL TRAVEL
• arrow_right WHY JAPAN?
• arrow_right Traditional culture
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• arrow_right SCHOOL IN JAPAN
• arrow_right JAPANESE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM
• arrow_right SCHOOL LIFE IN JAPAN
• arrow_right PLAN YOUR TRIP
• arrow_right SUGGESTED ITINERARIES
• arrow_right SCHOOL EXCHANGES
• arrow_right TIPS FOR A SUCCESSFUL ONLINE SCHOOL EXCHANGE
• arrow_right IN-PERSON EXCHANGES
• arrow_right ONLINE EXCHANGES
• arrow_right VISITOR'S VOICES

class JAPANESE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM

About Japanese Educational System and Japanese Schools.

Curriculum Outline

The Japanese school system primarily consists of six-year elementary schools, three-year junior high schools and three-year high schools, followed by a two-or-three-year junior colleges or a four-year colleges. Compulsory education lasts for 9 years through elementary and junior high school. School exchanges during Japan Educational Travel are mainly implemented in junior high and high schools. For physically or mentally challenged students, there is a system called “Special Needs Education” to support special students to develop their self-reliance and thus enhance their social participation.

School Education Chart

Introduction to Schools in Japan

Event school timetable.

Public schools in Japan have classes five days a week, from Monday to Friday. There are also schools that have classes on Saturday. In junior high and high schools, there are six class periods each day, typically lasting 50 minutes for each. After classes, students clean the classrooms in shifts and then start their club activities. There are a variety of clubs such as cultural and sports ones.

An Example of School Timetable

event Academic Calendar

In principle, the school year begins in April and ends in March of the following year. Most schools adopt a three-semester system, with the first semester from April to August, the second semester from September to December, and the third semester from January to March. There is also a summer break (from the end of July to the end of August), a winter break (from the end of December to the beginning of January), and a spring break (from the end of March to the beginning of April).

An Example of Academic Calendar

event School Organization

Each school has a principal, a vice principal, teachers, a school nurse, and other administration staff. As the chief executive, the principal assumes all responsibilities of the school, including the courses provided and related administrative work. The vice principal supports the principal to manage administrative affairs of the school and to be in charge of student’s educational activities and curriculum as well. Furthermore, in order to ensure school’s smooth operation, teachers take on various responsibilities, such as taking care of educational activities, students’school life, and employment guidance for students after graduation. Many schools also establish their own committees, for example a International Exchange Promotion Committee, and others.

Related Information

Special Features of Japanese Education

About Features of Japanese Education.

event Regarding the Level of Education

The level of Japanese education is high even by world standards. In OECD’s Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) aimed at fifteen-year-olds, Japanese students recorded high levels of achievement, particularly in science related areas. Educational activities outside of school also flourish, and programs leading to advanced education are implemented. Enrollment in high schools, the second-half of secondary education, reaches over 90%, and the enrollments in college are also high reaching over 50%. Admission to high schools and colleges is mainly through entrance exams, held from January to March. Source: OECD

location_city Foreign Language Education

English is a compulsory subject in junior high and high schools. There are also elementary schools that introduce English education from intermediate grade classes. In some high schools, apart from English, students are also allowed to take courses in Chinese, Korean, French, German, etc.

location_city Student Clubs

Student clubs are a characteristic part in Japan’s school education. Under teachers’ guidance, students with the same interests in sports, cultural activities, or fields of study voluntarily gather together after classes and on days off. There are also numerous student clubs revolving around Japanese traditional sports and culture, such as judo, kendo(Japanese swordsmanship), sado (Japanese tea ceremony), kado (Japanese flower arrangement), shodo (Japanese calligraphy), etc. Club activities also provide students with the chance to participate in school exchange and friendly matches.

Sports Clubs

• Track and Field
• Kendo (Japanese swordsmanship)

Culture Clubs

• School Band
• School Choir
• Kado (Japanese flower arrangement)
• Sado (Japanese tea ceremony)
• Shodo (Japanese calligraphy)

check 学校交流する場合のポイント

Check_box 1～3月は受験シーズンのため交流は難しい.

海外における教育旅行は、それぞれの国・地域によって特徴が異なると考えられるが、日本で現在受け入れている教育旅行は、日本の修学旅行のように、教師等の引率者と児童生徒で構成される団体旅行として実施されることが多い。

check_box 英語での交流が可能

Check_box 部活動も充実, stories of school exchanges.

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The Meiji Restoration and the assimilation of Western civilization

Establishment of a national system of education, the conservative reaction, establishment of nationalistic education systems, promotion of industrial education.

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In 1867 the Tokugawa (Edo) shogunate , a dynasty of military rulers established in 1603, was overthrown and the imperial authority of the Meiji dynasty was restored, leading to drastic reforms of the social system. This process has been called the Meiji Restoration , and it ushered in the establishment of a politically unified and modernized state.

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In the following generation Japan quickly adopted useful aspects of Western industry and culture to enhance rapid modernization . But Japan’s audacious modernization would have been impossible without the enduring peace and cultural achievements of the Tokugawa era. It had boasted a high level of Oriental civilization, especially centring on Confucianism , Shintōism , and Buddhism . The ruling samurai had studied literature and Confucianism at their hankō (domain schools), and the commoners had learned reading, writing , and arithmetic at numerous terakoya (temple schools). Both samurai and commoners also pursued medicine , military science , and practical arts at shijuku (private schools). Some of these schools had developed a fairly high level of instruction in Western science and technology by the time of the Meiji Restoration. This cultural heritage helped equip Japan with a formidable potential for rapid Westernization. Indeed, some elements of Western civilization had been gradually introduced into Japan even during the Tokugawa era. The shogunate, notwithstanding its isolationist policy, permitted trade with the Dutch, who conveyed modern Western sciences and arts to Japan. After 1853, moreover, Japan opened its door equally to other Western countries, a result of pressures exerted by the United States Navy under Admiral Matthew C. Perry . Thenceforth, even before the Meiji Restoration, Japanese interest in foreign languages became intense and diverse .

Western studies, especially English-language studies, became increasingly popular after the Restoration, and Western culture flooded into Japan. The Meiji government dispatched study commissions and students to Europe and to the United States , and the so-called Westernizers defeated the conservatives who tried in vain to maintain allegiance to traditional learning .

In 1871 Japan’s first Ministry of Education was established to develop a national system of education. Ōki Takatō, the secretary of education, foresaw the necessity of establishing schools throughout the country to develop national wealth, strength, and order, and he outlined a strategy for acquiring the best features of Western education. He assigned commissioners, many of whom were students of Western learning, to design the school system, and in 1872 the Gakusei , or Education System Order, was promulgated . It was the first comprehensive national plan to offer schooling nationwide, according to which the country was divided into eight university districts, which were further divided into 32 middle school districts, each accommodating 210 primary school districts. Unlike the class-based schooling offered during the Tokugawa period, the Gakusei envisioned a unified, egalitarian system of modern national education, designed on a ladder plan. Although the district system was said to have been borrowed from France, the new Japanese education was based on the study of Western education in general and incorporated elements of educational practice in all advanced countries. Curricula and methods of education, for instance, were drawn primarily from the United States.

This ambitious modern plan for a national education system fell short of full realization, however, because of the lack of sufficient financial support, facilities and equipment, proper teaching materials, and able teachers. Nevertheless, the plan represented an unprecedented historic stage in Japanese educational development. Under the Gakusei system, the Ministry of Education, together with local officials, managed with difficulty to set up elementary schools for children aged 6 to 14. In 1875 the 24,000 elementary schools had 45,000 teachers and 1,928,000 pupils. This was achieved by gradually reorganizing terakoya in many areas into modern schools. The enrollment rate reached only 35 percent of all eligible children, however, and no university was erected at all.

In 1873 David Murray, a professor from the United States, was invited to Japan as an adviser to the Ministry of Education; another professor, Marion M. Scott, assumed direction of teacher training and introduced American methods and curricula at the first normal school in Tokyo, established under the direct control of the ministry. Graduates of the normal school played an important role in disseminating teacher training to other parts of the country. By 1874 the government had set up six normal schools, including one for women. The normal school designed curricula for the primary schools, modeled after those of the United States, and introduced textbooks and methods that spread gradually into the elementary schools of many regions.

Following the repression of the Satsuma Rebellion , a samurai uprising in 1877, Japan again forged ahead toward political unity, but there was an increasing trend of antigovernment protest from below, which was epitomized by the Movement for People’s Rights. Because of the Satsuma Rebellion, the government faced serious financial difficulties. Also, with the people’s inclination toward Western ideas fading away, a conservative reaction began to emerge, calling for a revival of the Confucian and Shintō legacies and a return to local control of education as practiced in the pre-Restoration era.

Discontent had been mounting among the rural people against the Education System Order of 1872, mainly because it had imposed upon them the financial burdens of establishing schools and yet had not lived up to expectations. Another cause of dissatisfaction was a sense of irrelevance that Japanese attributed to schooling largely based on Western models. The curriculum developed according to the 1872 order was perceived to have little relation to the social and cultural needs of that day, and ordinary Japanese continued to favour the traditional schooling of the terakoya . The deputy secretary of education, Tanaka Fujimaro, just returning from an inspection tour in the United States, insisted that the government transfer its authority over education to the local governments, as in the United States, to reflect local needs in schooling. Thus, in 1879 the government nullified the Gakusei and put into force the Kyōikurei, or Education Order, which made for rather less centralization. Not only did the new law abolish the district system that had divided the country into districts, it also reduced central control over school administration, including the power to establish schools and regulate attendance. The Kyōikurei was intended to encourage local initiatives . Such a drastic reform to decentralize education, however, led to an immediate deterioration of schooling and a decline in attendance in some localities; criticism arose among those prefectural governors who had been striving to enforce the Gakusei in their regions.

As a countermeasure, the government introduced a new education order in 1880 calling for a centralization of authority by increasing the powers of the secretary of education and the prefectural governor. Thereafter, the prefecture would provide regulations within the limits of criteria set by the Ministry of Education; some measure of educational unity was thus reached on the prefectural level, and the school system received some needed adjustment. Yet, because of economic stagnation, school attendance remained low.

Conservatism in education gained crucial support when the Kyōgaku Seishi, or the Imperial Will on the Great Principles of Education, was drafted by Motoda Nagazane , a lecturer attached to the Imperial House in 1870. It stressed the strengthening of traditional morality and virtue to provide a firm base for the emperor. Thereafter, the government began to base its educational policy on the Kyōgaku Seishi with emphasis on Confucian and Shintōist values. In the elementary schools, shūshin (national moral education) was made the all-important core of the curricula, and the ministry compiled a textbook with overtones of Confucian morality.

With the installation of the cabinet system in 1885, the government made further efforts to pave the way for a modern state. The promulgation of the Meiji constitution , the constitution of the empire of Japan, in 1889 established a balance of imperial power and parliamentary forms. The new minister of education, Mori Arinori , acted as a central figure in enforcing a nationalistic educational policy and worked out a vast revision of the school system. This set a foundation for the nationalistic educational system that developed during the following period in Japan. Japanese education thereafter, in the Prussian manner, tended to be autocratic.

Based on policies advocated by Mori, a series of new acts and orders were promulgated one after another. The first was the Imperial University Order of 1886, which rendered the university a servant of the state for the training of high officials and elites in various fields. Later that year orders concerning the elementary school, the middle school, and the normal school were issued, forming the structural core of the pre-World War II education system. The ministry carried out sweeping revisions of the normal school system, establishing it as a completely independent track, quite distinct from other educational training. It was marked by a rigid, regimented curriculum designed to foster “a good and obedient, faithful, and respectful character.” As a result of these reforms, the rate of attendance at the four-year compulsory education level reached 81 percent by 1900.

Together with these reforms, the Imperial Rescript on Education (Kyōiku Chokugo) of 1890 played a major role in providing a structure for national morality. By reemphasizing the traditional Confucian and Shintō values and redefining the courses in shūshin , it was to place morality and education on a foundation of imperial authority. It would provide the guiding principle for Japan’s education until the end of World War II .

Ever since the Meiji Restoration in 1868, the national target had been fukoku-kyōhei (“wealth accumulation and military strength”) and industrialization . From the outset the Meiji government had been busy introducing science and technology from Europe and America, but it nevertheless had difficulties in realizing such goals.

Inoue Kowashi, who became minister of education in 1893, was convinced that modern industries would be the most vital element in the future development of Japan and thus gave priority to industrial and vocational education . In 1894 the Subsidy Act for Technical Education was published, followed by the Technical Teachers’ Training Regulations and the Apprentice School Regulations. The system of industrial education was in general consolidated and integrated . These measures contributed to the training of many of the human resources required for the subsequent development of modern industry in Japan.

Japanese Educational System: Schooling to Higher Education

Jamila Brown Updated on July 16, 2024 Education in Japan

Many of you reading this article would likely have finished university. However, it’s essential to understand the Japanese educational system, especially if you are in Japan or planning to move in with school-going kids or a foreigner looking for higher education in Japan.

In this article

School Education System in Japan

The Japanese school education system consists of 12 years, of which the first 9 years, from elementary school (6 years) to junior high school (3 years), are compulsory. After compulsory education, the next 3 years are for high school.

In Japan, compulsory education starts at age six and ends at age fifteen at the end of junior high school.

Japan performs quite well in its educational standards, and overall, school education in Japan is divided into five sections. These are as follows:

• Nursery school ( hoikuen or 保育園) – Optional
• Kindergarten ( youchien or 幼稚園) – Optional
• Elementary school ( sh ō gakk ō or 小学校) – Mandatory
• Junior high school ( Chūgakkō or 中学校) – Mandatory
• High School (高校 or Kōkō) – Optional

Once students graduate from high school in Japan, they can opt for university (daigaku or 大学) or vocational school (senmongakk ō or 専門学校) for higher education.

Cram Schools in Japan

Many Japanese students also attend cram school (“juku” or 塾) to catch up on the academic competition.

These are specialized schools that help students improve their grades or pass entrance examinations. These extended programs start after school, around 4 p.m., and, depending on the program, can end well into the evening. 

Classes are held from Monday to Friday, with the occasional extra classes in schools on Saturdays. The school year starts in April and ends the following year in March.

Many Japanese schools have a three-semester system. These are as follows:

• First semester: From April to August
• Second semester: From September to December
• Third semester: From January to March

National and public primary and lower secondary Japanese schools do not charge tuition, making it essentially free for all students in Japan. Foreign children aren’t required to enroll in school in Japan, but they can also attend elementary and junior high school for free. Please check this guide for foreign students’ schooling in Japan. 

However, if you wish to send your kids to international schools, you will need to pay a good amount of fees.

(Image credit: Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science, and Technology (MEXT), Japan

Types of Japanese School 

The typical age groups of students for elementary, junior high school, and high school in Japan are as follows:

• Elementary school for six years: (6 years old – 12 years old)
• Junior high school for three years (12 – 15 years old)
• High school for three years (15 – 18 years old)

Although high school isn’t compulsory, 99% of students nationwide pursue upper secondary education after graduating from junior high school.

There are public and private schools all across Japan. Public elementary and lower secondary schools are free, while private schools require much higher tuition fees.

All public schools are funded equally. Moreover, they have the same curriculum, and all schools have the same educational expectations nationwide. After World War II, education became more democratized to make education more accessible to low-income families. 

International Schools in Japan

International schools have become more popular across Japan due to the rise of foreign residents in Japan.

While Japanese schools primarily instruct in Japanese, international schools have instructions in English. These schools are largely for children of expats and bicultural children; however, Japanese residents can also attend if they choose to. However, International schools are much more expensive than Japanese public schools.

There are many international schools across Japan, but not every school is accredited by the Ministry of Education. Some schools lack proper accreditations for Western standards as well. Therefore, if you’re interested in enrolling your children in an international school, you should do your research to make sure your children can pursue further education upon graduation. 

Educational Facilities for Mentally Challenged

Physically and mentally challenged students can receive “special needs education.” This is called ‘tokubetsushienkyouiku’ (特別支援教育) and supports students in being self-reliant and enhancing their communication skills.

According to the National Institute of Special Education (NISE) 2022 report, 3.26% of the total number of students in Japan received special education in various forms. Children with more acute problems can attend specialized schools.

Most of these institutions are overseen by the local government and cater to children from kindergarten to senior high school. 

Japanese School Curriculum 

Students in Japan take all the basic subjects similar to those around the world. These basic subjects are math, science, Japanese, Physical Education (P.E.), Home Economics, and English. People might notice a difference between Japanese and Western schools focusing on etiquette and civics.

For the first three years of school, students don’t take exams. Therefore, the core focus of education is on establishing good manners and developing character. Students are taught to respect each other, be generous, and be kind to nature.

The curriculum becomes more academically focused once they enter the fourth grade. 

Japanese education heavily emphasizes equality above everything else. While many schools in the West quickly adopt the latest technology to give their students the upper hand, most National and Public schools across Japan are very low-tech.

Basic information technology courses are offered in national and public schools in Japan, but students are generally not allowed to use electronic devices in the classroom. This is to ensure equality among all students, regardless of income level. 

In some countries, if students fail to perform adequately, they will likely be held back from further improving their skills. However, in Japan, students always advance to the next grade regardless of their test scores or performance.

In Japan, even if students fail tests or skip classes, they can still join the graduation ceremony at the end of the year. 

School Life in Japan

Schools across Japan don’t have a janitorial staff. Students spend 10-15 minutes cleaning the school at the end of the school day. Similarly, right before any vacation, they’ll spend 30 minutes to an hour cleaning.

Once your child becomes a student, you’ll likely notice that they’ll start spending much of their free time at school due to their club activities.

School club activities ( bukatsu or 部活) are serious business in Japan. It’s a chance for students to create friendships and learn self-discipline, but they are known for taking up most students’ time. Students choose a club to join at the start of their first year, and they rarely change. Club activities happen all year round. 

Aside from school clubs, students will have other activities throughout the year, such as sports day, school marathons, trips, and school festivals.

Each school is different in what sort of activities they have, but most schools will have a school festival. It’s a chance for students to work together and show off their talents to their families and friends in the area. It is usually the year’s biggest event, and students spend months preparing for the big day. 

School Exams

Exams ( shiken or 試験) are a serious part of the Japanese education system. They measure not only a student’s overall learning of the material but also the schools they’ll be able to attend, starting from elementary school.

Students who want to attend junior high school, high school, and university must take entrance exams to get into those schools. And, of course, the very best schools require the highest test scores. 

University entrance exams in Japan can also be particularly tough. Every February, about half a million students across Japan sign up to take them. Students who pass can look forward to acceptance from the university they applied to.

After graduating from high school, students who fail to get admission to their desired academic institution for the next level of education are called Rōnin (浪人). Rōnin is an old Japanese term for a masterless samurai. Such students must study outside the school system for self-study to prepare for the entrance test during the next academic year.

However, the Ronin students have the option to take admission in yobikō (予備校). Yobiko is a privately run school that prepares students for college admissions.

Even if you fail to get admission during the next 2-3 years, you can keep preparing because even good universities will accept you once you pass the admission test.  

The education system is changing slowly as foreign companies introduce their own customs and practices. Since many Western companies hire employees based on skill, experience, and personality rather than test scores, many schools have adapted to de-emphasize the need for testing. 

Higher Education in Japan

After finishing high school, many students continue their higher education at a university or a vocational school in Japan.

There’s a saying that students study hard in high school to relax in university. Attendance often isn’t required in university. Unfortunately, since many students have to endure strict rules in high school, university is seen as a time of rebellion, at least for the first two years. 

Many students start their job search (shuukatsu or 就活) at the start of their third year. It may look strange to some Westerners, but wearing black suits and changing their hair to its natural color are expected norms to secure a job upon graduation.

Vocational schools have also become more popular in Japan. These Japanese vocational schools are typically only two-year courses. These institutions focus more on teaching the skills needed for a specific occupation. Upon graduation, students are awarded the title of advanced professional. 

University Programs in Japan

Bachelor’s degrees.

Bachelor’s degree programs gakushi (学士) last at least four years. However, degrees in medical dentistry, pharmacy, and veterinary program extend to six years.

Most universities start their academic year in April and end in March the following year. The first semester is from April to September, and the second is from October to March .

Some Japanese universities offer flexibility in when international students can start their program, depending on the area of research. Bachelor programs require at least 124 credits to complete. 

Eligibility for a Bachelor’s program in Japan as an international student requires the applicant to have completed at least 12 years of formal education in their home country.

Those without a formal education must pass the National Entrance Examination Test. School transcripts, a personal statement, and one to two letters of recommendation are also required.  

Since many international programs are taught in English, prospective students must have completed 12 years of education in English.

Students who don’t qualify must prove their English language proficiency through tests like TOEFL or IELTS .

Programs taught in Japanese are also available to international students. However, students must prove their Japanese language proficiency at an intermediate level through either the Examination for Japanese University Admission (EJU) or the JLPT (Japanese Language Proficiency Test) .

Master’s Degrees in Japan

Master’s programs or shuushi (修士) in Japanese universities combine lectures, research, student projects, and a written dissertation.

To be eligible for a Master’s degree, you must have completed a four-year bachelor’s program.

Along with university transcripts, applicants will likely need two letters of recommendation, a resume, and an outline of the research proposal.

Master’s programs in Japan last for two years and require 30 course credits to be completed.

There are several Master’s programs available in English in sciences, humanities, arts, and education. Before applying, you must provide proof of language proficiency for non-native Japanese speakers interested in enrolling in a Japanese-instructed program. 

Doctorate Degrees in Japan

Doctoral programs or hakase (博士) is the highest level of academic study available in Japan.

Japanese Ph.D. programs are based on quality research and high-tech teaching techniques. Most doctoral programs in Japan last for a minimum of three years. As in any other country, admission requires completing a bachelor’s and master’s degree. 

Japanese Research Programs

Students who don’t meet the university’s initial qualifications or are only interested in conducting research can enroll as a research student or kenkyusei (研究生) at a graduate school of their choosing.

Students are not eligible for academic credit or a degree upon completion of their research; however, this is an ideal route for students interested in enrolling in graduate programs before fully committing to a program.

Many students use this to improve their Japanese language skills before applying. To become a research student, applicants must receive approval from a prospective advisor of the school they wish to attend. 

Scholarship Opportunities for Higher Education in Japan

Compared to the cost of university in America and many other countries, university tuition in Japan is quite reasonable.

The average tuition fee for Japanese universities is about $10,000 per academic year, but it can vary depending on the school .

Many university students rely on their families for financial support, but that might not be possible for international students. Scholarships are quite rare in Japan, but several scholarships are available to international students for various programs.  

An important help during your scholarship application process is the Japan Student Services Organization (JASSO) . JASSO provides student services and is responsible for scholarships, study loans, and support for international students.

You may like to check the following links for more information about the scholarships for university education in Japan:

• Japanese Government (MEXT) Postgraduate Scholarships 
• The Monbukagakusho Honors Scholarship for Privately Financed International Students 
• Japanese Grant Aid for Human Resource Development Scholarship 
• Asian Development Bank Japan Scholarship Program
• Scholarships available through JASSO

Individual institutions also offer merit-based scholarships for international students. Be sure to check with the student offices for their qualifications.

Higher Education in Japan for Foreigners

Japan’s reputation for high educational standards makes it a great choice for international students to pursue higher education in Japan.

Japan is home to an array of technological innovations with a mix of traditional cultures, making it an attractive choice for higher education.

Although it’s not well known, many universities in Japan offer programs for international students. These programs are available primarily in English but also offer students a chance to learn the Japanese language and customs. We do have an article about English university education in and around Tokyo .

Japanese universities offer programs for Bachelor’s, Master’s, and Doctorate degrees in many different areas of study. 

Why Study in Japan?

Japan has held a strong reputation for being the center of technology and innovation for quite some time, which is well reflected in its universities.

International experience also gives applicants a competitive edge over their competition. More employers value international experience as it shows drive and willingness to experiment. If your end goal is to work in Japan, starting as an international student allows you the chance to build a professional network.

Despite Japan’s reputation as a monolithic culture, many opportunities exist for non-Japanese students to study for higher education in Japan. The reputation of Japanese universities is well reflected at each institution, so any program you choose will be well worth your time.

Conclusion About the Education System in Japan

Education in Japan may seem a little different compared to your own culture. However, there’s no need to be alarmed about the quality of education, as Japan is often cited for having a 99% literacy rate .

Despite its emphasis on testing, the Japanese education system has been successful. Its strong educational and societal values are admired worldwide and produce some of the most talented students.

Moreover, for higher education, Japan offers a good mix of traditional and modern university programs that testify to its rich academic history and innovative future.

These programs provide top-notch education and a unique opportunity for foreigners to immerse themselves in the Japanese culture and way of life.

Pursuing higher education in Japan can be a transformative experience, bridging gaps between the East and the West. Japanese universities are a compelling destination for those seeking an academic adventure filled with learning, discovery, and personal growth.

Furthermore, Japan is a good destination for higher education if you wish to take advantage of its career growth prospects. With a continuously increasing demand-supply of talent because of its aging and declining population, Japan is a good destination for career growth prospects. Having a college education in Japan helps in achieving that goal more efficiently.

Jamila Brown is a 5-year veteran in Japan working in the education and business sector. Jamila is currently transitioning into the digital marketing world in Japan. In her free time, she enjoys traveling and writing about the culture in Japan.

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Japanese Education

Japanese Educational Achievements

Japanese K-12 Education

Japanese Higher Education

Contemporary Educational Issues

Significant Comparative Education Topics

It is important for teachers and students to develop a broad understanding of Japanese education. Americans who are knowledgeable of teaching and learning in Japan gain insights about a different culture and are better able to clearly think about their own educational system. This Digest is an introductory overview of 1) Japanese educational achievements, 2) Japanese K-12 education, 3) Japanese higher education, 4) contemporary educational issues, and 5) significant U.S.-Japan comparative education topics.

Japanese Educational Achievements .

Japan's greatest educational achievement is the high-quality basic education most young people receive by the time they complete high school. Although scores have slightly declined in recent years, Japanese students consistently rank among world leaders in international mathematics tests. Recent statistics indicate that well over 95 percent of Japanese are literate, which is particularly impressive since the Japanese language is one of the world's most difficult languages to read and write. Currently over 95 percent of Japanese high school students graduate compared to 89 percent of American students. Some Japanese education specialists estimate that the average Japanese high school graduate has attained about the same level of education as the average American after two years of college. Comparable percentages of Japanese and American high school graduates now go on to some type of post-secondary institution.

Japanese K-12 Education.

Even though the Japanese adopted the American 6-3-3 model during the U.S. Occupation after World War II, elementary and secondary education is more centralized than in the United States. Control over curriculum rests largely with the national Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology ( Monbukagakusho)

and education is compulsory through the ninth grade. Municipalities and private sources fund kindergartens, but national, prefectural, and local governments pay almost equal shares of educational costs for students in grades one through nine. Almost 90 percent of students attend public schools through the ninth grade, but over 29 percent of students go to private high schools. The percentage of national funding for high schools is quite low, with prefectures and municipalities assuming most of the costs for public high schools. High salaries, relatively high prestige, and low birth rates make teaching jobs quite difficult to obtain in Japan while in the United States there are teacher shortages in certain fields. Although more Japanese schools are acquiring specialists such as special education teachers and counselors, American schools have many more special subjects and support personnel than is the case in Japan. Japanese schools have only two or three administrators, one of whom has some teaching responsibilities.

Japanese students spend at least six weeks longer in school each year than their American counterparts although Japan's school year was recently shortened when all required half-day Saturday public school attendance ended in 2002.

While the Japanese K-12 curriculum is actually quite similar in many respects to the curriculum of U.S. schools, there are important differences. Because Japanese teachers at all levels are better prepared in mathematics than their American counterparts, instruction in that subject is more sophisticated in Japan. Japanese language instruction receives more attention in Japanese schools than English instruction in the United States because of the difficulty of learning written Japanese. Virtually every Japanese student takes English language courses from the seventh grade through the final year of high school.

Since many Japan Digest readers are social studies teachers, a few words about those subjects are included here. First- and second-grade students study social studies in an integrated science/social studies course. In grades 3-12, there are separate civics, geography, Japanese and world history, sociology, and politics-economics courses. University-bound students may elect to take more or less social studies electives depending upon their career interests.

All Japanese texts are written and produced in the private sector; however, the texts must be approved by the Ministry of Education. Textbook content, length, and classroom utilization in Japan is quite different than in the United States. The content of Japanese textbooks is based upon the national curriculum, while most American texts tend to cover a wider array of topics. Japanese textbooks typically contain about half the pages of their American counterparts. Consequently, unlike many American teachers, almost all Japanese teachers finish their textbooks in an academic year.

The Japanese believe schools should teach not only academic skills but good character traits as well. While a small amount of hours every year is devoted to moral education in the national curriculum, there is substantial anecdotal evidence that teachers do not take the instructional time too seriously and often use it for other purposes. Still, Japanese teachers endeavor to inculcate good character traits in students through the hidden curriculum. For example, all Japanese students and teachers clean school buildings every week. Japanese students are constantly exhorted by teachers to practice widely admired societal traits such as putting forth intense effort on any task and responding to greetings from teachers in a lively manner.

Many American public high schools are comprehensive. While there are a few comprehensive high schools in Japan, they are not popular. Between 75 and 80 percent of all Japanese students enroll in university preparation tracks. Most university-bound students attend separate academic high schools while students who definitely do not plan on higher education attend separate commercial or industrial high schools. In the United States, students enter secondary schools based on either school district assignment or personal choice. In Japan almost all students are admitted to high school based upon entrance examination performance. Since entering a high-ranked high school increases a student's chance of university admission or of obtaining a good job after high school graduation, over half of Japanese junior high students attend private cram schools, or juku, to supplement their examination preparations. Until recently examination performance was the major criterion for university entrance as well. However many private colleges and universities have replaced entrance examinations with other methods for determining admission, including interviews. Although mid- and high-level universities still rely primarily on entrance examination scores, increasing numbers of college-bound students do not spend enormous amounts of hours studying for university examinations as was the case until just a few years ago.

Japanese Higher Education.

Japan, with almost three million men and women enrolled in over 700 universities and four-year colleges, has the second largest higher educational system in the developed world. In Japan, public universities usually enjoy more prestige than their private counterparts and only about 27 percent of all university-bound students manage to gain admission to public universities. Even so, Japanese universities are considered to be the weakest component in the nation's educational system. Many Japanese students have traditionally considered their university time to be more social than academic and, usually, professors demand relatively little of their charges. Until recently, graduate education in Japan was underdeveloped compared to Europe and the United States. However in response to increased demands for graduate education because of globalization, Japanese graduate enrollments have increased by approximately one third since the mid-1990s.

Contemporary Educational Issues.

In the past decade a variety of factors have contributed both to changes in Japanese schools and to increasing controversy about education. Japanese annual birth rates have been decreasing for almost two decades, and Japan's current population of almost 128 million is expected to decline. Almost half of all Japanese women with children in school now work outside the home at some point during their children's schooling. Although low compared to the U.S., Japan's divorce rates have been rising recently. While Japanese teachers now enjoy considerably smaller classes than at any time in the past, they face increasing discipline problems resulting in part from children who do not get adequate parental attention. Also Japan's economy has experienced a fifteen-year malaise, and many people believe that an inflexible educational system is in part responsible for the country's economic problems.

In 2002 the Ministry of Education began to implement educational reforms that officials labeled the most significant since the end of World War II. In an attempt to stimulate students to be independent and self-directed learners, one third of the content of the national curriculum was eliminated. Japanese students in grades 3-9 are now required to take Integrated Studies classes in which they and their teachers jointly plan projects, field trips, and other "hands-on" activities. Students in Integrated Studies learn about their local environment, history, and economy. They also engage in regular interactions with foreigners, and in learning conversational English. There are no Integrated Studies textbooks, and teachers are not allowed to give tests on what students have learned. Although many elementary school teachers and students seem to enjoy Integrated Studies, the reform is quite controversial among both the public and junior high school educators. They perceive Integrated Studies as "dumbing down" the national curriculum, and they are concerned that the reform will result in less-educated students and lower high school entrance examination performance. In response to this controversy, the Ministry of Education has recently announced plans to reevaluate Integrated Studies.

Japanese higher education is also currently going through significant changes. During the early part of the 21st century, the Japanese government initiated policies intended to expand educational opportunities in professions such as business and law. In 2004 the Japanese government declared the national universities to be "independent administrative entities," with the goal of creating more autonomous universities offering less duplication of programs while having more financial discretion. It is expected that some national universities will attain international reputations as research centers. It is quite likely that the recent reforms will also result in downsizing of some public universities and expansion of other public institutions of higher learning. Because of projected smaller enrollments in a few years due to continuing birth rate declines, many of Japan's private universities are potential "endangered species."

The way certain Japanese textbooks depict World War II has twice been the subject of international controversy in the new century. In 2001 the Ministry of Education approved a new junior high school textbook, written and edited by a group of nationalist academics, that omitted topics such as the Japanese army's mistreatment of women in battle zones and areas under Japanese rule and the Nanjing Massacre (Masalski 2001). In Spring 2005 the Ministry approved a new edition of the same textbook. In both instances, despite the fact that less than 1% of all Japanese students use the book in schools, there were widespread Chinese and Korean protests. In 2005 the situation negatively affected overall Chinese-Japanese relations, as boycotts of Japanese goods occurred and some Japanese-owned property was destroyed in China.

Significant Comparative Education Topics.

Despite the problems addressed in this Digest, American policymakers and educators will find Japan's educational system, and in particular its K-12 schools, worthy of serious study. Scholars of Japanese education are particularly interested in the following questions: Why are Japanese elementary teachers so much more successful than their American counterparts in teaching math? How have Japanese educators managed to sustain successful peer collaboration for decades? How is moral education handled in Japan, and can American textbooks be improved through a closer examination of slimmer and more focused Japanese texts? In an era of increasing globalization, it is imperative that American educators study other nations' schools. Japan offers rich food for thought for all those who wish to improve the teaching profession.

Masalski, Kathleen. (2001). " Examining the Japanese History Textbook Controversies." A Japan Digest produced by the National Clearinghouse for U.S.-Japan Studies. Full text at http://www.indiana.edu/~japan/Digests/textbook.html .

Bibliography

Benjamin, Gail. Japanese Lessons: A Year in a Japanese School through the Eyes of an American Anthropologist and Her Children. New York: New York University Press, 1998.

DeCoker, Gary, editor. National Standards and School Reform in Japan and the United States. New York: Teachers College Press, 2002.

Ellington, Lucien. "Beyond the Rhetoric: Essential Questions about Japanese Education." Footnotes, December 2003. Foreign Policy Research Institute's website: http://www.fpri.org

Eades, J.S. et al, editors. The 'Big Bang' in Japanese Higher Education: The 2004 Reforms and the Dynamics of Change. Melbourne: Trans Pacific Press, 2005.

Fukuzawa, Rebecca Erwin and Gerald K. Letendre. Intense Years: How Japanese Adolescents Balance School, Family, and Friends. New York: Routledge Falmer, 2000.

Goodman, Roger and David Phillips, editors. Can the Japanese Change Their Education System? Oxford: Symposium Books, 2003.

Guo, Yugui. Asia's Educational Edge: Current Achievements in Japan, Korea, Taiwan, China, and India. New York: Lexington Books, 2005.

Letendre, Gerald K. Learning to Be Adolescent: Growing Up in U.S. and Japanese Middle Schools. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000.

Wray, Harry. Japanese and American Education: Attitudes and Practices. Westport, Conn.: Bergin and Garvey, 1999.

Lucien Ellington is UC Foundation Professor of Education at the University of Tennessee at Chattanooga. Ellington is also Co-director of the UTC Asia Project and Editor of Education About Asia .

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• Overview of the Japanese Education System

The Japanese Education System

• Types of Higher Education Institutions
• Higher Education Qualifications
• Admission to Higher Education Institution
• Quality Assurance System
• Learning Assessment

Overview of the Education System

The Japanese educational system starts with pre-school education, followed by 6 years of elementary education, then 6 years of secondary education (3 years of lower secondary and 3 years of upper secondary education), which leads to a wide range of higher education. The 9 years of elementary and lower secondary education cover compulsory education.

There are kindergartens (幼稚園 yochien ), day care centers (保育所 hoikusho ), and “centers for early childhood education and care” (認定こども園 nintei-kodomo-en ) for pre-school education. As for elementary and secondary education, typical educational institutions include elementary schools (小学校 shogakko ) for elementary education and lower secondary schools (中学校 chugakko ) and upper secondary schools (高等学校 kotogakko ) for secondary education. There are also schools for special needs education (特別支援学校 tokubetsu-shien-gakko ) [departments of kindergarten, elementary, lower secondary, and upper secondary] for children and students with disabilities.

In addition, in 1998, it became possible to establish 6-year Secondary Education Schools (中等教育学校 chuto-kyoiku-gakko ) which combine lower and upper secondary education, and in 2016, it became possible to establish Compulsory Education Schools (義務教育学校 gimu-kyoiku-gakko ) which combine elementary and lower secondary education.

For upper division of Secondary Education Schools and upper secondary schools, there are also schools that offer part-time courses (定時制 teiji-sei ) in the evening or at other specific times and periods, correspondence courses (通信制 tsushin-sei ) that offer distance education, and 高等専修学校 koto-senshu-gakko which is Upper Secondary Courses of Specialized Training Colleges (専修学校高等課程 senshu-gakko-koto-katei ).

Types of higher education institutions (HEIs), higher education qualifications, and admissions are described in the following sections.

Organization of the School System in Japan

Organization of the school system in Japan (PDF)

Academic Calendar

Governed by law, the academic year for elementary and secondary education institutions and Colleges of Technology (KOSEN) starts on April 1 and ends on March 31. At universities and Specialized Training Colleges, rectors or presidents determine the beginning and end of the academic year for their institutions. At upper secondary schools, upper secondary department of schools for special needs education, and universities, matriculation and graduation of students may take place in the middle of an academic year according to the division of academic term of each institution.

Many universities in Japan use a semester system (first semester from April to September, and second semester from October to March), but there are also some universities that use trimester or quarter systems.

<Reference> - Number of universities admitting students at times other than April (AY2021)   Undergraduate level: 261 universities (34.8%, N=752)   Graduate level: 342 universities (53.0%, N=775)

- Number of universities implementing each academic term system at undergraduate level (AY2021)   Semester system: 694 universities (92.3%)   Trimester system: 17 universities (2.3%)   Quarter system: 49 universities (6.5%)   Other systems: 120 universities (16.0%)

- Number of universities implementing each academic term system at graduate level (AY2021)   Semester system: 592 universities (91.6%)   Trimester system: 10 universities (1.5%)   Quarter system: 37 universities (5.7%)   Other systems: 96 universities (14.9%)

* Since the above figures represent the number of universities that have faculties and graduate schools implementing each academic term system and it may not be uniform within one university, the total does not equal the number of universities that responded to the MEXT’s survey.

[Source] Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology (MEXT) " 大学における教育内容等の改革状況について（令和3年度） " [Japanese only] (AY2021: Status of university reform concerning educational content, etc.)

Statistics of Higher Education

(as of may 1, 2023), number of higher education institutions.

Number of Student Enrolment in Higher Education

Number of Full-time Faculty and Staff in Higher Education

<Reference>　MEXT, School Basic Survey Results [Japanese only]

*1　Includes graduate schools

*2　32 prefectural colleges of agriculture (農業大学校) are included in 'Public'.

*3　Only the institutions defined by the "Guideline for the Recognition of Higher Education Qualifications - Asia-Pacific Regional Convention on the Recognition of Qualifications in Higher Education" (MEXT, 2019) are included. There is no published statistical data on the numbers of student enrolment, full-time faculty and staff.

Number of International Students in Japan

Number of Japanese Students Studying Abroad

Major Laws and Regulations Pertaining to Higher Education

For the laws and regulations listed below, English translation is avialable for Basic Act on Education only. Please also note that only the original Japanese texts have legal effect, and the English translations are to be used solely as reference materials.

• Basic Act on Education (Act No.120 of 2006 amended Act No.25 of 1947 in its entirety.)
• School Education Act (Act No.26 of 1947)
• Order for Enforcement of the School Education Act (Cabinet Order No.340 of 1953)
• Enforcement Regulation of the School Education Act (Ordinance of the Ministry of Education No.11 of 1947)
• Degree Regulations (Ordinance of the Ministry of Education No.9 of 1953)
• Rules on granting the titles of Diploma and Advanced Diploma to graduates of Post-secondary Courses of Specialized Training Colleges (Public Notice of the Ministry of Education, Science and Culture No.84 of June 21, 1994)

Links to Standards for the Establishment of each type of higher education institutions are listed on the Quality Assurance System page.

The Japanese Education System

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• History & Culture
• Essential Japanese Vocabulary
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• B.A., Kwansei Gakuin University

The Japanese educational system was reformed after World War II. The old 6-5-3-3 system was changed to a 6-3-3-4 system (6 years of elementary school, 3 years of junior high school, 3 years of senior high school and 4 years of University) with reference to the American system . The gimukyoiku 義務教育 (compulsory education) time period is 9 years, 6 in shougakkou 小学校 (elementary school) and 3 in chuugakkou 中学校 (junior high school).

Japan has one of the world's best-educated populations, with 100% enrollment in compulsory grades and zero illiteracy . While not compulsory, high school (koukou 高校) enrollment is over 96% nationwide and nearly 100% in the cities. The high school drop out rate is about 2% and has been increasing. About 46% of all high school graduates go on to university or junior college.

The Ministry of Education closely supervises curriculum, textbooks, and classes and maintains a uniform level of education throughout the country. As a result, a high standard of education is possible.

Student Life

Most schools operate on a three-term system with the new year starting in April. The modern educational system started in 1872 and is modeled after the French school system, which begins in April. The fiscal year in Japan also begins in April and ends in March of the following year, which is more convenient in many aspects.

April is the height of spring when cherry blossoms  (the most loved flower of the Japanese!) bloom and the most suitable time for a new start in Japan. This difference in the school-year system causes some inconvenience to students who wish to study abroad in the U.S. A half-year is wasted waiting to get in and often another year is wasted when coming back to the Japanese university system and having to repeat a year.

Except for the lower grades of elementary school, the average school day on weekdays is 6 hours, which makes it one of the longest school days in the world. Even after school lets out, the children have drills and other homework to keep them busy. Vacations are 6 weeks in the summer and about 2 weeks each for winter and spring breaks. There is often homework over these vacations. 

Every class has its own fixed classroom where its students take all the courses, except for practical training and laboratory work. During elementary education, in most cases, one teacher teaches all the subjects in each class. As a result of the rapid population growth after World War II, the numbers of students in a typical elementary or junior high school class once exceeded 50 students, but now it is kept under 40. At public elementary and junior high school, school lunch (kyuushoku 給食) is provided on a standardized menu, and it is eaten in the classroom. Nearly all junior high schools require their students to wear a school uniform (seifuku 制服).

A big difference between the Japanese school system and the American School system is that Americans respect individuality while the Japanese control the individual by observing group rules. This helps to explain the Japanese characteristic of group behavior.

Translation Exercise

• Because of the rapid population growth after World War II, the number of students in a typical elementary or junior high school once exceeded 50. 
• Dainiji sekai taisen no ato no kyuugekina jinkou zouka no tame, tenkeitekina shou-chuu gakkou no seitosu wa katsute go-juu nin o koemashita.
• 第二次世界大戦のあとの急激な人口増加のため、典型的な小中学校の生徒数はかつて５０人を超えました。

"~no tame" means "because of ~".

• I didn't go to work because of a cold.
• Kaze no tame, shigoto ni ikimasen deshita.
• 風邪のため、仕事に行きませんでした。

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• Be Able to Write か、き、く、け、こ With These Helpful Stroke-By-Stroke Guides
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• A Hiragana Stroke Guide to あ、い、う、え、お (A, I, U, E, O)
• What Does the Japanese Word "Mata" Mean?

Created for expats living in Japan

• Schools in Japan
• Public Schools

Japanese Education System - Public, Private and International schools

You may wonder how does the school system in Japan work? When and at what age does school start? When does it end? For those in Japan, you may be trying to decide if your child should attend a Japanese school or an internat ional school . Our guide to Japan’s education system will help you choose what type of school is best for your child or at the very least satisfy your curiosity.

The Japanese School System

The length of compulsory education in Japan is 9 years, a combination of Elementary School (6 years) and Junior High School (3 years). The Japanese school year starts on April 1 and ends on March 31 of the following year. 

>> School Grad e and Age Structures in Japan

Foreign students are not required to participate in Japan’s compulsory education (Grade 1-9). However, they do have the option to enroll in public (local) elementary or junior high school, as long as their address is registered with the administrative office.

Although high school is not compulsory, approximately 98% of students choose to continue their education by attending high school. After high school, students with either go to university, vocational school (professional training college) , junior college, or find employment.

The Japanese Education System

Age range and grades of Japanese Schools

[Useful Links]

"Guide for foreign students to start school" and "Guidebook for Starting School" are available on the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology  website .

What’s the difference between Public, Private and International schools?

>> List of international schools in Japan

** Attention **

Not all international schools in Japan are accredited by the Ministry of Education. It is important to find out if your child would obtain a sufficient certificate from them upon graduation from the school.

You can also research in advance to see if the school is accredited by WASC (Western Association of Schools and Colleges), CIS (Council of international Schools), ACSI (Association of Christian Schools International) or IB (International Baccalaureate) etc. so that when you move back to your country or move to another country your child is still able to continue studying at the school of their choice.

You may also be interested in:

* Primary - Elementary School System in Japan

* Enrolling in a Japanese public school and materials you need to prepare

* What You Should Know about Japanese Public School Customs

* Yearly Activities and Events in Japanese Public Schools

Access Ranking

Affordable or Even Free Japanese Language Classes in Tokyo

Culinary Schools (Professional Training Colleges) in Japan

Professional Training Colleges (Vocational Schools) in Japan

Fashion Design Colleges ( vocational schools) in Japan

How Hard Is It to Learn Japanese? A Look at Why It's So Complex

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Education in Japan

• Distinctive Features of Education in Japan
• Past and Present of Education in Japan

1. Education System

• Preschool Education and Care
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Education in japan.

Sophia Chawala, Knowledge Analyst, WES

Japan’s economy was once the envy of the world. From the ashes of World War II rose a nation that, in a little over two decades, became the world’s second-largest economy. The Japanese Miracle, a period of rapid economic growth lasting from the post-World War II era to the end of the Cold War, made Japan the global model to emulate in industrial policy, management techniques, and product engineering. The postwar period left no room for the country’s continued reliance on military-industrial production and development. To effect a rapid transformation, Japan had to reimagine and redefine its national image beyond its militaristic and industrial past, which for centuries had been the cornerstone of its economy and national identity.

But by the 1990s, Japan found itself beleaguered, stuck in its worst recession since World War II. Years of rapid economic growth had given way to decline and eventually stagnation. While Japan’s economy has improved marginally since that “Lost Decade,” many of the conditions underlying that decline remain. Others, most notably the growing economic and military threat from China and the challenges of the COVID-19 pandemic, have only grown.

Many analysts attribute Japan’s recent problems, particularly its slowing economy, to the country’s declining birthrates. In the 1970s, with the hyperactive economy causing the cost of living to rise and encouraging young men, and increasingly, women , to focus on their careers, birthrates began to fall. As a result, population growth slowed and eventually declined. According to the Statistics Bureau of Japan , 2019 marked the ninth year in a row of population decline. The population fell that year to 126.2 million, a decrease of 276,000 (0.22 percent) from the previous year. At the same time, improved health care caused life expectancy to rise—Japan’s population today enjoys one of the longest life expectancies in the world—and Japan’s elderly population numbers to swell. Around 28 percent of Japan’s population is over the age of 65, the highest proportion of that age cohort of all the countries in the world.

These demographic trends have had serious economic consequences. A shrinking workforce has complicated efforts to recover from the 1991 collapse in asset prices, leading to a prolonged economic recession, the effects of which are still being felt today. The employment outlook for many of the country’s youth has also deteriorated, with weak economic growth, an aging workforce, and the unique employment practices of most Japanese companies—workers in Japan are often hired for life with salaries highly correlated with seniority—forcing Japanese companies to “ refrain from hiring new regular workers and to increase their reliance on irregular workers.” The COVID-19 pandemic has only exacerbated these issues, with one analyst predicting a “steep recession” and warning that the health crisis would deal the “final blow” to Japan’s economy.

Its sluggish economic performance has afforded Japan’s rapidly developing neighbors time to catch up to and, in China’s case, surpass Japan. In 2010, China succeeded Japan as the world’s second-largest economy , a status Japan had held since 1968. This milestone also symbolized a rebalancing of power in East Asia, with China increasing its pursuit of foreign policy goals that Japan views as a threat to its national security. China has increased its military presence around the strategically important Senkaku Islands, or as they are known in China, Diaoyu Islands , control over which Japan and China have disputed for decades. China’s growing economic strength has also allowed Beijing to pursue its strategic goals through trade agreements, international investment, and access to supply chains and its massive domestic market.

To counter the rising influence of China, Japan has turned its eyes to the rest of the world, nurturing strategic alliances with large Western powers like the United States. It has also introduced measures aimed at fueling economic growth and innovation. The Japanese government has sought to promote technological advances, increase economic links with other East and Southeast Asian countries, and diversify its workforce for a more globalized and fast-paced future. Like many other countries that have sought to diversify their workforce in the face of global crises, the Japanese government has investigated reforming certain components of its education system.

The Backdrop to Reform: Japan’s Educational Performance

Education is one of the most important aspects of Japan’s national identity and a source of pride for Japanese citizens. The country’s high-quality education system has consistently won international praise. An emphasis on the holistic development of children has for decades led Japanese students to achieve mastery in a variety of academic disciplines—their performance in science, math, and engineering is particularly noteworthy. In the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development’s (OECD) Program for International Student Assessment (PISA) in 2015, Japan ranked second in science and fifth in math among 72 participating countries and regions .

The school system also still embodies the values of egalitarianism, harmony, and social equality, which were highlighted as early as the first postwar education law, the 1947 Fundamental Law of Education , also translated as the Basic Act on Education. According to the OECD, Japan ranks highly among wealthy nations in providing equal opportunities to students of all socioeconomic backgrounds. Only 9 percent of variation in performance among compulsory school students is explained by socioeconomic hardship, about 5 percent below the OECD average.

Despite international praise for Japan’s educational system, many of the system’s underlying principles have come under increasing scrutiny in recent decades. The educational system has become the focus of increasing discontent because of its perceived rigidity, uniformity, and exam-centeredness. The extent to which the country has succeeded in providing equal access to education is also being questioned, especially when its selective, competitive tertiary level is considered. The gap in access to higher education between the upper and lower classes is widening alongside growing income inequality. While most obvious at the higher education level, this inequality is growing at each educational stage and is driven by several variables including the proliferation of private preschools and senior high schools, the growth of exclusive institutions aimed at preparing students for university and high school entrance examinations, and rising tuition fees at higher education institutions (HEIs). These challenges, combined with the need to provide education and training relevant to the expanding knowledge economy, have prompted renewed calls for education reform.

Education Reform: Past and Present

Education reform in Japan is not new. Western education systems came to influence Japanese education shortly after the 1868 Meiji Restoration, which transferred effective political power from the Tokugawa shogunate to the emperor, ushering in an era of modernization across all sectors of Japanese society. In 1872, Japan’s newly established Ministry of Education adopted from the American school system the three-tier elementary, secondary, and university structure, and from the French, strong administrative centralization. A group of newly established Imperial Universities took on certain aspects of the German university model . Despite those early international influences, domestic resistance to outsiders quickly followed, intensifying sharply during World War II.

But following Japan’s surrender in 1945, foreign influence on the educational system resumed, with all national reform and revitalization efforts falling under the aegis of the occupying Allied powers, led largely by the U.S. Of all the areas identified for reform, Allied personnel and the newly installed Japanese cabinet considered educational reform to be the most important, expecting it to play a principal role in channeling the thoughts and beliefs of the Japanese people in a more liberal and democratic direction. In 1946, the Educational Reform Committee laid out what would remain the core issues for Japanese education ministers until well after the years of occupation. The committee identified three issues as top priorities: the decentralization of educational administration, the democratization of educational access, and the reform of the educational curriculum.

Although occupation ended in 1952, it was not until the late 1980s and early 1990s that Japan’s economic slowdown and growing integration in the global economy solidified these priorities as essential cornerstones of Japanese policy and national identity. The unexpected economic decline made it clear to Japanese policymakers that remaining competitive on the global stage would require a highly skilled and educated workforce, able to increase worker productivity and drive technological innovation. In response, the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology (MEXT) stepped up its reform efforts, focusing on democratization, decentralization, and internationalization with the goal of developing a new generation of globalized and resilient Japanese youth. As occurred at earlier stages in the country’s history, these reforms have sought to balance modernization with respect for tradition. Current reforms are shaped both by an openness to ideas found in the educational systems of other countries and a deep respect for long-held values and principles, especially those of societal honor, communal harmony, and self-sacrifice.

While the reforms have produced some positive results for Japan, they are not without their shortcomings. The OECD’s 2018 report, Education Policy in Japan: Building Bridges towards 2030 , warns that the reforms, though well regulated and well-intentioned, risk being “adopted only as superficial change.” The content and success of these reforms will occupy much of the discussion below.

Student Mobility

For years, Asian countries have sought to even out imbalances in inbound and outbound student flows—historically, the region has sent out more students than it brings in. For many of the region’s countries, such as China, the effort to erase that imbalance has meant putting in place policies and programs aimed at effecting a transformation from mere sources of international students to educational destinations of choice in their own right. Japan is no stranger to the desire to balance inbound and outbound numbers. However, with more inbound than outbound students, Japan has, somewhat uniquely, often had to work harder to promote outbound mobility than many of its neighbors.

One notable priority of the MEXT’s 2013 National Education Reform Plan was the promotion of internationalization by raising total numbers and softening the imbalance between outbound and inbound student mobility, among other initiatives. To increase outbound mobility, the government set a goal of doubling the number of Japanese students studying abroad , from 60,000 in 2010 to 120,000 in 2020. For inbound mobility, the government sought to attract 300,000 international students by 2020 . Observers view increasing the number of inbound and outbound students as central to the nation’s economic development plans . After graduation, talented international students can help fill positions left empty by Japan’s shrinking domestic workforce, while the internationalized education received by Japanese students studying abroad can be leveraged by the country’s corporations and national government to further trade and diplomatic ties.

Inbound Student Mobility

With Japan’s aging population causing university admissions to decline, the Japanese government has launched several initiatives to attract foreign students; the Study in Japan Global Network Project (GNP) is one. A global recruiting initiative co-managed by MEXT and the Japan Student Services Organization (JASSO), the GNP helps Japanese universities establish overseas bases in key regions, such as the Middle East, Southeast Asia, South Asia, Africa, and South America, from which they can directly promote the benefits of studying in Japan to prospective international students. GNP also allows staff members of university overseas offices to visit high schools in various countries to recruit students, prioritizing those schools that have previously sent students on exchange trips or study abroad programs to Japan.

Other initiatives include CAMPUS Asia , an East Asian regional initiative aimed at promoting the cross-border mobility of students from Korea, Japan, and China through student exchanges and institutional partnerships. Internationalization efforts undertaken by individual universities and educational associations, such as the Global 30 Project , also seek to attract international students to Japan. Currently, the Top Global University project, an initiative of MEXT, supports internationalization efforts at 37 of the country’s top universities. At the selected universities, the project seeks to promote international academic and research partnerships, increase the number of courses offered in English, and facilitate the recruitment of international students and faculty, among other objectives.

Some Japanese universities have also begun adding study abroad requirements to their programs and adopting an academic curriculum and semester system conducive to overseas study. For example, in 2016, Chiba University made overseas study a graduation requirement for all students in the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences, introducing at the same time a six-semester academic calendar to accommodate it. In 2020, the university made study abroad mandatory for all students university-wide.

These initiatives have been met with considerable success. By one measure, Japanese universities reached the 2020 enrollment targets set by the government a year early. According to JASSO , which includes in its measures international students enrolled in non-university, Japanese language institutes, more than 312,000 international students traveled to Japan to study in 2019.

Measuring just university enrollments, the number enrolled in HEIs reached more than 228,000 that same year, up nearly 70 percent from 2013. Over 90 percent of those students came from other Asian countries, with students from China and Vietnam alone accounting for nearly two-thirds of all international students in Japan.

Still, despite these promising results, Japan’s inbound mobility rate remains low compared to that of other developed countries. Although increasing by more than a third over the previous decade, Japan’s inbound mobility rate stood at just 4.7 percent in 2018. Several obstacles hinder efforts to increase international student enrollments, most notably, language. Despite attempts to increase their English language offerings, few programs in Japanese universities are taught in English, a situation that forces many interested international students to undergo intense Japanese language training prior to the start of their studies. Another barrier is student uncertainty surrounding the in-country employment pathways available to international students earning Japanese credentials, a lack of clarity that raises concerns about the value of Japanese higher education to international students. To facilitate international students’ transition from the university to the workplace, national universities have begun hosting monthlong internships in cooperation with local governments and private companies.

Differing Measures of Student Mobility: Short Term vs. Full Time

Various organizations in Japan differ in how they define international students and in how they measure outbound and inbound student mobility, so reported international student numbers can differ widely. Some organizations, such as JASSO, consider short-term study abroad programs as a barometer of success, and measure student mobility numbers accordingly. JASSO defines the act of studying abroad as participation in any post-secondary educational program, a definition that includes not only formal university programs, but also language and cultural programs. While government agencies like MEXT and intergovernmental organizations like UNESCO are primarily concerned with full-time higher education enrollment, JASSO’s numbers also reflect Japanese university students pursuing short-term exchange programs abroad, often for six months or less. The pool of students measured by the Japan Association of Overseas Studies (JAOS) is even broader. When measuring and reporting outbound student mobility numbers, JAOS includes students going abroad for secondary education in addition to those in degree programs and short-term language and exchange programs. Another common means of evaluating Japanese outbound mobility rates is through the lens of university exchange agreements. As of 2017, the top three destinations for Japanese students participating in institutional exchange programs were the U.S., Canada, and China.

Chinese Students in Japan

China’s economic growth since the start of the millennium has greatly benefited Japan’s education sector. Despite long-standing tensions between East Asia’s two largest economies, Chinese students currently make up the largest portion of international students studying in Japan. In 2019, four in ten international students in Japan were from China.

Per the UNESCO Institute of Statistics , the number of Chinese students studying in Japan peaked at 96,592 in 2012, up from 28,076 in 2000, an increase of more than 300 percent. Analysts attribute this growth to “ a nexus of factors ,” including “the popularization of educational mobility during China’s reform era” and “Japan’s efforts to attract students from overseas.” China’s cultural and physical proximity to Japan likely also plays a role, as do regional exchange initiatives, such as CAMPUS Asia, discussed above.

Given China’s growing middle class, the latest generation of Chinese students in Japan is more affluent and aspirational, largely self-financing their overseas studies. However, China’s economic growth and own improving HEIs mean that more students are willing and able to study further afield or at home. Since their peak in 2012, Chinese enrollments in Japan have declined, falling to 84,101 in 2018.

Outbound Student Mobility

Outbound mobility, as measured by JASSO, is just under the government’s goals. According to JASSO , more than 115,000 Japanese students studied overseas in 2018, up from just under 70,000 in 2013. However, far fewer Japanese students are pursuing a full degree program at an overseas university. According to UNESCO, less than 32,000 degree-seeking tertiary students studied overseas in 2018, less than 1 percent of all Japanese tertiary students .

Japan has never been a major source of globally mobile students. But, around 2005, after decades of low population growth, outbound mobility began a sharp and swift decline. According to UNESCO data, by 2018, outbound student numbers had fallen by nearly half their 2005 level (63,492).

While low birthrates are widely recognized as a key driver of Japan’s low outbound mobility rate, some experts also attribute the low rate to some of the country’s unique cultural characteristics. Students from other Asian countries that have low and declining birthrates, like South Korea and China, study overseas at far higher levels than those of Japanese students. Some Japanese experts , including government officials, attribute the low rates of study abroad to the “inward-looking mindset” of the country’s students, a state of mind known in Japanese as Uchimukishikou . In everyday usage, the term describes an internal, psychological state stemming from personal lack of interest; a state that combines intimidation, fear, and inhibition typically felt when confronting an uncertain and highly consequential event. But the Japanese government has elevated the term to national prominence, employing it to explain a lack of overall interest among Japanese students in overseas study or work. Other trends within Japan’s borders likely contribute to low outbound student numbers, such as the growth of domestic higher education opportunities, the expansion of doctoral programs and student grants, and the increasing availability of English language training in Japan.

Those students who do study overseas tend to head to English-speaking countries. According to UNESCO, four of the top five destinations in 2018 were English speaking: the U.S., the United Kingdom, Australia, and Canada. In Germany, the only non-Anglophone country in the top five, English language university programs are widely available. In recent years, German universities have greatly increased the number of master’s and doctoral programs taught in English .

Japanese Students in the U.S. and Canada

Historically, Japan has been one of the leading countries of origin for international students studying in the U.S. Each year since 2000, according to IIE Open Doors data , Japan has been one of the top 10. The popularity of the U.S. among Japanese students stems in part from long-standing ties between the governments of both countries. Since the signing of the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security Between the United States and Japan in 1951, Japan has been aligned strategically and militarily with the U.S. The resulting atmosphere of cooperation and mutual goodwill has helped nurture an abundance of educational exchange programs , such as the U.S. Embassy’s TeamUp campaign which fosters “institutional partnerships between U.S. and Japanese colleges and universities to facilitate student exchange.” Another project, the TOMODACHI Initiative , a public-private partnership developed in the wake of the devastating 2011 Tōhoku earthquake and tsunami, has facilitated thousands of educational and cultural exchanges for American and Japanese citizens.

That said, since 2000, Japanese enrollment in U.S. higher education institutions (HEIs) has declined sharply. According to Open Doors , the number of Japanese students studying in the U.S. during the 2019/20 academic year was 17,554, falling from a high of 46,810 in 2001/02. Growth has been negative in all but two years since 2000/01.

Nearly half (49 percent) of the Japanese students that are in the U.S. are enrolled at the undergraduate level , while 26 percent are registered in non-degree programs, 16 percent in graduate programs, and 8 in the Optional Practical Training (OPT) program. Science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) programs (18 percent) are the most popular field of study for these students , followed by business and management (17 percent) and intensive English (14 percent) programs.

There has been much speculation on the reasons behind the downturn in the number of Japanese students in the U.S. Among the proposed theories are feelings of hesitation and unease about studying abroad stemming from crucial differences between Japanese and U.S. education systems.

Differences in the academic calendar may prove an obstacle to Japanese students hoping to study abroad. Since the beginning of the Meiji era, Japan has always matriculated and enrolled students in the spring, a season closely associated in Japanese culture with new beginnings. There have been recent debates on whether schools should shift the start of the year to the fall to align with most other countries in the world. However, such plans have never come to fruition because of the heavy cultural implications associated with the start of the school year and the uncertainty surrounding the consequences that such a change would bring. A change to the academic calendar would not only complicate the graduation timeline of Japanese students, it would also complicate their job search. Traditionally, the job-search process for Japanese college students starts in the fall of their penultimate year of study, or the second semester of their junior year.

For Japanese students choosing to study in the U.S., the country’s fall to spring academic calendar could delay the job-search process. Furthermore, students who studied abroad or possess a degree from the U.S. are not guaranteed a leg up in the domestic job market in Japan. Rather, potential employers in Japan have negatively judged returning students for their inability to readjust to the norms of the Japanese workplace.

Another challenge for Japanese international students on short-term study abroad programs is the recognition of their international academic coursework. Credits earned at overseas universities through exchange or short-term study abroad programs are often not recognized at Japanese universities. Finally, soaring tuition fees at HEIs worldwide, and especially those in English-speaking countries, are of great concern to Japanese students.

These differences are also likely to present obstacles to Japanese students thinking about studying overseas in countries other than the U.S. Still, the recent experience of Canada seems to tell a different story.

In contrast to the U.S., where the number of students has continued a long-standing decline in recent years, the number of Japanese students studying in Canada has increased, albeit at an uneven rate. According to Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada (IRCC), the number of Japanese students with study permits reached a high of more than 10,000 in 2001, before a nearly unbroken, decadelong decline brought numbers to a 20-year low of less than 6,000 in 2010.

Enrollment numbers began to rebound in 2011. They were given an additional boost by then Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s 2013 policy goal of doubling outbound student mobility, mentioned above. MEXT, which measures international student numbers differently from Canada’s IRCC, reported that between 2013 and 2015, there was a 24 percent increase in outbound mobility to Canada, from 6,614 to 8,189 students. The increase in outbound mobility to Canada outpaced both overall Japanese outbound mobility growth and Japanese mobility growth to the U.S., which grew 21 percent and 11 percent, respectively.

Several factors are likely driving the divergence in growth trends between the U.S. and Canada. Canadian universities offer many of the same benefits of U.S. universities, with few of the drawbacks. Japanese students, like students from other countries around the world, are increasingly drawn to Canada’s high-quality and relatively affordable colleges and universities. A 2017 MEXT survey also found that Japanese students and parents prioritize public safety. Canada is widely perceived as a safer study destination than the U.S. Previous WES research revealed widespread concerns among international students in the U.S. about gun violence both at their institution and in the surrounding community.

In Brief: The Education System of Japan

The structure of Japan’s education system resembles that of much of the U.S. , consisting of three stages

of basic education, elementary, junior high, and senior high school, followed by higher education. Most parents also enroll their children in early childhood education programs prior to elementary school. Children are required to attend school for nine years—six years of elementary education and three years of lower secondary education. At the primary and secondary levels, the school year typically begins on April 1 and is divided into three terms: April to July, September to December, and January to March.

High educational outcomes have earned Japan’s educational system a sterling reputation on the global stage, especially at the elementary and secondary levels. On worldwide assessments of educational attainment, the country consistently scores above average in educational performance, participation rates, and classroom environment. In the OECD’s 2018 PISA , 15-year-old Japanese students scored 16 points above the OECD average in reading and literacy, 36 points higher in mathematics, and 38 points above in science.

That said, Japan’s education system faces a number of challenges, among the most significant of which are demographic aging and enrollment declines. Elementary and secondary enrollment peaked in the 1980s, with elementary enrollment reaching a high of nearly 12 million in 1982, and secondary enrollments, a high of over 11.4 million in 1988.

Since then, enrollment at both levels has declined sharply. In 2018, the latest year for which data were available, elementary enrollment had fallen to just under 7 million, and secondary enrollment to around 6.5 million. That decline has closely tracked the country’s aging population. After reaching 24 percent in 1976, the percentage of the Japanese population age 0 to 14 declined steadily, falling to 13 percent in 2018.

The ramifications of these declines have rippled outward to affect nearly all aspects and levels of Japanese education, society, and economy. The following sections will not only explore the varying impact of demographic trends on different levels of education in Japan, they will also outline the structure and content of each level of education, other current challenges, and important reforms and modifications that are aimed at mitigating internal and external pressures.

Administration of the Education System

Responsibility for educational administration and policy development is divided between government authorities at three levels: national, prefectural, and municipal. At the national level, the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology (MEXT), or Monbu-kagaku-shō , is responsible for all stages of the education system, from early childhood education to graduate studies and continuing, or lifelong, learning. MEXT ensures that education in Japan meets the standards set by the 1947 Fundamental Law of Education which stipulates that the country provide an education to all its citizens “that values the dignity of the individual, that endeavors to cultivate a people rich in humanity and creativity who long for truth and justice and who honor the public spirit, that passes on traditions, and that aims to create a new culture.” To fulfill that mandate, MEXT sets and enforces national standards for teacher certification qualifications, school organization, and education facilities, among others. It provides a significant portion of the funds for public schools, universities, research institutions, and, under certain circumstances, issues grants to private academic institutions. MEXT is also typically responsible for the development of national education policies, although in recent decades prime ministers have often convened ad hoc councils to determine education policy.

At the elementary and secondary levels, MEXT develops national curriculum standards or guidelines ( gakushū shidō yōryō ) which contain the “ basic outlines of each subject taught in Japanese schools and the objectives and content of teaching in each grade.” Typically, private educational publishers develop and print textbooks following these guidelines. Elementary and secondary schools can only use textbooks reviewed and approved by MEXT, which provides textbooks to students free of charge.

Although MEXT revises the curriculum guidelines roughly once every 10 years, their overall structure and objectives have remained more or less the same since 1886. Since then, curriculum guidelines have emphasized standardization, objectivity, and neutrality to avoid divisive political, factional, and religious issues. While this emphasis may lead one to assume that the national government strictly limits and controls educational content and teaching methods, in theory, these guidelines are only intended to establish nationally uniform standards of education, allowing students throughout the country access to an equal education. The system is designed to give teachers the freedom to develop individualized lesson plans and tests. Still, comparisons with other OECD countries suggest that Japanese teachers have limited control over classroom instruction and curriculum. Among the recent concerns cited as limiting the freedom of Japanese teachers is the 2007 introduction of a national academic achievement test. Observers note that in order to reach achievement test targets, local schools and educational authorities have tightened control over teaching methods and educational content.

At the prefectural and municipal levels, the external influences mentioned in the introduction are readily apparent. In the post-World War II era, democratization and the decentralization of education were core issues of educational reform, spurring the Japanese government to adopt the system of boards of education common in the U.S.

Japan is divided into 47 prefectures, each of which is composed of smaller municipalities, such as cities, towns, and villages. Boards of education, representative councils responsible for the supervision of education at the elementary and secondary levels, exist at both the prefectural and municipal levels. At the prefectural level , governors appoint members to five-member boards of education for terms of four years. Prefectural boards are responsible for appointing teachers and partially funding municipal operations and payrolls, including funding for two-thirds of teachers’ salaries, with the remaining third financed by the national government. At the municipal level, members are appointed by local mayors. Municipal boards are responsible for the supervision of day-to-day operational tasks at elementary and junior high schools, the management and professional development of teachers, and the selection of MEXT-approved school materials.

A 2015 reform of the board of education system—the first such reform in nearly 60 years—expanded the control of local chief executives, such as governors or mayors, over educational administration and planning, and reduced the role of boards of education. Authority to appoint the superintendent, the most powerful local educational authority, was transferred from the board of education to the local chief executives. The reform also increased their authority to determine local policy goals—it transferred authority to establish the local education policy charter to chief executives, reducing boards of education to an advisory role. Reformers hope the changes will lead to improvements in a system long criticized for its lack of transparency, accountability, and clearly defined roles and responsibilities.

Early Childhood Education

Traditionally, two principal forms of early childhood education (ECE) have existed in Japan: kindergarten ( yōchien ) and day care ( hoikuen ). Under the jurisdiction of MEXT, yōchien is a non-compulsory stage of the country’s educational system, coming immediately before elementary school, providing preschool education to children from the ages of three to six. Children typically attend yōchien for around four hours each day. As at other levels of Japan’s basic education system, MEXT develops and publishes curriculum standards for kindergartens, which must meet criteria necessary for the curriculum to realize the nation’s educational goals. The latest, issued in 2017 , seeks to foster a “zest for living,” a goal pursued at all levels of the educational system, and lay the groundwork for learning at the elementary level and beyond.

Administered by a different ministry, the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare , hoikuen exists outside the Japanese educational system. Its principal function is to provide basic childcare services for children age one to six while their parents are at work. Typically lasting for eight hours, or the length of a typical working day, hoikuen often include some educational elements like reading and math.

Both yōchien and hoikuen centers can be owned and operated by public or private bodies, such as local municipalities, educational corporations, or non-profit organizations. However, the majority of students enroll at private institutions, some of which are highly selective and expensive. Many parents believe that enrolling their children in these highly selective institutions increases their children’s chances of being admitted to more selective institutions later in their educational career. In fact, some yōchien and hoikuen centers even prepare students for admissions tests at private elementary schools.

With more and more Japanese mothers entering the workforce, yōchien kindergarten programs, which have traditionally provided educational supervision for only part of the day, have in recent years faced

difficulty maintaining enrollment numbers. For the same reason, the demand for full-day hoikuen services has been on the rise. Historically, there have been long, persistent waitlists for parents hoping to enroll their children in hoikuen centers.

Given the clear demand for full-day childcare services, more and more yōchien have begun to adopt the day care elements more typical of hoikuen centers. For example, some yōchien have begun to offer extended hours to meet the demands of working parents, not ending their classes until the end of the workday. Some local governments have also started combining yōchien and hoikuen centers and mandating enrollment for all children prior to elementary school. The national government has even introduced measures merging childcare and early childhood education services into a single facility known as nintei-kodomoen . However, because of conflicting ministerial jurisdictions, reform efforts have often been stymied by administrative complications and are yet to achieve widespread success.

Still, early efforts at reform, combined with declining birthrates, have proved effective in reducing hoikuen waitlists. In 2019, waitlists for day care facilities reached an all-time low, with just under 17,000 children waiting to enter day care, a decrease of more than 3,000 children from the previous year.

Elementary and Lower Secondary Education

Elementary education marks the beginning of compulsory education for all Japanese children, lasting six years and spanning grades one to six. Children enter elementary education provided they reach age six as of April 1.

The elementary curriculum emphasizes both intellectual and moral development. All students must take certain compulsory subjects , like Japanese language, mathematics, science, social studies, music, crafts, home economics, living environment studies, and physical education. For public school students in grades five and six, English has been a compulsory subject since 2011. Since 2020 , English has been mandatory starting in third grade. Moral development is promoted through a moral education course and informal learning experiences designed to inculcate respect for society and the environment. The importance of moral education—long a taboo subject given its association with the nationalistic excesses of Imperial Japan—to Japan’s educational policies has increased over the past few decades. In recent years, the reintroduction of moral education as a formal course was spurred by reports of rampant student truancy, bullying, and school violence.

Classes remain large by international and OECD standards , despite efforts by MEXT to improve student-teacher ratios and recruit additional instructors. In 2011, MEXT limited first grade classes to 35 , down from 40, although intentions to extend similar limitations to other grades subsequently failed. Nearly all the country’s elementary schools, known as shōgakkō , are public. Enrollment at public elementary schools is free.

Students completing the elementary education cycle are awarded the Elementary School Certificate of Graduation (s hogakko sotsugyo shosho ) and automatically accepted into public junior high school.

Lower secondary education, the final stage of compulsory education, lasts three years, comprising grades six to nine. Instruction is conducted at junior high schools, or chūgakkō , 90 percent of which are public and tuition-free. Some municipalities have established nine-year unified compulsory education schools which combine primary and lower secondary education. Students hoping to enroll in private junior high schools or national junior high schools affiliated with national universities are required to sit for admissions examinations administered by the institution.

All public junior high schools follow a standard national curriculum which comprises the compulsory subjects previously taught at the elementary level. In addition to compulsory subjects, students can also choose from a wide range of electives and extracurricular activities in fields such as fine arts, foreign languages, physical health and education, and music.

Lower secondary education is a critical stage in a typical student’s educational journey, as grades partially determine whether a student will be accepted into a good senior high school, and consequently, into a top university. It also culminates in the first significant stage of what is colloquially referred to as “ examination hell ,” a series of rigorous and highly consequential entrance examinations that are required for admission to senior high schools and universities. Many students in the final two years of junior high school attend Juku , or cram schools, in preparation for the competitive senior high school admissions examinations.

Students completing junior high school are awarded the Lower Secondary School Leaving Certificate and are eligible to sit for senior high school admissions examinations.

Yutori Kyōiku: Compulsory Education Reform

Since the 1990s, the direction that education reform in Japan should take has been a hotly debated topic. Experts have long criticized Japanese education for its “strict management” which “places excessive emphasis on standardization and student behavioral control.” They have also voiced concerns about the “the widespread practices of rote memorization and ‘cramming’ of knowledge,” which have been accused of “depriving pupils of opportunities to develop their intellectual curiosity and creativity.” Finally, experts allege that the “intense competition among students vying for admission to prestigious senior high schools and universities has caused tremendous psychological pressure for these students and their parents.”

To address these concerns, the government issued national curriculum standards in 2002 that put in place a concept known as yutori kyōiku, which roughly translates as “relaxed education.” The updated guidelines brought about significant changes, reducing the length of the school week from six to five days and cutting curriculum content by 30 percent. The guidelines also mandated the creation of a new “Integrated Studies” course, which granted schools and municipalities discretion to create their own courses to provide students with a “ learning space outside the traditional bounds of the curriculum that would not be closely associated with entrance tests or tightly defined learning outcomes.”

But a year after the new curriculum guidelines were introduced, yutori kyōiku policies faced intense criticism. The disappointing results of Japanese students in the OECD’s 2003 PISA study shocked the nation. In the study, the average performance of Japanese 15-year-olds dropped from first to sixth rank in mathematics and from eighth to 14 th in reading. In just three years, mean performance had dropped from 557 to 543 in mathematics, from 522 to 498 in reading literacy, and from 550 to 548 in science.

Experts also highlighted the results of the 2003 Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS), an assessment that measures U.S. eighth grade student performance comparatively with that of other secondary students around the globe, as a sign of the country’s declining educational quality. While Japanese students again performed well overall, outperforming the global average in mathematics, when compared with other high-performing Asian countries, Japan’s performance was disappointing. Between 31 percent and 44 percent of students from Singapore, South Korea, and Hong Kong scored at the advanced benchmark for math, compared with just 24 percent of Japanese students. Many Japanese scholars attributed the Japanese students’ relatively poor performance in these international education assessments to the more relaxed nature of the yutori kyōiku reforms.

Public concern over declining performance prompted the Japanese government to review the yutori kyōiku reforms. What followed were a number of reforms aimed at maintaining some of the benefits of the educational reforms of the 1990s and early 2000s while increasing the academic rigor of Japanese compulsory education. MEXT issued new curriculum standards in 2008 and 2009 which increased academic lesson hours while reducing Integrated Study and elective hours, and a number of municipalities, supported by MEXT, reintroduced Saturday classes. MEXT also introduced mandatory foreign language courses to the elementary school curriculum, as mentioned above. More recently, reform in Japan has avoided the yutori kyōiku concept, instead promoting “ Active Learning ” with the aim of developing “students’ knowledge, skills, and attitudes compatible with the new visions of learning for a knowledge-based society in the twenty-first century.”

Upper Secondary Education

After nine years of compulsory education, students have the option of enrolling in senior high schools ( kōtō-gakkō ), widely regarded as the most strenuous stage of Japanese education. Despite being a non-compulsory level of education, the transition rate from junior to senior high school is extremely high, in part due to the integral role a student’s performance in senior high school plays in determining future access to higher education and employment. Per MEXT , as many as 98 percent of Japanese junior secondary students choose to move on to upper secondary schooling.

Admission to senior high school is typically determined by three criteria: an entrance examination, an interview, and junior high school grades. Of these criteria, the fate of a student’s placement in higher education—and even of their career in the years beyond—is determined most heavily by the entrance examination ( kōkō juken ). Students take these examinations, which are administered by their senior high school of choice, between January and March. Typically, entrance examinations test a student’s proficiency in the core subjects of Japanese, mathematics, science, social studies, and English.

Students hoping to enroll in public high schools take entrance examinations standardized by the prefectural board of education which has jurisdiction over the school. If students fail the entrance examination for a public school, they will often opt to apply to a private school. Unlike public schools, private senior high schools typically create their own examinations. Although nearly three-quarters of the country’s senior high schools are public, the proportion of private senior high schools has been growing in recent years. Students enrolling in the country’s limited number of unified junior high and senior high schools ( chuto-kyoiku-gakko ) are spared the entrance examination. Since reforms introduced in 2010 , students have been able to attend public high schools free of charge, while students attending private high schools receive government subsidies.

The employment prospects of students who fail to gain admission to either a public or private senior high school are often grim, with many forced to find work as unskilled blue-collar laborers, an occupational category traditionally thought of as low status. Given the highly competitive nature of senior high school admissions and coursework, it is no surprise that senior high school is perceived as a vehicle toward higher social status. This exclusivity, however, has long raised concerns about equity and access. Since the 1980s, MEXT has attempted to rectify these concerns through a series of reforms, the most significant of which was the introduction of the credit system to senior high schools . In the late 1980s, MEXT implemented the credit system for part-time and distance education learners, allowing them to learn at their own pace and graduate when they completed the required number of credits. In the early 1990s, the credit system was expanded to full-time senior high school students as well.

Senior high school lasts for three years, comprising grades 10 to 12, with students receiving 240 days of instruction each year. Following recent yutori kyōiku-inspired educational reforms, the school week is officially five days long, from Monday to Friday. Still, as mentioned above, workarounds exist, with educational authorities issuing special approvals to public schools to hold Saturday classes, while many less regulated private schools have reintroduced Saturday classes at monthly or bimonthly intervals.

As at the lower secondary level, the senior high school curriculum comprises three years of mathematics, social studies, Japanese, science, and English, with all the students in one grade level studying the same subjects. Electives are also similar to those offered at earlier levels, including physical education, music, art, and moral studies courses. However, the high number of required courses often leaves students with little room to fit in electives or subjects matching their personal interests. Although MEXT has pushed to expand the types of courses taken in high school to promote individuality, purpose, and inspiration, implementation has proved difficult because of a lack of qualified teachers.

Students must obtain a minimum of 74 credits to graduate. Students who graduate are awarded the Senior High School Graduation Certificate ( sotsugyo shomeisho ) and are eligible to sit for university entrance examinations.

Senior high schools use a numeric grading scale ranging from 1 to 5.

Technical, Professional, and Vocational Education

Amid Japan’s current economic challenges, technical and vocational institutions have attracted considerable attention from reformers and government planners. Concerns that the education system is “ obsolete and dysfunctional , with the curricula lacking relevance to the realities of society and the economy,” has led to calls to expand and strengthen vocational and professional education. A 2017 MEXT white paper , which laid out key priorities in education reform, included a call to strengthen and reform the country’s technical and vocational education. To meet the challenges of globalization, economic transformation, and declining birthrates, the paper highlighted the importance of diversifying the country’s education system by increasing the availability of vocational schools and junior colleges. That paper followed a 2016 revision to the 1947 School Education Act; the revision urged professional institutions to collaborate with industry leaders to develop curricula that better balance practical and theoretical components.

Government planners are hoping that these efforts will expand and strengthen what is an already diverse landscape of vocational and professional institutions. Japan possesses a wide variety of institutions offering specialized education and professional and technical training to Japanese students at the secondary, post-secondary, and continuing education levels. Given the unique recruitment practices of Japanese employers—discussed further below—these institutions are attracting a growing number of university students who choose to study in a vocational institution either simultaneously or after graduating from university, to increase their employability, a phenomenon known in Japan as “double schooling.”

Specialized Training Colleges ( senshu gakku )

First introduced in 1976 , specialized training colleges ( senshu gakku ) offer courses of study aimed at developing skills and competencies that are needed for specific occupations. Three categories of specialized training colleges exist : general, upper secondary, and post-secondary, each maintaining different requirements for admission and offering training programs that vary in content and intensity.

Most specialized training colleges are privately owned and operated. New specialized training colleges must meet minimum quality requirements set by MEXT, after which they can be granted approval to operate by the prefectural government in which they are located.

Specialized Training College, General Course (senshu gakko ippan katei)

The lowest level of specialized training college offers courses in general vocational subjects such as Japanese dressmaking, art, and cooking. MEXT does not set admission requirements for entry to general courses, instead allowing individual institutions to set their own. As of 2017 , there were 157 colleges offering general courses to around 29,000 students.

Specialized Training College, Upper Secondary Course (koto-senshu-gakko)

More popular are the specialized training colleges offering courses at the upper secondary level. As of 2017, 424 institutions offered upper secondary courses to around 38,000 students. Admission to courses at this level requires possession of the Lower Secondary School Leaving Certificate. Courses typically last between one and three years. Those completing a course lasting three years or more that meets minimum academic requirements set by MEXT are eligible for enrollment in a university or a professional training college. Students graduating from these courses are awarded a Specialized Training College Upper Secondary Certificate of Graduation.

Professional Training College (senmon gakko)

The highest level of specialized training college is the professional training college, which offers courses at the post-secondary level. Admission is open to graduates of senior high schools, with courses lasting between one and four years. Students who graduate from specialized vocational schools are able to enroll in a traditional four-year university but can also use their degrees directly toward careers in their specialty. Options for specialization are vast but are typically classified into eight fields of study : industry, agriculture, medical care, health, education and social welfare, business practices, apparel and homemaking, and culture and the liberal arts.

Students completing a MEXT-approved course of at least two years and 62 credits (1,700 credit hours) are awarded a diploma (s enmonshi ). Those completing a MEXT-approved course of at least four years and 124 credits (3,400 credit hours) are awarded the advanced diploma ( kodo senmonshi ).

With birthrates falling and universities accepting a higher percentage of applicants, professional training colleges have struggled to maintain enrollment levels . Still, as of 2017, 2,817 professional training colleges existed, offering courses to around 660,000 students or around 15 percent to 20 percent of senior high school graduates . To encourage enrollment, some professional training colleges have adopted a dual education approach, organizing class schedules in a manner that allows students to study for a vocational diploma and a university degree simultaneously (the double schooling mentioned above).

Colleges of Technology ( kōtō-senmon-gakkō or KOSEN)

Unlike other vocational institutions, colleges of technology, which were introduced in 1961, provide education and training that straddles the secondary and post-secondary levels. Students who are 15 years of age, or those completing junior high school, are able to study in these colleges, which primarily offer courses in engineering, technology, and marine studies. Programs typically last for five years, requiring 167 credits. Students who complete programs from colleges of technology are awarded a title of Associate ( jun gakushi ).

Colleges of technology are growing in popularity among university graduates who fail to secure employment immediately after graduation.

Professional and Vocational Junior Colleges ( tanki daigaku )

A subset of junior colleges, discussed below, professional and vocational junior colleges (PVJC), pursue “teaching and research in highly-specialized fields with the aim to develop practical and applicable abilities needed to take on specialized work.” Programs at PVJCs are two or three years in length, requiring 62 to 93 credits, one-third of which must be earned in “practicum, skills training, or experiment,” including “on-site training conducted off-campus.” Students completing their studies are awarded the associate degree (professional) and are able to transfer to a general university or a professional and vocational university.

Professional and Vocational Universities ( senmon shoku daigaku or PVU) and Professional Graduate Schools ( senmon shoku daigakuin )

Other HEIs include professional and vocational universit ies ( senmon shoku daigaku , or PVU), which offer courses similar to those offered at PVJCs and award four-year, 124 credit bachelor’s degrees (professional) .

Professional Graduate Schools ( senmon-shoku-daigakuin ), which “specialize in fostering highly-specialized professionals who will be active internationally” and include law schools and schools for teacher education, award graduate professional degrees , such as the Juris Doctor and other professional master’s degrees. Programs range from one to three years in length with widely varying credit requirements. These professional degrees often meet eligibility prerequisites to sit for professional examinations; for example, a Juris Doctor is required to sit for the national bar examination.

Nursing Education

Before sitting for their national licensing examinations, nurses in Japan must complete at least three years of post-secondary education and training . Midwives and public health nurses must study for an additional year in a specialized program. Nursing programs are taught at a variety of institutions; universities, junior colleges, and nursing schools ( kangoshi-senmon ), which are overseen by the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare (MHLW), offer three-year programs in general nursing and one-year specialized programs in public health or midwifery. Universities are the only institutions authorized to offer four-year nursing programs, which often include a year of specialized training in midwifery or public health and lead to bachelor’s degrees in nursing.

Nursing programs typically follow a standard curriculum set by MEXT and MHLW. Students who successfully complete three years of general nursing education are eligible to sit for the National License Examination for Nursing; a high passing score allows them to begin practicing. After receiving their general nursing license and completing an additional year of specialized training, students can sit for National Public Health and National Midwifery Examinations.

Higher Education

Japan offers a wide and diverse landscape of HEIs that comprises junior colleges, universities, and graduate schools in addition to the post-secondary professional and vocational institutions touched on above. The country has one of the largest higher education sectors in the world, with around 3.9 million students enrolled in post-secondary education in 2018. That same year, a total of 2.9 million students were enrolled in universities, with 2.6 million enrolled in undergraduate programs and 254,000 in graduate programs. Enrollment rates are also high; according to MEXT , in 2017, the percentage of 18-year-olds studying at the post-secondary level was 81 percent, with 53 percent studying at a university, 22 percent at a specialized training college, 4 percent at a junior college, and 1 percent at a college of technology.

Three categories of Japanese universities exist: national universities, established by the national government; public universities, established by prefectures and municipalities; and private universities, established by educational corporations. One noteworthy characteristic concerning the composition of Japanese HEIs is the country’s high proportion of private institutions, which expanded rapidly in response to growing demand for higher education in the postwar economic boom years. In 2018 , less than a quarter of Japan’s 782 universities were public or national—with just 86 national and 93 public universities, compared with 603 private universities. That same year, private institutions enrolled nearly four-fifths of all higher education students , giving Japan the seventh-largest private higher education student population in the OECD.

However, despite making up the majority of Japanese HEIs, private universities are often considered less prestigious than their national and public counterparts. Even today, national and public universities typically rank higher on domestic and international league tables and are responsible for the bulk of Japan’s academic research output. Of the 11 universities making up RU11 , a consortium of Japan’s top research universities, only two are private, Keio University and Waseda University. Even more prestigious are the National Seven Universities , a group of national universities established and operated by the Empire of Japan until the end of World War II, the oldest and most prestigious of which is the University of Tokyo.

Recent reforms have helped modernize Japan’s highly respected national universities. The National University Corporation (NUC) Act , implemented in 2004, reorganized this HEI category, which had previously been managed directly by MEXT, transforming national universities into public corporations, a move that expanded their autonomy in academic, budgetary, and other matters. The NUC reforms also empowered national university presidents, allowing them to make important organizational, strategic, and academic decisions without statutory or MEXT approval.

Still, despite its size and diversity, higher education in Japan remains more challenged than any other stage of the country’s educational system. Problems include quality concerns, growing inequality, and shrinking enrollment. Japan’s population decline has meant that fewer and fewer students graduate from senior high school and that fewer are eligible to enroll in universities. Although the population of 18-year-olds has remained more or less steady for the past decade, MEXT projects that from 2021 onward, the decline, which was uninterrupted from 1991 to 2009, will begin again. The decline has had and will likely continue to have far-reaching ramifications in the higher education sector. As mentioned above, the decline has also prompted the Japanese government, universities, and higher education associations to look overseas for students to fill empty university seats. It has also driven some universities to ease admissions standards , replacing strenuous entrance examinations with interviews and student essays.

Educators have long been concerned with the quality, rigor, and purpose of education at Japanese universities. In contrast to the rigor of secondary education, university studies are typically considered easy , with students sailing through the first two and a half years before focusing on the job search in their final year and a half. The unique Japanese system of shūshoku katsudō (job hunting), long the country’s predominant recruitment practice, has meant that university education and the job market are more intimately connected in Japan than they are almost anywhere else in the world. Under the system, companies recruit exclusively from among new or soon-to-be university graduates, rarely hiring older job seekers. Once hired, these new university graduates often remain at the same company for life, with pay highly correlated with seniority, a system of employment known as s hūshin koyō . As new graduates typically have little to no practical experience, recruiters place enormous emphasis on the prestige of a job seeker’s university and senior high school. Top employers, such as the Japanese government and the country’s largest companies, hire almost exclusively from Japan’s most prestigious universities. Job seekers who do not have a university education, and students attending an overseas university that follows a different academic calendar, face extreme difficulties obtaining employment.

The importance of a university education is reflected in employment rates. According to a 2012 OECD study , the employment rate for both men and women who hold a university education is significantly higher than for those with just an upper secondary education. The study also revealed a large gap in employment between men and women. Among men, 92 percent of those with a university education and 86 percent of those with an upper secondary education were employed, compared with just 68 and 61 percent of women with a university and an upper secondary education, respectively. Gender inequality is a widely recognized issue throughout Japan, not only in the workplace, but also in higher education. In a series of investigations, beginning at Tokyo Medical University in 2018, found that a handful of universities were systematically manipulating their entrance examination scores, lowering the test scores of women to ensure that they made up only a small minority of all admitted students. After the scandal forced Tokyo Medical University to make corrections, more women than men passed the entrance examination.

Japan’s singular reliance on private sources to fund higher education further exacerbates concerns about unequal access to a university education. As students at all universities, whether national, public, or private, pay tuition fees, private sources , such as students and their parents, fund a comparatively large share of Japanese higher education. The share of private expenditure on higher education, reaching nearly 69 percent in 2017 , is among the highest in the OECD. Additionally, few scholarships or grants are available to students who need them, and a large proportion of Japanese students take out private or government-sponsored loans to fund their studies, raising concerns about the ability of less well-off individuals to obtain a university education and a comfortable post-graduation career.

Critics have also highlighted a mismatch between the education and skills imparted at the country’s universities and those needed to prosper in the modern world. In response, policymakers in Japan have called for the “internationalization” ( kokusaika ) of universities to better prepare students to navigate and succeed in an interdependent global economy. In many cases, these internationalization efforts have gone furthest in private universities, while national and public universities have struggled to adapt. In a 2008 survey conducted by MEXT , only 5 percent of faculty members in Japan’s most prestigious public institutions came from overseas.

University Admissions

“Thus there is a general belief that a student’s performance in one crucial examination at about the age of 18 is likely to determine the rest of his life. In other words: the university entrance examination is the primary sorting device for careers in Japanese society. The result is not an aristocracy of birth, but a sort of degree-ocracy .”

Despite the passage of half a century, those words, written in a review of Japan’s national education policies that was published by the OECD in 1971, still ring true today. Attending a prestigious university has a direct impact on one’s employment and life prospects, making the university admissions process one of the most significant stages of Japan’s educational system. While MEXT encourages universities to consider a range of factors when making admissions decisions, such as interviews, essays, and secondary school grades, entrance examinations are far and away the most important factor.

Students with a Senior High School Graduation Certificate who want to enroll at public universities or certain private universities typically take two entrance examinations: the National Center Test for University Admissions ( daigaku nyūshi sentā shiken ), more often referred to simply as the National Center Test or Center Test; and a university-specific entrance examination. National Center Tests, administered by the National Center for University Entrance Exams , are held annually over two days in January. There are 30 tests total, all multiple-choice, in six subjects : geography and history, civics, the Japanese language, foreign language, science, and mathematics. Students can sit for up to 10 examinations over the two days, typically choosing subjects required by their preferred universities for admission.

Institution-specific examinations at prestigious universities are often even more difficult than the National Center Tests. Students often elect to sit for multiple institution-specific examinations at several universities in case they do not get in to their preferred university. Prior to both examinations, universities distribute booklets to students to help them prepare for the subject examinations.

Criticism and Reform: The Common Test for University Admissions

Many Japanese policy experts have criticized the National Center Test, alleging that the test’s outdated emphasis on rote memorization contributes to a lack of independent and critical thinking in Japanese students. They also contend that the high-stakes nature of the test inflicts significant psychological distress on students and their parents, even going so far as to assert that the test reinforces a centuries-old cultural stigma that associates failure with being ostracized. For example, a large number of students who fail to achieve scores high enough for admission to their preferred university elect to retake the entrance examinations the following year. These students, who made up one-fifth of all students sitting for the National Test in 2011, are known as rōnin , a term that historically referred to wandering samurai stripped of their social status by the loss of their feudal master. Rōnin opting to study in a Juku , or cram school , which students can attend both before or after they sit for an entrance test, are typically relegated to a specific section of the school, segregated from other students. There, they subject themselves to long, grueling hours of study in hopes of raising their test scores high enough to gain admission to the college of their choice.

The test has also been decried for its lack of accessibility. Test prices are high and can cost students up to 18,800 Japanese yen , or around US$180, for just three subjects. 1  Cram schools can cost far more. Yobikō , which like Juku prepare students for entrance examinations, can cost as much as a year of university tuition. These high costs exacerbate economic inequality in an already-stratified Japanese society, stirring up tensions by furthering the impression that only the most socially and financially fit will be admitted to top-tier universities and, in turn, be guaranteed high-paying jobs in the future.

To address some of these issues, the Japanese government plans to replace the National Center Test with the Common Test for University Admissions, or Common Test, scheduled to be held for the first time in 2021. MEXT hopes that the new Common Test will select “ entrants based on a multifaceted methodology that ‘fairly’ evaluates the skills that individuals have built up for themselves,” encouraging critical and independent thinking and deep analysis of problems instead of rote memorization. One means of achieving these goals is the introduction of written sections for mathematics and Japanese language tests. The significance of the new Common Test is enormous. It not only reveals a willingness to adapt to the demands of an ever-more globalized, knowledge-based world, but also signals a reevaluation of deep-seated cultural values, especially those of success, fairness, and individuality.

Higher Education Institutions, Programs, and Degrees

The structure and requirements of Japan’s higher education programs strongly resemble those of the U.S. The academic year for most HEIs is split into two semesters, April to September and October to March, although some institutions operate on a trimester or quarter system. Although the government and university officials in recent years have debated beginning the academic year in the fall to better align with international practices, no nationwide action has yet been taken. The language of instruction in most programs is Japanese, although a small number are taught in English.

Junior Colleges (tanki daigaku)

Junior colleges ( tanki daigaku ), sometimes referred to in English as community colleges, offer two- to three-year programs in a variety of fields. Two-year courses require the completion of a minimum of 62 credits; three-year courses require a minimum of 93 credits. Between 1991 and 2005, junior colleges awarded their graduates the title of Associate. Since 2006, students have been awarded an associate degree ( tankidaigakushi ) which allows them to transfer to an undergraduate program at a university. At times, credit exemptions are awarded.

The vast majority of students enrolled at junior colleges are women . In 2009, women made up nearly 90 percent of junior college enrollments . With more and more women choosing to study at four-year universities, however, enrollment at junior colleges has declined sharply.

Universities (Daigaku)

Universities offer bachelor’s degree programs ( gakushi ) requiring a minimum of four years of full-time study. They are offered in a variety of fields, including the humanities, social sciences, sciences, engineering, and agriculture. Bachelor’s degree programs typically require the completion of a general education component, which usually comprises 30 to 60 credits taken in the first two years of the program. Students must earn a minimum of 124 credits to graduate. Medicine, dentistry, pharmaceutical sciences, and veterinary sciences programs require six years of study and between 182 and 188 credits.

Curricula in medical programs generally consist of subjects in biology, physics, mathematics, and chemistry, with four years dedicated to academic study and two years dedicated to clinical practice and training. Upon completion of the program, students are awarded a Bachelor of Medicine. Graduates passing a national licensing examination are legally authorized to practice, beginning with a two-year rotating residency. A Bachelor of Medicine is required for admission to a three-year Doctor of Medical Science program.

Master’s degrees ( shushi ) typically require two years of full-time study and the completion of 30 credits. Master’s degree programs are offered in a variety of subjects and consist of coursework, a thesis, and an oral examination. Admission requires a bachelor’s degree or 16 years of school.

Doctoral degrees ( hakase ) require three to five years of full-time study. Graduation from a master’s or professional degree program is typically required, although some institutions also demand that applicants pass an additional entrance examination. Students admitted to a doctoral program with just a bachelor’s degree are typically required to complete 30 credits of coursework in their first two years.

Both master’s and doctoral degrees are taught at graduate schools , which are usually divisions of universities, although some are operated as independent institutions. Relatively few Japanese students pursue graduate education, in part because of the perception among employers that graduate students are not much more qualified than undergraduate students. Unlike enrollment at the undergraduate level, where most students attend private institutions, graduate level enrollments are concentrated in national universities.

National Institution for Academic Degrees and Quality Enhancement of Higher Education (NIAD-QE)

Since 1991, the National Institution for Academic Degrees and Quality Enhancement of Higher Education (NIAD-QE), known prior to 2016 as the National Institution for Academic Degrees and University Evaluation (NIAD-UE), has also awarded degrees on the basis of accumulated credits or the completion of a NIAD-QE-approved academic program. For example, a graduate of an associate degree program who has earned at least 62 credits from a university over a two-year period can apply to NIAD-QE, which, after evaluating and approving the student’s academic coursework, awards a bachelor’s degree. NIAD-QE also awards bachelor’s, master’s, and doctoral degrees to students completing a course of study at an educational institution run by a government ministry , such as the National Defense Academy of Japan or the National Defense Medical College . Students in master’s and doctoral programs also sit for an examination conducted by a committee of experts convened by NIAD-QE.

Quality Assurance and Accreditation

Japan’s current system of quality assurance and accreditation is complex. It consists of government control over the establishment of new HEIs, external accreditation, and institutional self-monitoring and self-evaluation.

MEXT has sole statutory power to charter new universities , with the decision of whether to approve the establishment of a new university based on the outcome of a review conducted by the Council for University Chartering and School Corporation, a MEXT agency. The council evaluates the compliance of proposed universities in light of standards set by the government in areas like the organization and administration of the university, staff qualifications, student-to-faculty ratios, facilities, and educational programs, among others. After the institution has begun operations and before the first cohort graduates, the council conducts a “Survey to Track Implementation of University Foundation Plans” to ensure that the university has continued to uphold the standards set by law.

Since 2004 , Japanese HEIs have been subject to the certified evaluation and accreditation (CEA) system. Under this system, all HEIs must undergo a comprehensive evaluation of their education, research, and facilities by MEXT-approved CEA organizations at fixed time intervals. As of 2020, MEXT had approved 15 CEA organizations , each of which develops and applies its own evaluation criteria. CEA organizations are approved to evaluate only certain institution types, such as universities or colleges of technology, or professional programs, such as law and business management. While the CEA evaluation is mandatory, HEIs are free to choose from among the list of approved CEA organizations. The evaluation results are published publicly.

All public and private universities, junior colleges, and colleges of technology are required to undergo CEA evaluation once every seven years. Besides comprehensive institutional evaluations, professional programs offered by PVJCs, PVUs, and professional graduate schools are required to undergo evaluation once every five years. For universities, MEXT has approved five CEAs, the largest of which is the NIAD-QE , which also maintains a searchable database of recognized HEIs and programs.

Universities, junior colleges, and colleges of technology are also required to conduct internal quality assurance and self-assessment reviews, the results of which are published publicly. Following the 2004 NUC reforms, national universities are subject to additional evaluations by MEXT to monitor their progress in achieving previously determined goals. The results of these evaluations determine the level of funding national universities receive from MEXT.

Grading Scales

Although grading scales vary by institution, most national universities employ a variation of a five-scale grading system, with most using letter grades ranging from S (superior) to F (fail). Other universities use a numeric 0 to 100 grading scale, with a 60 being the minimum pass for each course. Students performing at an inadequate level are given an F and are encouraged to retake the same subject(s) in the following semesters. As of 2016 , most Japanese universities had also adopted a grade point average (GPA) system.

Teacher Training

Despite Japan’s large student population, the country employs relatively few teachers. As mentioned above, student-teacher ratios are well above the OECD average. Despite recent attempts by MEXT to reduce these ratios, a national drive to cut public sector spending has negatively impacted the hiring of new teachers. Between 2014 and 2015, the total number of teachers declined .

Working conditions for teachers are also far from ideal. Teachers are overworked, employed for an average of about 54 hours a week, and, as is the case for the rest of the Japanese workforce, their terms of employment have become increasingly precarious. In 2012, around 16 percent of Japanese teachers were employed on short-term or part-time contracts, up from less than 9 percent in 2005. Irregular employment often hinders teachers’ professional development, limits the time available for lesson planning, and lowers morale, all of which can have a detrimental impact on educational quality.

Outside of higher education, teachers at all educational levels must hold teaching certificates in order to practice. Prefectural boards of education issue these certificates to candidates who have earned a minimum number of credits as set by MEXT-approved academic programs. Candidates typically study at general universities and junior colleges, although graduate schools of education have recently been established to provide advanced teacher education and training. Academic teaching programs include courses on pedagogy as well as those related to the subjects that prospective teachers intend to teach.

A separate teaching certificate is required to teach in different stages or types of education—kindergarten, elementary, lower secondary, upper secondary, and special needs teachers must all obtain different teaching certificates. Three different classes of certificates are awarded—advanced, class I, and class II—and each requires different academic credentials. A master’s degree is needed to earn an advanced teaching certificate, a bachelor’s degree for a class I certificate, and an associate degree for a class II certificate. The class II certificate is not an option for teachers at the upper secondary level, and those teachers who hold a class II certificate at other levels are urged to continue their studies and obtain at least a class I certificate. Teachers are required to renew their licenses every 10 years by completing a set of courses developed by MEXT and taught at MEXT-approved universities or teacher training institutions.

WES Document Requirements

Secondary education.

• Academic transcript—issued in English and sent directly to WES by the institution attended
• Graduation certificate—a clear, legible photocopy of the graduation certificate or diploma issued in English by the institution attended
• For completed doctoral degrees, a letter confirming the award of the degree—sent directly by the institution attended

Click here for a PDF file of the academic documents referred to below:

• Senior High School Graduation Certificate
• Associate degree
• Title of Associate (College of Technology)
• Diploma (Professional Training College)
• Advanced Diploma (professional Training College)
• Bachelor’s degree
• NIAD-QE bachelor’s degree
• Master’s degree
• Doctor of Philosophy

1.  University-specific entrance examinations raise costs even more, adding around 17,000 yen per exam to a student’s total expenditure.

The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of World Education Services (WES).

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Education in the united states of america, education in the philippines, education in india, education in south korea.

CHAPTER 1    THE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM

Educational reforms in the 1980s and 1990s, education for the twenty-first century, 1-1-2    the role of school, 1-1-3    educational credential society (gakureki shakai), 1-2-1    prewar education, 1-2-2    wartime education, 1-2-3    postwar education, 1-3-1    the educational system, 1-3-2    pedagogy   , desegregation policies, compensatory education and affirmative action programs, multicultural education.

• CHRONOLOGY OF JAPANESE EDUCATION

Based on the 1987 recommendation by the National Council on Educational Reform (NCER) (Rinji kyōiku shingikai, Rinkyōshin for short), the Ministry of Education (MOE) has been implementing large-scale educational reforms for deregulation, diversification, and individualization.  This chapter will serve as a general introduction to the Japanese school education and its historical development.  It will conclude with comparisons of the educational systems in Japan and in the United States. 

1-1    THE SCHOOL SYSTEM AND ITS ROLE

1-1-1    the school system.

Japanese education is centralized under the direction of the Ministry of Education (MOE).  For most of the postwar period, the MOE has controlled school administration, curriculum, pedagogy, and educational content in textbooks.  The MOE oversees the administration of the appointed prefectural and municipal boards of education and superintendents.  The MOE determines the educational budget, and subsidizes the prefectural board of education in order to provide equal quality education to all children throughout the nation.1 

After the 1947 educational reform, the Japanese educational system was redesigned around a uniform 6-3-3-4 system (six years of elementary school, three years of middle school, three years of high school and four years of college).2  The academic year runs from April 1 to March 31.3  Beginning in April 2002, the school week is five days long and the academic year is 210 days long.4   However, 56 percent of private middle schools and 41 percent of private high schools planned to adhere to a six-day-a-week schedule for the 2002-3 school year (Asahi Shinbun (AS) March 5, 2002).  Furthermore, according to a 2002 survey, 59 percent of the general public opposed the idea of a five-day school week.  Respondents were also concerned about diminished educational achievement because the educational content had been reduced by 30 percent (AS July 23, 2002).  In the 2004-5 school year, five public high schools in Tokyo had regular classes on Saturday, and for the 2005-6 school year, 17 public high schools in Tokyo plan to do so (AS December 18, 2004).  In the 2004-5 school year, twenty prefectural administrations allowed public high schools to open supplementary classes on Saturday (AS January 12, 2005).

Primary and secondary schools follow a trimester system, with forty-day summer vacations and two-week winter and spring vacations.  The MOE has recommended that the boards of education should allow more flexible summer vacations.  After deregulation permitted some schools to replace the trimester system with a semester system, they introduced an autumn recess between semesters.  In the 2004-5 school year, 9 percent of public elementary schools, 10 percent of public middle schools and 26 percent of public high schools had the semester system (AS January 31, 2005).   

Almost all children from ages 6-15 receive uniform and compulsory public education.  There was no grouping of elementary and middle school students according to their ability, because the public and teachers believe such grouping damages low-achieving children.  However, in the 2002-3 school year, the MOE implemented a program of special education classes in English, mathematics, and science for advanced elementary and middle school students.  This is to be done by adding one more teacher per school for advanced classes.  In 2003, 74.2 percent of elementary schools and 66.9 percent of middle schools practiced grouping students based on their educational achievements (AS August 18, 2001; AS February 24, 2004).

Almost all 15-year-olds are admitted to academically stratified high schools on the basis of their performance on written examinations.  In 2003, 97.3 percent of 15-year-olds were enrolled in high school and are expected to graduate with only a 2.3 percent rate of dropouts.  Higher education has become universal education, as 63.5 percent of high school graduates went on to postsecondary schools (44.6% to colleges and 18.9% to specialized training colleges) (Monbukagakushō 2004a).

Furthermore, every ten years the MOE issues the Course of Study, a guide for curriculum and pedagogy.  The Course of Study stipulates the purpose of education, the content, pedagogy, and the number of course hours for each subject.  Since 1958, the MOE has required that all public schools and teachers follow the Course of Study.  Moreover, the MOE screens the content of textbooks through the textbook authorization system in order to correct technical and factual errors, as well as “biased” opinions.

School districts are drawn on the basis of municipal and prefectural jurisdictional lines.  Each prefecture’s board of education hires public teachers, supervises high school education, and oversees the municipal boards of education.  The municipal boards of education are in charge of elementary and middle schools.  In 1956, the MOE had replaced elected boards of education with appointed boards of education and prefectural superintendents that it had approved.  This happened because the MOE wanted to oust the board members who were more sympathetic to the Japan Teachers’ Union (JTU).  Since then, governors and mayors have appointed the five members of the prefectural and municipal boards of education for four-year tenure with the agreement of the prefectural and municipal assemblies, and the approval of the appointments by the MOE.  The appointed board members choose both the superintendent and the chairperson.  The approval of superintendents by the MOE was abolished in 1999.

Local public educational expenditures in the 2002-3 school year amounted to 18.1 trillion yen, including 81.2 percent for school education, 12.9 percent for social education, and 5.9 percent for educational administration.  The budgets were derived from the prefectural administration (44.4%), the local administration (33.2%), the national administration (18.1%), local bonds (4.1%) and donations (0.2%).  The expense per student in the 2002-3 school year was 738,624 yen per preschooler, 923,566 yen per elementary school student, 1,027,678 yen per middle school student, 9,107,237 yen per special school student, and 1,157,366 yen per high school student.  The government spent nine times more money for students in special schools, with nine million yen per student than those in regular schools (Monbukagakushō 2004f).  In 1970, the Japanese government started subsidizing private schools and colleges.  Subsidies to private colleges were about 30 percent of revenues in the early 1980s, but decreased to 12.2 percent in 2000 (Monbukagakushō 2004b:66).

The educational expenses for primary and secondary education are very affordable unless the parents choose to send their child to private schools or pay for private tutoring.  Public elementary and middle schools are free, and the tuition for public high schools is relatively inexpensive.  However, because of the economic recession, 1,150,000, one out of ten elementary and middle school students received financial aids from the municipal administration to cover expenses for school supplies, lunches and field trips in the 2002-3 school year (AS September 4, 2003).  According to a 2000 survey on educational expenses, the average family spends 5,061,788 yen to pay for one child’s education from public preschool through public high school; these expenses include the costs of tuition, school lunches, cram schools, tutoring, books, supplies, and other things related to education.  It costs 7,187,556 yen for a child who attends private preschool, public elementary and middle schools, and private high school (Monbukagakushō 2002c).

In contrast, college education is quite expensive.  Although there are some scholarships and student loans, most parents bear the full costs of their children’s college expenses.  In the 2002-3 school year, college students spent an average of 2.02 million yen a year for their educational and living expenses.  Those who attended public colleges and commuted from home spent an average of 1.13 million yen a year, while those who attended private colleges and rented an apartment spent an average of 2.61 million yen (Monbukagakushō 2004d).  Those who rented an apartment received an average of 132,500 yen a month, consisting of money from their family (85,700 yen), part-time jobs (22,500 yen) and scholarships (20,100 yen) in 2004 (AS January 24, 2005).  In 2004, 34 percent of college students who rented an apartment received scholarships, 50,000 yen to 70,000 (53%), 70,000 to 100,000 (11%), and 100,000 yen or more (11%) (AS January 24, 2005).

Based on the 1987 report by the National Council on Educational Reform (NCER) (Rinkyōshin), large-scale educational reforms for deregulation, diversification, and individualization were implemented.  In 1984, Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone formed a provisional advisory body, the Rinkyōshin, consisting of industrialists and conservative scholars, in order to instill more “moral” and “patriotic” values into Japanese students.  In 1987, in a final report,5 the Rinkyōshin recommended the deregulation of the school system; the diversification of curriculum; changes in the examination system; the promotion of higher education; the development of lifelong education; the promotion of scientific research, information technology and sports; and the internationalization of education (Monbushō 1989).  In 1987, the MOE created the Headquarters for the Implementation of Educational Reform in order to enforce policies based on the recommendation of the Rinkyōshin. 

Leftist and liberal scholars, in conjunction with the Japan Teachers’ Union (JTU), who were not members of the Rinkyōshin, opposed the neo-conservative proposals of the Rinkyōshin.  They predicted that the emphasis on moral education and national identity would trigger a revival of Japanese nationalism and militarism.  They further argued that the purpose of deregulation and privatization was to produce human capital for the nation’s economic growth, not to develop democracy and the rights of the child (Horio 1988:365; Lincicome 1993:128; Schoppa 1991b:61-62).  However, the JTU failed to rally teachers against the recommendations of the Rinkyōshin. 

Since 1993, the MOE has promoted the establishment of credit-based comprehensive high schools (sōgō kōkō), which are similar to public high schools in the United States.  The students can choose elective classes to develop their skills and abilities, can transfer credits from other schools, and even graduate ahead of schedule.  In addition, the MOE recommended in 1997 that high schools admit students on the basis of: 1) motivation; 2) sports and cultural club activities; 3) volunteer service; 4) recommendations from community leaders; 5) teachers’ recommendations; 6) interviews; and 7) essays, compositions and other practical skills (Sōmuchō 1998:320-321).  Since 1998, the MOE has established six-year secondary schools in order to ease high school “examination hell” through a six-year program.

For more than a decade, the teacher recruitment process has been deregulated, so that prefectural boards of education can hire special instructors who do not have teaching certificates.  New teachers are expected to bring fresh ideas and perspectives to school culture.  In 1993, the MOE established the team-teaching system in order to pay closer attention to the needs of individual students, and to reduce teachers’ heavy workloads.  Beginning in 1995, school counselors have also been deployed to schools in order to handle increasing school-related problems, such as bullying and school refusal syndrome. 

Since 1993, the MOE has promoted cooperation between schools and communities, and has made school facilities available for community activities.  School-initiated volunteer activities include visiting nursing homes or institutions for disabled people, and cleaning public places.  Volunteer activities are also part of integrated study courses.  In recent years, the government has also supported human rights education (jinken kyōiku) to teach students about minority cultures and history. 

In its 1991 report, the College Council recommended curricular reforms, the introduction of an independent evaluation system, and the expansion of graduate schools.  Many colleges started to create syllabi, evaluation forms, and more teaching and research assistants, and to admit more nontraditional and transfer students, similar to colleges in the United States.  Since 1997, students who excel at mathematics and physics can skip a grade, and enter college one year earlier.  As of 2003, one national university and one private university admit 17-year-olds.  Furthermore, since April 2004, all 89 national universities and junior colleges became an independent administrative corporation (gyōsei hōjin) to be independent from the government.

The National Commission on Educational Reform (Kyōiku kaikaku kokumin kaigi), commissioned by Prime Minister Keizō Obuchi, submitted its final report in December 2000.  The report underscored the need for further deregulation, diversity, and individuality.  It emphasized home education, moral education, volunteer activities, college education, and cooperation between the community and parents.  It proposed grouping primary and secondary school students according to the learning level, the use of learning achievement tests in high schools, the promotion of six-year secondary schools, the requirement of volunteer activities, an evaluation system for teachers, and the revision of the Fundamental Law of Education (Kyōiku Kaikaku 2000).  The MOE developed the Educational Reform Plan for the 21st Century (also known as The Rainbow Plan) based on the final report of the National Commission on Educational Reform. 

Critics of the proposed reform argue that school choice, six-year secondary schools, ability grouping, and the abolition of age restrictions for college admission are elitist ideas, and that they reinforce educational competition and social stratification among students (Fujita 2001; Yoneyama 2002).

Concerned with the drastic reduction of academic content, many educators are worried about the lowering educational achievement of children, especially in mathematics and science.  Responding to critics, the MOE stated that the 1998 Course of Study is based on a “minimum standard” so that teachers may teach higher-level materials.  The MOE plans to recognize about 10 percent of materials, at a higher level than the contents of the 1998 Course of Study in the 2005-6 textbooks (AS January 3, 2004).  The MOE also published reference materials along with additional materials for teachers teaching elementary and middle school mathematics and science in order to demonstrate methods of teaching advanced materials.  The Central Education Committee suggested that the MOE revise the 1998 Course of Study to encourage teachers to go beyond the Course of Study if students understood the materials.  In hopes of keeping academic expectations high, public schools have compensated for the reduction of class hours by shortening school events and providing a summer session.  Parents and community leaders hold Saturday classes in order to maintain high academic standards.

The idea of “integrated study” (sōgōtekina gakushū no jikan) was the brainchild of the reform.  Integrated study has been allotted three to four unit hours a week for third to sixth graders, two to three unit hours for middle school students, and three to four unit hours for high school students.  Each school has the right to determine what and how to teach integrated study, whose topics include international issues, information science, environmental issues, social welfare, and health.  As pedagogy for integrated study, the MOE has recommended debates, volunteer activities, surveys and experiments. 

Furthermore, many more elective courses are now available for middle and high school students.  Each school can set the length of each class, such as 75 minutes for laboratory experiments, and 25 minutes for English classes rather than the customary 45 minutes hour-units for elementary school and 50 minute hour-units for middle schools.  For the 2001-2 school year, the MOE planned to hire 22,500 elementary and middle school teachers in the next five years to reduce the mandated class size of 40 students, and create smaller groups of 20 students for academic subjects (Monbukagakushō 2003b:126-127). 

In 2000, the Council on Curriculum proposed a National Scholastic Aptitude Test  (gakute) for elementary, middle, and high school students, to begin in 2003.  As of April 2004, more than 80 percent of the prefectural Boards of Education enforce a National Scholastic Aptitude Test (AS June 13, 2004).

Since April 2000, school committees can be established at the request of the principal, with recognition from the Board of Education.  For the first time, parents and community residents have a say in the management of schools.  It is interesting to note that in 2000, one school was able to reduce the percentage of students who believed that “classes are difficult” from 30 percent to less than 10 percent within six months of introducing teacher evaluations and open classes for members of the community (Nihon Keizai 2001:56).  In addition, the MOE plans to deploy 50,000 teachers’ aides and school support volunteers in the three years beginning with the 2001-2 school year (Monbukagakushō 2003b:62-63).  Furthermore, the MOE plans to deregulate the 6-3 elementary and middle school system so that the municipal administration can change it to a 4-3-2 system or a 5-4 system after the 2006-7 school year (AS August 11, 2004).

On June 8, 2001, 37-year-old Mamoru Takuma stormed into Ikeda elementary school, stabbed eight schoolchildren to death with a kitchen-knife and injured 15 others, including two teachers.  In May 2003, the trial started in the Osaka District Court, and prosecutors demanded the death penalty.  The death sentence was upheld after the defendant withdrew his appeal to the Osaka High Court in September 2003. 

On June 8, 2003, the MOE apologized for not implementing the appropriate preventive measures, promised to compile a manual on crisis management, and agreed to pay the families of the eight murdered children a total of 400 million yen in damages.  In addition, 24 school officials, including the principal of the Ikeda elementary school were punished for failing to prevent the disaster. 

After the incident, the boards of education and schools sought to make educational institutions safer.  Although Japanese schools had been considered quite safe before the June 2001 killings, schools started to check school visitors, installed surveillance cameras, and taught faculty and staff about emergency measure.  The city of Toyonaka, near the Ikeda elementary school dispatched a security guard to all elementary schools in the city.  The guards watch school gates and patrol the schools from 7:30 a.m. to 4:30 p.m.  Schools close their gates and screen visitors before allowing them to step onto school property (AS June 7, 2003).  By the end of 2003, 45 percent of schools had a security system such as surveillance cameras, 33 percent had given students buzzers for the prevention of crimes, and 8 percent had security guards (AS January 15, 2005).  On February 14, 2005, a 17-year-old boy entered his former elementary school and killed a teacher and wounded another teacher and one dietician with a knife.  Responding to the incident, the Board of Education of the Kōtō District of Tokyo arranged regular police patrols at all preschools, elementary schools and middle schools in the district (AS February 17, 2005).

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The government administers the educational system in order to produce educated and responsible citizens.  First, schools transmit knowledge, and develop the cognitive, physical, emotional, and social skills of students.  Secondly, schools train students to become responsible citizens.  The Japanese government regards the human capital of the Japanese people as the nation’s most valuable natural resource.

Stratification theory argues that the social backgrounds of parents are the main determinant of their children’s educational success.  Therefore, schools seem to select, certify, and allocate students to the social class of their origin.  Thus, schools “reproduce” social stratification rather than promote educational equity (Rubinson and Browne 1994:585).  The differences in academic achievement appear in as early as the third and fourth grades, when some children start to fall behind their peers.  Quantitative analyses support “stratification/reproduction theory,” and confirm that the educational level, occupation, and household income of the parents significantly affect their children’s educational attainment.  However, the extent to which family backgrounds affect children’s educational attainment remains to open to question (e.g., Ishida 1993; Treiman and Yamaguchi 1993; Aramaki 2000; Nakanishi 2000). 

According to a 1995 Social Stratification and Social Mobility (SSM) survey, the father’s educational attainment and occupational status significantly correlate with the educational attainment of his children.  Students at elite high schools are more likely to have fathers who are/were in professional or managerial positions6 (Nakanishi 2000).  For more than a century, the fathers of college students have been more likely to be found in professional and managerial positions than any other occupation.  Since 1945, fathers in professional and managerial positions have sent their sons to prestigious universities more than three times as often as those in other occupations (Kariya 1995:67).  According to the 1995 survey, among those who were born in 1965-1975, more than 70 percent of college students had fathers who were professionals and in managerial positions (Aramaki 2000:23).  In 1990, 47 percent of the students in national universities came from the top 20 percent household income bracket, 27 percent from the second highest, 12 percent from the third highest, 8 percent from the fourth, and 6 percent from the fifth (LeTendre et al. 1998:291).  As a result, higher education has contributed to the reproduction of social stratification.

Highly educated parents with high occupational status and high incomes tend to provide their children with more “cultural capital” or habitus, which is transmitted from parents to children through family investment in children’s education and socialization (Bourdieu 1986).  Leading studies confirm that the educational attainment of the parents has a greater effect than income when it comes to the academic success of their children (Kariya 1995:83).  Highly educated parents are more likely to have high expectations and aspirations for children’s education, teach their children the importance of education, spend more time helping them with their schoolwork, arrange for private lessons, and provide a supportive learning environment. 

A 1995 survey of parents of fourth to ninth graders showed that 62 percent of children whose fathers were college graduates wanted to attend college, while only 26 percent of children whose fathers were middle school graduates had the same intention (Sōmuchō 1996:169).  In 1990, families in the lowest income quintile spent 4,225 yen a year for their children’s education, while families in the highest income quintile spent 26,027 yen (LeTendre et al. 1998:292).  According to the 1995 SSM survey, almost 70 percent of people in their 20s whose fathers were professionals and in managerial positions took private lessons (juku, tutors, and/or correspondence studies), while less than 30 percent of those in their 20s whose fathers were engaged in agriculture took them (Aramaki 2000:27). 

Besides the social backgrounds of students, ethnographic studies prove that the teaching skills and attitudes of instructors also affect children’s educational achievement (Takeuchi 1995:31-39; Heyns 1986:317-319).  Teachers can be mentors for children who lack “cultural capital” by teaching them to value education, inspiring them to study hard, and helping their schoolwork.  Remedial education, such as after-school lessons for those who fall behind helps the lower-achieving children to improve.  Such affirmative action programs are necessary to offer disadvantaged children a better future.

The term, “educational credential society” (gakureki shakai) became popular in the 1960s.  During this period of high economic growth (1953-1973), a large number of farmer’s sons obtained the high school and college degrees, and enjoyed upward mobility into white-collar jobs through their educational credentials.  Educational credentials became an indicator of a “social birth,” a lifetime achievement (Kariya 1995:109).  By the mid-1960s, the majority of parents wanted their children to attend college in order to obtain a better educational credential for their future occupation (Kondō 2000:6).

All high schools and colleges are academically stratified, and therefore graduation from a particular school is a measure of academic achievement.  Organizations and companies use educational credentials to evaluate the knowledge and potential of job seekers.  Educational credentials on job applications of new graduates “signal” to employers how smart they are at school without generating further informational costs during the recruitment (Rosenbaum et al. 1990:270-280).  Furthermore, people may use educational credentials to evaluate the cognitive quality in informal occasions.

The Japanese believes that any child can achieve upward social mobility, if he or she succeeds in earning high educational credentials.  Therefore, teachers and parents urge children to attend better high schools and better colleges in order to obtain better jobs in the future.  The competition to obtain better educational credentials through admission into better high schools and colleges is so fierce that it is known as “examination hell.”  The entrance examination for high school admission is the first formal sorting system for better future lives (better pay and higher occupational status) for almost all 15-year-olds.  Entering a good academic high school provides students with a fast track to entering a good college.  Students are encouraged at school and home to study hard and gain high scores on the examinations.  The return match for those who failed the first “tournament” (Rosenbaum 1976) is provided at college entrance examinations.  However, in most cases, those who attend lower-ranked high schools find it harder to gain admission to high-ranked colleges and universities. 

The regression analysis of educational attainment and labor wages confirms the human capital theory that investment of time and money in education can increase the probability of earning higher salaries and enjoying higher occupational status because employers use educational credentials to evaluate applicants’ potential and productivity.  According to the 1995 SSM survey, each additional year of education increases a person’s income by 8.5 percent.  Those who work in larger corporations for longer years earn more raises than those who do not.  Also, people in managerial positions, sales, and manufacturing gain more income increases based on the number of years spent on education than those in professional and clerical jobs (Yano and Shima 2000:117-120). 

However, the critics of the human capital theory argue that the job market is affected not only by educational credentials but also by social and institutional networks, and that job-related knowledge and technology can be learned on the job (Center 1998).  Collins argues in Credential Society, that “schooling is very inefficient as a means of training for work skills” (Collins 1979:21).

Educational credentials have less effect on promotions in the later stages of a person’s career than they do on recruitment and entry-level training.  The analysis of the 1993 employment records of college graduates in a large financial and insurance company demonstrates that college credentials only have a small correlation with promotions to positions such as the department chief (buchō) twenty years after college graduation.  At that stage, the promotion is more likely to be determined through job performance and productivity (Ishida, Spilerman and Su 1997:874, 879).  It is important to note that the correlation of education and income is inconsistent among women because, according to the 1995 SSM survey, only 20 percent of married women work full-time (Seiyama 2000:13-14).

1-2    THE HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF SCHOOL EDUCATION

Japanese society, largely illiterate at the beginning of the Edo period (1603-1867) had become one of the most literate societies in the world by the end of the Edo period.7  Local feudal lords established fief schools for samurai, “Japanese warriors” and thus every samurai was literate.  Ordinary farmers, craftsmen, and merchants sent their children to the terakoya, “temple schools” for basic knowledge, writing, reading, and counting.  By the end of the Edo period, the attendance was high in urban areas such as in Edo (86%), though it was much lower in isolated rural areas.  The percentages of male and female attendance in terakoya were 79 percent and 21 percent, respectively (Passin 1965:44-47).

The Meiji government (1868-1912) established a bilateral system of education: compulsory primary education for the masses, and secondary and higher education for the elite.  The 1872 School Ordinance mandated a compulsory four-year elementary school system (expanded to six years in 1907) for all children from the ages of 6-14 in order to produce a “rich county with a strong army” that would equal the Western countries.  By 1875, 25,000 elementary schools were open nationwide, and 35 percent of children between the ages of 6-14 (41% of boys and 18% of girls) were enrolled, at the attendance rate of 74 percent (Tokyo Shoseki 2000:197; Hamashima Shoten 2000:128).8  The enrollment rate of elementary students rose to 49.5 percent in 1885, 61.2 percent in 1895, and by 1910 it was 98.1 percent (Kōdansha 1999:434).  Poverty and gender affected the enrollment rates in elementary schools.  By 1918, universal enrollment in elementary schools finally reached girls and the children from the urban lower classes (Okado 2000:234).

Only a small portion of elementary school graduates from the upper and middle class continued on to five-year academic secondary schools for boys or five-year secondary schools for girls; the majority entered the labor force or to two-year higher elementary schools.  When the enrollment of elementary schools approached 100 percent in 1915, 11 percent of male students and 5 percent of female students entered secondary school (Aramaki 2000:16). 

In 1925 in Fukui prefecture, 6.4 percent of male students and 10 percent of female students went on to five-year secondary schools, and 0.4 percent of male students and 0.7 percent of female students went to normal schools.  More than half of all male students (52.4%) and one-third of all female students (33.6%) went on to a two-year higher elementary school, 3.6 percent of male students went on to part-time vocational schools, and 2.2 percent of male students and 4.8 percent of female students went to miscellaneous schools. 

On the other hand, 22.5 percent of male students entered the family businesses, including agriculture and forestry (15.0%) and 11.8 percent went to work in manufacturing (2.1%), sales (5.9%) and apprenticeships (2.1%).  One-third of female students (33.2%) worked in family businesses, such as agriculture and forestry (21.5%), while 16.5 percent went to work manufacturing (9.3%), sales (0.1%), apprenticeships (1.1%), domestic service (1.8%), and nursing or midwifery (0.6%) (Okado 2000:37). 

After 1886, some elementary schools added six months to one year of supplementary night classes.  In 1893-1894, supplementary vocational schools were established for graduates of elementary schools who did not go on to higher elementary schools or secondary schools.  Supplementary vocational schools provided courses in reading, writing, accounting, and practical courses in agriculture, industry, and commerce.  These schools had programs that ran for three years or less, and apprenticeships lasting six months to four years.  By 1923, 1,024,774 students (72.9% boys) took courses from 8,299 teachers in 14,975 schools (Takano 1992:18, 38). 

By the 1930s, approximately 20 percent of male students continued on to five-year secondary boys’ schools while 17 percent of female students continued on to five-year secondary girls’ schools to learn to become “good wives and wise mothers” (Aramaki 2000:16).  The discrepancy between urban and rural educational norms is remarkable.  As early as 1925, in Nagoya City, 57 percent of male students and 50 percent of female students went on to five-year secondary schools.  Even among the graduates of one elementary school in Tokyo in 1936, students from the middle class were more likely to have better grades and go on to five-year secondary schools than students from the families of manufacturers, farmers, and small retailers, who were more likely to have lower grades and enroll in higher elementary schools or join the work force.  Poverty forced many of these graduates to seek employment rather than further education (Okado 2000:42, 126-148).

Higher education in Japan during the prewar period was available only to the elite.  In 1877, Tokyo University, the first Imperial University, was founded in order to catch up with European and American scholarship.  By 1915, two percent of male students and 0.1 percent of female students went on to post-secondary education (Aramaki 2000:16).  Then, under the College Ordinance of 1918, the status of “university” was granted to many other national, prefectural, municipal, and private professional schools.  These schools were able to gain university status if they added preparatory courses for high school education (Osaki 1999:36-37).  Options for higher education expanded and became available to more students.  After graduating from five-year secondary schools, some students attended private three-year professional schools; others attended private three-year preparatory high schools and three-year colleges; and still others attended three-year preparatory high schools and three- to four-year imperial universities.  By the 1930s, the enrollment rate in higher education had risen to about six percent for men and about one percent for women (Aramaki 2000:17). 

Since the late 1880s, public education had been based on patriotism and Confucianism.  The first Minister of Education, Mori Arinori, replaced comparatively liberal western-style education with nationalistic and Confucian education in the late 1880s.  The 1890 Imperial Rescript on Education, the core of prewar education in Japan, emphasized Confucian principles, such as loyalty to the emperor, filial piety, and affection and trust among family and friends.  In addition, three compulsory hours of ethics were taught to children each week in the 1890s (Gluck 1985:150).

In the early 1890s, the Imperial Photograph, the photograph of the emperor and empress, as well as the Imperial Rescript on Education were distributed and enshrined in each school’s Altar of the Imperial Family.  On national holidays, the principal read the Rescript in front of the Imperial Photograph during the school ceremonies, and the entire school would salute the Photograph of Emperor and Empress.  They would then sing the kimigayo, the national anthem, and other holiday songs for the emperor.  The children learned to be in awe of the emperor through school ceremonies and regular visits to the school’s Altar of the Imperial Family.  Beginning in 1904, the Ministry of Education emphasized the imperial view of history through nationalized textbooks in all primary schools.  Many of the teachers who taught the militaristic and ultra-nationalistic wartime curriculum to students during World War II had been students in this imperialistic educational system from the 1890s (Ienaga 1978).

Beginning in the 1910s, victories in the Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895) and the Russo-Japanese War (1904-1905) reinforced the imperial and nationalistic ideology.  During the “Taishō Democracy” of the 1920s, progressive educators advocated child-centered education for middle class children in urban areas (Okado 2000:144-5).  However, starting with the severe economic recession in the late 1920s, ultra-nationalists and military officers controlled the government.  In the 1930s, militarist and ultra-nationalist ideologies pervaded the Japanese educational system.

In 1941, public elementary schools became “National People’s Schools” and took a central role in militaristic wartime education.  All children were taught to be dedicated subjects of the emperor and to fight the war for the emperor.  Nationalized textbooks, especially those on history and ethics, deified the emperor and glorified the Imperial Army and Navy.  The 1940 National History for elementary school children referred to the Emperor Hirohito as a “Living God.”  The 1934 History Textbook described the legend of the creation of the Japanese nation by the Sun Goddess, and the “first” Emperor Jinmu (Harada and Tokuyama 1988:111).  This imperial “worship” continued until the end of World War II. 

The 1943 Nation’s History for Elementary School included the first chapter, “Country of Gods” and concluded, “We have to study hard … to become good subjects, and to do our best for the sake of the Emperor” (Ishikawa 2000:104).  The ethics textbook for second graders stated, “Japan, the Good Country, the Beautiful Country.  The only Country in the World, the Country of God” (Tokutake 1995:33-34).  By 1944, boys in higher elementary schools had two hours of compulsory military training a week, and students in third through sixth grades took “special classes” for training.  Ueda National School launched “must-win education” in 1944, and children memorized the “Declaration of War,” and “The Rescript on Imperial Soldiers,” took military training, and cooperated with community organizations to support the war.  Children recited, “Do not take the humiliation of being prisoners of war.  You should rather die to avoid the humiliation of being prisoners of war…” in the “Instruction on War” (Toda 1997:163-168, 170-173).  From 1941 to 1945 these “Little Nationalists” were taught to believe that the Emperor was a Living God, and to die for the Emperor and the country.

Schools and local communities cooperated in training children and youths to dedicate their lives to the Emperor and to the war effort.  All male students in the third grade or above, except for secondary school students, and all working youths belonged to the Great Japan Youth Organization under the MOE from 1941 to 1945, when it was absorbed into the Great Japan Youth Units.  In June 1942, 54,604 organizations had 14,215,000 children and youths (Yamanaka 1989:304, 420; Toda 1997:104-106).  Students wrote letters and sent packages to soldiers, cleaned shrines and temples, worshipped, and saved money for war effort through school events.

Military training courses had been assigned to male students in five-year secondary schools since 1926, and in youth training centers since 1927.  In 1926, youth training centers were established for working men between the ages of 16-20.  The youth training centers provided 800 course hours for four years, including 400 hours of military training, 100 hours of ethics and civics, 200 hours of academic subjects, and 100 hours of vocational subjects.  Public military training centers were annexed into elementary schools or supplementary vocational schools, and instructors for military training were elementary school teachers, supplementary vocational teachers, and military reservists.  Those who completed the course in youth military training centers, like those who received military training in secondary male schools, were exempted from six months of military service.  In 1926, 15,588 of these centers trained 891,555 students, and this number did not change substantially until 1934 (Takano 1992:76-77, 81, 83). 

In 1935, youth military training centers and supplementary vocational schools were integrated into youth schools.  After 1938, all young working men were required to enter youth schools.  Youth schools had two-year general courses for those who did not attend higher elementary schools, and four- to five-year courses for those who graduated from higher elementary schools.  The five-year courses for men included 350 hours of military training, 100 hours for ethics and civics, and 510 hours for general and vocational subjects.  For female students, two-year general courses were offered to those who did not go to higher elementary schools, and two- or three-year courses were offered to those who graduated from higher elementary schools (Takano 1992:135, 138, 140, 162).

Most of the students in youth schools had been born in the Taishō era (1912-1926), and were drafted for the Asia-Pacific War.  In 1938, 17,743 public and private youth schools taught approximately 2,210,000 students.  In 1942, 2,910,000 students were taught in 21,272 youth schools (Takano 1992:188, 215). 

As the war entered its devastating finale in 1945 and the country experienced labor shortages, all students from higher elementary schools through universities were required to work in factories and farms, under the 1944 Student Workers Ordinance.  Many elementary school children in urban areas were relocated to rural areas with their teachers, far away from their families in bombed-out urban areas.

Immediately after World War II, the General Headquarters (GHQ) of the Supreme Commander for the Allied Forces (SCAP) abolished the militaristic wartime education that had been based on the Imperial Rescript on Education.  In 1945, the GHQ purged militaristic teachers, blackened out militaristic descriptions in textbooks, and suspended courses on ethics, history, and geography, which had taught ultra-nationalism and imperial-centered doctrine.  The GHQ initiated a new “democratic” educational system, modeled on the American school system.  The U.S. Education Mission, consisting of 27 “progressive” American educators, stayed in Japan for less than a month, and submitted a report, which became the blueprint for postwar educational reform in 1947 (Kawase 1999:193). 

The Civil Information and Education Section (CI&E) of the GHQ implemented a decentralized and democratic education system based on the report, in cooperation with the MOE.  The GHQ entrusted the administration of education to local governments, as in the United States, and introduced elected boards of education in each prefecture in 1948 (Marshall 1994:149).

In 1947 the government enacted two laws: the Fundamental Law of Education and the School Education Law, both of which emphasized egalitarianism and educational autonomy.  The single 6-3-3-4 system of education replaced the prewar dual (elite and popular) educational system, and required all children to attend middle school.  Wartime “National People’s Schools” became six-year elementary schools.  Two-year higher elementary schools and youth schools became three-year middle schools, while five-year secondary schools became high schools.  Two- and three-year professional schools, preparatory high schools, normal schools, and all other schools became four-year colleges. 

The six years of compulsory education were extended to nine years of elementary and middle school education.  Almost all gender-segregated schools became coeducational.  High schools in small districts, modeled on public high schools in the United States, were introduced by the GHQ.  About half of all prefectures adopted the model of small school districts with one high school, and 42 percent of high schools were high schools of small school districts.  In addition, 63 percent of high schools became coeducational (Aramaki 2000:24).  The rate of high school enrollment was 42.5 percent in 1950, and rose to 51.5 percent in 1955 (Monbukagakushō 2001a:27).

Prewar universities (49 universities including 28 private universities) were open to less than five percent of college-aged youths, and produced the elites of the nation.  In 1949, the GHQ revolutionized the system of higher education by introducing a uniform four-year college system.  All two- and three-year professional schools, preparatory high schools, and normal schools were upgraded into four-year universities under the order of the Bureau of Civil Information and Education of the GHQ.

At least one national university was established in each prefecture, modeled on state universities in the United States.  More than two hundred universities were established throughout Japan.  Professional schools, which did not meet the requirements to become universities, became junior colleges, whose system was formally recognized in 1964.  By 1951, the 49 colleges and 452 professional, high, and normal schools of the prewar educational system were transformed into 203 colleges and 180 junior colleges.  The government had strong authority over the approval of the establishment of private colleges.  General courses, unit credits, professional graduate schools, and accreditation, all modeled on higher education in the United States, were introduced into Japanese higher education (Amano 1996:13, 83; Kawai 1960:203; Osaki 1999:2, 210-211).

According to the 1947 and 1951 Courses of Study, the MOE emphasized progressive child-centered education.  The principles of American progressive education emphasized naturalism and pragmatism.  Teachers help children learn from their own experiences, without a fixed program.  Social studies replaced geography, history, and ethics, and emphasized social experiences from daily life and problem-solving methods.  Progressive scholars and educators, as well as the Japan Teachers’ Union (JTU) praised this pedagogy.  However, critics argued that child-centered education aggravated the juvenile delinquency of the “après la guerre generation” (Kawai 1960:196-197). 

After Japan regained its independence in 1952, the country enjoyed a period of rapid economic growth that lasted until the first oil shock of 1973.   Average economic growth during the 1960s was 8.0 percent per annum, sometimes reaching as high as 10.6 percent (Kōdansha 1999:300).  As the number of laborers in the manufacturing and service industries increased at the expense of farming, fishery and forestry, farmers’ sons streamed into urban areas after graduating from middle or high schools, and became salaried employees.  The government designed an educational plan to produce more educated and qualified laborers, responding to requests from industry, and the increasing number of school-age baby boomers. 

Education proved a vehicle for upward social mobility for most young people.  In 1950, almost half of all Japanese people were engaged in primary industries (Aramaki 2000:17), and almost 80 percent of the workforce was made up of elementary school graduates (Kondō 2000:4).  In 1950, among 1.59 million middle school graduates, 720,000 proceeded to high school, while 720,000 joined the workforce (Kariya 2000:1).  However, by the mid-1970s, more than 90 percent of 15-year-olds attended high school, and more than one-third of 18-year-olds attended four-year colleges or junior colleges. 

The comprehensive high schools introduced by the GHQ never became popular in Japan.  By 1957, only eight prefectures had the small school district system for high schools.  By 1967, only Kyoto prefecture implemented this system, which was abolished in 1983.  By 1963, the MOE acknowledged the use of entrance examinations for high school admission (Aramaki 2000:25).  All high schools were academically stratified, and the admission into the elite high schools became highly competitive.  Many children were pushed to study hard to enter high-ranked high schools and colleges.  “Examination hell” was a popular reference to the competitive entrance examinations and “education mama” were women who had high hopes for the academic prospects of their children.

The high school enrollment rate nearly doubled from 51.5 percent in 1955 to 91.9 percent in 1975 (Monbukagakushō 2001a:27).  By the mid-1970s, the high school enrollment rate of children whose fathers were manual laborers or farmers had almost caught up with that of children whose fathers were professionals or in managerial positions (Aramaki 2000:19).  In 1965, the number of high school graduates who joined the workforce exceeded that of middle school graduates who joined the workforce (Ishida 2000:114).  It was only after the 1960s that the majority of 15-year-olds stayed in schools. 

College enrollment rates also rose from 10.1 percent in 1955 to 38.4 percent in 1975 (Monbukagakushō 2001a:28).  From 1960 to 1968, the number of college entrants increased eight-fold, because of growing number of private colleges.  In just eight years, 127 private colleges and 188 private junior colleges were built, though only three national universities were founded (Osaki 1999:220).  Since 1970, the MOE has subsidized private colleges.  By 1975, 80 percent of colleges were private (Amano 1998:15).  College education accounted for upward social mobility, and helped many college graduates form a new middle-class of white-collar salaried workers in the 1960s and 1970s.  In 1957, the government launched a “manpower plan” to develop 8,000 more science and engineering students by 1960, and 20,000 more students overall by 1964 (Osaki 1999:212-214).  In 1976, specialized training colleges (senshū gakkō) were reclassified as accredited formal schools from “miscellaneous schools.”

When many baby boomers (born between 1947-1949) became 18 years old in the mid-1960s, many universities and colleges accepted more students than their allowable quotas, and the ratio of students to teachers became too large.  That caused dissatisfaction among the students, and student riots occurred nationwide in the late 1960s.  The student movements, starting from demands for lower tuition, better instruction, and more student participation in college management eventually became increasingly political, and anti-establishment forces and were led by radical Trotskyite students (Steinhoff 1984; Motohashi 1985).  After campus disturbances subsided in the 1970s, some universities reduced class sizes and reformed the curriculum.  However, little has changed in the basic structure of college education. 

The enrollment rate of high schools and colleges has been stabilized during the slow economic growth following the mid-1970s.  High school enrollment increased five percent from 91.9 percent in 1975 to 97.0 percent in 2000, while college enrollment increased from 38.4 percent in 1975 to 49.1 percent in 2000 (Monbukagakushō 2001a:27-28).9  Since the 1990s, many universities and colleges have admitted non-traditional students, partly because of the difficulty recruiting high school graduates due to the ever-decreasing number of children in Japan.

1-3    COMPARISONS WITH THE UNITED STATES

The United States, whose students perform less well than their counterparts in many other developed countries, has lately returned to an insistence upon the “basics,” and the accountability of teachers and schools for academic performance of the students.  In contrast, Japan has lowered the academic requirements since April 2002, and reinforces the creativity and individuality of students by offering more elective courses, after reconsidering the drawbacks of memorization and rote learning.10

Each state of the United States administers its public schools.  Elected municipal school boards set policies and budgets, and approve the hiring and promotion of teachers and administrators.  In contrast, in Japan, the Ministry of Education (MOE) oversees school administration, curriculum, pedagogy, and educational content in textbooks.  Recently, the MOE has begun to delegate more decision-making powers to prefectural and municipal boards of education and schools in the name of education diversification. 

The American educational system is based on uniform primary and secondary education, though each state decides the age limit for compulsory education.  Public education generally requires five years of elementary school education (grades 1-5), three years of middle school education (grades 6-8), and four years of high school education (grades 9-12).  Since the late 1960s, middle schools11 have gained popularity, and replaced junior high schools.

About 11 percent of students attended private schools, such as parochial schools and preparatory schools in 2002.  In 2001-02, 72.5 percent of 17-year-olds graduated from high school.  The high school dropout rate among 16- to 24-year-olds for 2001 was 11 percent (NCES 2003a).

In 2001, among 16- to 24-year olds who graduated from high school or completed a General Educational Development (GED) during the preceding 12 months, 61.7 percent enrolled higher education, either in a two-year or a four-year college.  Between 21 and 24 percent of college students attended private colleges and universities between 1992 and 2002 (NCES 2003a).  Among students who were in eighth grade in 1988, by 2000, 30 percent had completed at least a bachelor’s degree, while 47 percent finished some college credits not enough for a bachelor’s degree.  Also, among the students enrolled in four-year colleges in 1995-1996, 63 percent had received a bachelor’s degree by June 2001, and five percent received an associate’s degree from two-year colleges, or other certificate below the bachelor’s degree.  Twelve percent were still studying for their degree, two percent were studying at less-than-4-year institution, and 18 percent dropped out (NCES 2003b).  In 2001, 84 percent of people 25 years old and over had completed high school and 26 percent had completed at least four years of college.  Furthermore, six percent held a master’s degree, more than one percent held a law or medical degree, and one percent held a doctoral degree.  In 1999, 33.2 of 100 persons of graduation age received bachelor’s degrees in the United States, while 29.0 of 100 persons received bachelor’s degree in Japan (NCES 2003a).

Though not mandatory, preschool education is almost universal in both countries.  In the United States, in 2001, 38.6 percent of three-year-olds, 66.4 percent of four-year-olds, and 86.7 percent of five-year-olds were enrolled in preschool, nursery school, Head Start and kindergarten (NCES 2003a).  In Japan, more than 70 percent of three-year-olds, more than 80 percent of four-year-olds, and more than 90 percent of five-year-olds attended either preschools/kindergartens (yōchien) or nursery schools (hoikuen) (Monbushō 1999b:270).   

Japan has had much longer school days than the United States, though the difference has been shortened.  In the United States, most public schools are required to be in session 180 days a year, generally from September to June, with a three-month summer vacation.  In 1997-1998, 51 percent of elementary schools and 66 percent of secondary schools provided summer programs (DOE 2000b).  Recently, many schools have switched to “year-round” programs that have three-week vacations after each quarter, in order to promote higher educational achievement.  In Japan, the school year had been gradually reduced to 210 days, in accordance with the five-day school week from April 2002.

The U.S. government spent 5.2 percent of its gross domestic product (GDP) on education in 1999; the Japanese government spent 3.6 percent (NCES 2003a).  In the United States, public schools are free, and in 2001-02 the educational expenditure per student amounted to $7,524 (NCES 2003a).  In 1999-2000, the state (49.5%) and the local school district (43.2%) paid for most educational expenditures with small federal subsidies (7.3%) (NCES 2003a).  In the United States, the public education expenditures per student in 1999 were $6,582 in primary education, $8,157 in secondary education, and $19,220 in higher education, while in Japan, comparable figures were $5,240, $6,039 and $10,278 (NCES 2003a).

Many school districts are funded by property or other local taxes.  Therefore, the amount that a city or town spends on its students depends on the local tax base.  Poorer school districts spent less money per student than those in affluent suburbs.  However, to compensate for this inequity, metropolitan school districts receive more state and federal subsidies.  In Japan, the government subsidizes public elementary, middle and high schools, and high school tuition is inexpensive.

In the United States, 11 percent of students attended private schools in 2002 (NCES 2003a).  In addition, more than one million students are home-schooled (TIME September 11, 2000).  The issue of school choice has entered the political agenda.  In 1999, 24 percent of students in grades 3-12 attended either public or private schools chosen by their parents, not their assigned neighborhood schools (NCES 2001b).  Through school choice, parents can influence the quality of education for their children, and tend to be more satisfied with and interested in their children’s schooling.  School choice has led to schools competing for students by improving their programs (Fuller et al. 1996:11-12).  In 1996, 69 percent of the public supported school choice, and 44 percent even favored choosing a private school over public schools (NCES 2001b).

School choice, including the creation of magnet schools and charter schools is popular among parents of all income levels.  Many middle-class parents can choose their city, town, or suburb of residency based on the quality of the local public schools.  However, many low-income residents in inner cities or rural areas have restricted educational choices. 

Magnet schools and programs can take students beyond their assigned school districts.  In 2001, 1.5 million students were enrolled in over 5,200 magnet schools (DOE 2002).  The principles of magnet schools include parental choice, competition, and institutional autonomy.  Students have a variety of programs that both parents and students have interest in, such as biotechnology, and fine arts.  These schools offer innovative pedagogies such as open classrooms, individualized education, and accelerated learning (Blank et al. 1996:161).  Magnet schools have grown in popularity because they typically have larger budgets with more experienced teachers, and can help students make greater academic progress.  More than 90 percent of magnet schools in 173 districts have waiting lists (Los Angeles Times September 8, 1999).  Most magnet schools choose students by lottery, and one-third of these schools use some criteria for student selection (Blank et al. 1996:154-155).

One of main purposes of magnet schools is to promote desegregation.  The first magnet schools appeared in 1973 when the Supreme Court ruled that northern cities, like many southern schools, had to desegregate (Fuller et al. 1996:5).  In 1975, the court recognized the magnet school system as a voluntary desegregation strategy, and since 1976 the federal government has financially supported them.  The number of magnet schools has increased rapidly in large urban school districts, which primarily serve minority and low-income students.  Magnet schools serve as incentive for parents to keep their children in the public school system (Blank et al. 1996:155-159).  The ethnic composition of magnet schools is usually representative of their communities. 

Since 1992, charter schools have been public schools created through a contract with a state agency or a local school board.  Charter schools administer themselves, and create their own curricula, but must achieve the goals set out in the charter, such as the improvement of student performance, within a specific time.  Seventy percent of charter schools are newly created schools, and eleven states out of the 36 with charter school laws allow private schools to convert to charter schools.  Since the first charter school opened in 1992, nearly four percent have closed (DOE 2000a). 

In 1999, there were 1,605 charter schools with more than 250,000 students.  In 1998-1999, charter schools taught 0.8 percent of all public school students in the 27 states with charter schools.  Most charter schools are small schools with an average of 137 students.  The median ratio of students to teachers is 16:1, compared with 17.2:1 in all public schools.  In 1997-1998, the ratio of white students in charter schools (48%) was lower than that in public schools (59%).  Most charter schools mention limited resource as a major problem.  Charter schools are so popular that 70 percent have waiting lists (DOE 2000a).  However, according to a 2000 poll, half of the respondents had never heard or read about charter schools.  When they were informed about charter schools, 47 percent opposed the idea while 42 percent approved (Rose and Gallup 2000). 

In Japan, the government subsidizes private schools whose tuitions at the high school level are about three times as expensive as that of public schools.  About one-quarter of high school students are enrolled in private high schools of varying levels of academic quality.  Private middle schools emphasize academic achievement and preparation for students to enter prestigious colleges, and have gained popularity, particularly in metropolitan areas.  Almost one-fourth of elementary school graduates attend private middle schools in Tokyo, though 95 percent of middle school students in the nation attend public schools.  Furthermore, since September 2004, the local governments can establish “community schools,” recommended by the National Commission on Educational Reform.  Principals appoint a management team and teachers, and the school conference established by the local government monitor school management and results (Kokumin Kyōiku 2000; AS February 28, 2005).

Japanese primary and secondary schools have produced a workforce with solid knowledge and a strong work ethic.  There are many reasons for this success: longer school days, a uniformly high standard of curriculum, excellent teachers, active parental involvement in education, and respect for education.  During the 1980s and the early 1990s, foreign scholars and journalists praised Japanese education for producing an educated and industrious workforce for economic and technological success. 

The Japanese primary and secondary school education has been successful in producing a generation with one of the highest level of academic achievement in mathematics and science in the world.  In 1964, the first international study of achievement in mathematics for 13 year-olds and 18 year-olds discovered that Japanese students scored the highest.  International studies of science achievement among 10 and 14 year-olds in 1970-1971, and those of mathematics achievements for 13-year-olds in the early 1980s show that Japanese students again scored highest (Lynn 1988:4, 15-16). 

The 2003 survey by the Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS 2003) found that Japanese eighth graders ranked fifth of 46 countries in mathematics and sixth in science, while American eighth graders ranked fifteenth in mathematics and ninth in science.  Also, Japanese fourth graders came in third of 25 countries in mathematics and third in science while American fourth graders ranked twelfth in mathematics and sixth in science (AS December 15, 2004).  In addition, Japan enjoys one of the highest literacy rates in the world.  Almost 100 percent of children are enrolled in elementary school, and the illiteracy rate among children is almost zero.

However, Japanese people have a reputation for being less creative and individualistic because of the emphasis on memorization and rote learning in education.  The current reform focuses on developing students’ creativity and individuality.  Local control, elective courses, comprehensive high schools, volunteerism, and community involvement are key elements of American education.  On the other hand, American schools concentrate on basic knowledge, demanding the curricula and testing that have been the foundation of Japanese education. 

Concerned with the deterioration of academic performance, conservative educators gained prominence in the 1980s.  The 1983 reform report, A Nation at Risk by the National Commission on Excellence in Education recommended a program of “New Basics,” a required core curriculum.  The Commission criticized the extensive “cafeteria-style curriculum” in high schools as the main cause of declining academic achievement and SAT scores (NCEE 1983; Angus and Mirel 1999:2-3).  More and more students have been taking academic courses since the reform.  In 2000, 31 percent of students completed recommended core requirements: 4 units of English, 3 units of social science, 3 units of science, 3 units of mathematics, 2 units of foreign language, and 0.5 unit of computer science (NCES 2003a).

Standardized test scores have generally been used to measure academic achievement.  Under the 1994 law, states are required to test students once during elementary school, middle school, and high school.  In January 2002, President George W. Bush signed the “No Child Left Behind” Bill which requires annual state tests in reading and mathematics for every child in grades three through eight, starting in no later than the 2005-6 school year.  Recently, some states and school districts have developed specific curricula which teachers are expected to follow in order to raise test scores, though critics point out “teaching to the test” undermines students’ creativity (TIME March 6, 2000).  Teachers are being held responsible for their students’ performance.  The teachers, principals, and administrators in California’s lower 50 percent of schools, who helped students raise their standardized test scores were eligible for large cash bonuses from the state’s testing-and-accountability programs (Los Angeles Times October 10, 2001).  

In the United States, ability grouping starts in elementary school.  Elementary schools have within-class ability grouping, advanced classes for gifted and talented children, and special education classes for children with learning disabilities.  Middle and high schools usually use a tracking system, which distribute students among ability- or interest-based classes.  Since the early 1970s, programs for gifted students have become popular in public schools, and 12 percent of students receive some kind of advanced instruction.  In public schools, gifted students are invited to participate in special math, science, or arts classes.  Some districts provide summer camps or after-school classes for gifted students.  In California, 6.12 percent of students participate in these programs.  Students who enroll in these programs often need to have an IQ of 120 or higher, but many programs accept students on the basis of teacher recommendations, academic records, interviews, or other tests (Los Angeles Times April 1, 2001).

In Japan, ability grouping and tracking in elementary and middle schools has been a taboo subject because of the egalitarian philosophy of education following World War II.  However, during the 2002-3 school year, the MOE launched limited ability grouping for advanced students in elementary and middle schools.  Upon entering high school, almost all Japanese 15-year-olds take entrance examinations that determine their placement in hierarchically ranked academic, vocational, or comprehensive high schools.

In the United States, the number of public school students diagnosed with learning disabilities (LD) had increased to six percent by 1998.  The majority of LD children stay in special education throughout their school years, and may encounter discrimination in postsecondary education and employment.  However, a survey showed that only 15 percent of LD students met the clinical definition of LD, and that most students diagnosed with LD lived in poverty, and scored low in cognitive development (Meyer, Harry and Sapon-Shevin 1997:337).  The overrepresentation of minority and disadvantaged children indicates that the low scores on reading performance are caused not by learning disabilities, but by poverty, disadvantaged educational environments, and the lack of early education (Los Angeles Times December 12, 1999; Agbenyega and Jiggetts 1999).  Early compensatory education for disadvantaged children, such as Head Start, helps these children avoid being labeled as LD.  In Japan, the MOE plans to start similar special education for children diagnosed with learning disabilities.

In the United States, elementary schools do not have tracking systems, but many teachers frequently use differentiated instruction to meet the needs of all students in a classroom.  It is believed that the students learn more successfully if they are taught according to their levels of readiness, interests, and learning profiles (Tomlinson 2000).  In middle schools, ability grouping and tracking in reading, English, and mathematics classes is very common.  According to a 1993 survey, 82 percent of middle schools used ability grouping to some extent, though 36 percent of schools reported that they might abandon ability grouping (Mills 1998).  Black, Hispanic and Native American students and low-income students are overrepresented in the lower tracks.  It is generally believed that tracking gives high-achieving students the challenge and stimulation that they need, while it stigmatizes low-achievers as slow learners, and relegates them to second-class status, with inferior instruction, less experienced or committed teachers, and lower expectations. 

Tracking in middle schools has declined nationwide.  Middle school educators have argued that the enriched curriculum, high-level thinking, and problem-solving techniques used in gifted classes would benefit all students (Tomlinson 1995a, 1995b).  Public high schools usually have three tracks: academic, general, and vocational.  In addition to their distribution requirements for graduation, students take classes according to their interests and academic goals.  College-bound students may take more honor classes, or Advanced Placement classes; vocational students may take courses in typing and business.

1-3-3    EDUCATION FOR MINORITY AND DISADVANTAGED STUDENTS

By 2020, it is estimated that the number of minority students will reach half the student body of the United States.  About 14 percent of students speak a language other than English (Banks 1999).  In the spring of 1996, public teachers consisted of whites (90.7%), blacks (7.3%), Asian/Pacific Islanders (1.0%) and American Indian/Alaska Natives (1.0%), including Hispanics in terms of origin (4%).  In the fall of 2000, non-white students comprised 38.8 percent of all elementary and secondary school students (including 17.2% blacks, 16.3% Hispanics, 4.1% Asian/Pacific Islanders, and 1.2% American Indians/Alaskan Natives).  The distribution of students in degree-granting institutions in the fall of 2000 consisted of 28.2% minority students (11.3% blacks, 9.5% Hispanics, 6.4% Asians or Pacific Islanders, and 1.0% American Indians/Alaskan Natives) (NCES 2003a).

Starting in elementary school, black and Hispanic students perform less well than white students.  The academic performance of nine-year old black children in the 1996 National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) achievement tests was lower than that of white children, and the gap in the academic performance persisted at ages 13 and 17, although the gaps in reading, mathematics, and science have narrowed.  Hispanic students (Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, and Cubans) also had lower scores than white students in the 1996 NAEP achievement tests, although their scores in English and mathematics have improved.  The reading level of 17-year-old Hispanic students was similar to that of 13-year-old whites (NCES 1998). 

The educational attainment of blacks and Hispanics is also lower than that of whites.  Among 25- to 29-year-olds in 1997, 87 percent of blacks and 62 percent of Hispanics had a high school diploma or equivalent, compared with 93 percent of whites.  Also, among 25- to 29-year-old high school graduates, 54 percent of blacks and 54 percent of Hispanics finished some college or more in 1997, compared with 68 percent of whites.  However, the rate of blacks and Hispanics who have completed four-year colleges or more still lags far behind that of whites.  In 1997, 16 percent of blacks and 18 percent of Hispanics received a bachelor’s degree or higher, compared with 35 percent of whites (NCES 1998).

Blacks and Hispanics are generally less likely to be employed, and when employed, they earn less than whites with the same level of education.  Among 25- to 34-year-old men who have a bachelor’s degree, 97 percent of whites and 87 percent of blacks were employed full-time in 1997, and 7.4 percent of blacks and 1.6 percent of whites were unemployed that same year.  In 1994-1996, 25- to 34-year-old white men with a bachelor’s degree earned $7,900 more than their black counterparts, and $4,400 more than their Hispanic counterparts (NCES 1998).

Children’s home environment significantly affects their performance in the classroom.  Parents with higher socioeconomic status and educational attainment are generally more involved with their children’s education, and spend more time and money on their children’s education.  Black and Hispanic children are more likely to live in single-parent households, and have parents with lower socioeconomic status, as well as lower educational attainment than white children.  Forty-nine percent of all black children and 31 percent of all Hispanic children live with only one parent.  Single parents, mainly mothers, usually have less time to read to their children, supervise homework, or meet with teachers (Fuller et al. 1996:7).  Also, 42 percent of black children (1995) and 40 percent pf Hispanic children (1996) lived in poverty, compared with 10 percent of white children (1996).  In 1997, 79 percent of fathers and 78 percent of mothers of black children (ages 15-18), and 46 percent of fathers and 45 percent of mothers of Hispanic children had at least a high school diploma or equivalent, compared with 90 percent of fathers and 92 percent of mothers of white children (NCES 1998).

The number of immigrant children reached 5 million in 1994.  By 2010, this number will almost double, accounting for about one-fourth of all school-aged children (Fix and Passel 1994).  They are concentrated in California, New York, Texas, and Florida.  It is estimated that more than 50 percent of all Hispanic children and 90 percent of all Asian children have at least one foreign-born parent (Fuligni 1998:127). 

According to a 1980-1986 survey of high school students, immigrant children were at least as academically successful as those who had American-born parents.  Immigrant children and their parents have a more positive view of education, and place a higher priority on college education than American-born students and their parents.  The rate of high school graduation among immigrant children is highest among Asian students, compared with whites, blacks and Hispanics (Vernez and Abrahamse 1996). 

Immigrant high school graduates continued on to college more than their American-born counterparts.  Four out of five Asian high school graduates went on to college, while one out of two Hispanic high school graduates did (Vernez and Abrahamse 1996).  The National Education Longitudinal Study of 1988 through 1992 confirmed that Asian students with a foreign-born parent earned higher grades and math scores, and that Hispanic, black, and white students with immigrant parents performed as well as their native born counterparts with American-born parents (Kao and Tienda 1995).

In 1954, the Supreme Court mandated the desegregation of schools with “all deliberate speed,” rejecting the “separate but equal” doctrine in Brown v. The Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas.  From the mid-1960s to the late 1970s, the courts aggressively enforced desegregation.  In 1971, the Supreme Court granted mandatory busing in order for black children in inner cities to attend suburban white schools.  In the wake of World War II, blacks have been concentrated in poor urban areas, separated from suburban middle-class whites.  However, since the 1970s, the residential segregation of blacks has somewhat diminished, as more middle-class blacks have moved to suburbs in the West and South (Farley and Frey 1994; Los Angeles Times June 24, 2001). 

The percentage of black students who attended predominantly white schools increased from 13 percent in 1968 to 37 percent in 1980 (Jacob 1996:60).  On the other hand, most school boards hesitate to transfer white students to predominantly non-white schools.  White parents are much more likely to send their children to private schools rather than enroll them in public schools that have large black or Hispanic student populations.  Mandatory transfers are more frequently found in the South while the voluntary transfers are more common in the North and Midwest (Wells and Crain 1997:277-278). 

Magnet schools have also been recognized as vehicles for voluntary desegregation.  The South, where 0.01 percent of black students were enrolled in predominately white schools in 1954, is still the most racially integrated part of the country, although the rate of black students in predominantly white schools decreased 43.5 percent in 1988 to 39.2 percent in 1991.  Interestingly, Northeastern and Midwest states such as Illinois, Michigan, New York, and New Jersey are the most segregated (Eaton and Orfield 1996:119).

Since the 1980s, the courts have been less aggressive in enforcing integration.  The courts have even overturned race-based desegregation policies and busing.  In 1991, the Supreme Court ruled in Board of Education of Oklahoma v. Dowell that mandatory court-ordered busing could be stopped once school districts had taken all practicable measures to eliminate segregation.  In 1992, the Supreme Court allowed local school districts to decide the ratio of white to minority students and the continuation of desegregation initiatives (Jacobs 1996:62-63).  A federal judge ordered a race-blind plan for San Francisco schools for the 2000-1 school year, replacing a 1983 federal desegregation plan of San Francisco with mandatory racial quotas (Los Angeles Times January 3, 2000).  As a result, many urban schools are becoming racially re-segregated, as more students attend neighborhood schools (Orfield et al. 1996).  On average the black students attended schools with 33 percent white students in 1996, compared with 36 percent white students in 1980 (Los Angeles Times June 12, 1999).  In 1999, at least 500 school districts had federal desegregation orders, in addition to an unknown number of districts with desegregation orders without any federal involvement (Los Angeles Times September 11, 1999).

Desegregation seems to have improved literacy rates, post-secondary education, and occupational prospects of black students (Schofield 1996).  However, many desegregated schools have been re-segregated within schools through tracking, ability grouping, and special education assignments (Hall 1997:18; Lomotey and Fossey 1997:406-407).  Some educators and minority leaders, disappointed with desegregation, instead focus on improving the educational performance of minority students in neighborhood schools (Hall 1997:18; Eaton and Orfield 1996:127). 

In the United States, the government subsidizes compensatory education and affirmative action programs for children with disadvantaged home environments.  In 1999, Head Start, with a $4.3 billion budget provided preschool education for more than 831,000 children between the ages of three and four from low-income families (GAO 2000:3-4).  In 1993-1994, one-third of public elementary and secondary school students received publicly funded free or reduced-priced lunches.  Also, about 13 percent of elementary and secondary schoolchildren received Title I service (NCES 2001a).

Title I, Part A funded $7.1 billion in 1997 to subsidize educational agencies and schools for low-achieving disadvantaged children.  Seventy-seven percent of the funds were spent on instruction, and hiring additional teachers and instructional aides.  Twelve percent was used for instructional materials and computers, and another 12 percent for program administration.  In 1994-1995, the highest-poverty quartile school districts with 49 percent of the nation’s poor children had total revenues of $6,245 per student, including federal subsidies of $692 per student, while the lower-poverty districts with 7 percent of the poor children had total revenues of $6,958 per student, including federal subsidies of $172 per student.  In 1997-1998, teachers in elementary schools in the poorest areas with at least 75 percent of students in poverty had lower salaries ($35,115), less experience (13.3 years), and fewer master’s or higher degrees (37%) than those in lower-poverty elementary schools with less than 35 percent of students in poverty, where teachers had had an average of $40,839 per year in salary, 15.5 years of experience, and 49 percent had at least a master’s degree (DOE 2000b).

A typical Title I elementary school with 500 students in 1997-1998 added 4.4 full-time staff, including 2.1 more teachers with an average annual salary of $36,427, 1.9 teachers’ aides with an average annual salary of $12,627, and 0.5 non-instructional staff.  Title I teachers spent two-thirds of their time in instructional activities, including 49 percent of their time in resource rooms and departmentalized classes, 14 percent in the classroom, and another 3 percent on tutoring, in addition to planning, preparation, grading, and other activities.  In 1997-1998, high-poverty elementary schools (74%) were more likely than low-poverty elementary schools (36%) to provide extended-time instructional or tutorial programs during the school year.  On average, 7 percent of the students, including 14 percent of the students in the poorest schools attended these programs.  Extended-time instructional programs averaged 116 hours during the school year (DOE 2000b). 

Many colleges consider the racial composition of students, and use affirmative action programs to increase the number of minority students.  Minority students may also receive special consideration for admissions and/or special scholarships.  The percentage of minority college students has increased from 15.4 percent in 1976 to 28.2 percent in 1999 (NCES 2003a).  Quotas, for minority students in college admissions were declared unconstitutional by a 1978 Supreme Court case in which a white applicant for medical school sued the University of California for “reverse discrimination.”  However, the verdict allows for the use of race and ethnicity as a “plus” factor, but not as the decisive factor in admissions (The Regents of University of California v. Bakke). 

Title VI of the 1964 federal Civil Rights Act and the 1974 Supreme Court decision guarantee language-minority students, or Limited English Proficient (LEP) students, to receive additional aid at school.  Generally, bilingual education is targeted to Spanish-speaking elementary school children and/or English as a Second Language (ESL) programs are provided for LEP students.  In California, four-fifths of students, 1.4 million LEP students spoke Spanish as their native language in 1998.  Fewer than one-third of LEP students received bilingual education, and others took ESL courses before being enrolled in regular classes.  Fewer than 7 percent of LEP students graduate from LEP classes every year (Los Angeles Times May 8, 1998; Los Angeles Times May 18, 1998). 

Bilingual education in California’s public schools was denied when voters passed Proposition 227 on June 2, 1998.  Proposition 227 stated that “All children in California public schools shall be taught English by being taught in English.”  More than 400,000 LEP students were in bilingual education programs at that time (Los Angeles Times May 6, 1998; June 4, 1998).  However, parents of LEP students can request bilingual education for their children.  In the Los Angeles United School District, many students in English immersion classes received substantial help in their native languages from bilingual teachers, and 11,809 students (far fewer than the 107,226 students in 1997) requested bilingual classes in the fall of 1998 (Los Angeles Times October 22, 1998). 

In Japan, the government subsidizes education for minority and disadvantaged children (socially discriminated Buraku children, indigenous Ainu children, ethnic minority Korean children, ethnic and/or linguistic minority foreign children, such as Nikkei children, Chinese returnee children, and refugee children) in order to improve the educational achievements of minority children and to enhance their minority identity.

The Civil Rights movement of the 1960s triggered a multicultural education movement, which focused on the culture and history of blacks.  Since the late 1970s, multicultural education has expanded to include gender, class, language, ability, religion, and sexual orientation.  The purpose of multicultural education is to learn about minority cultures from their perspectives, to reduce prejudice and discrimination, and to improve the academic achievement of minority students with cooperative learning and de-tracking (Banks 1999:14-17). 

In practice, social studies and language arts textbooks pay far more attention to minority cultures than ever before.  Middle and high schools teach multicultural education through regular classes in English or history/social studies.  Elementary schools may have more special events for multicultural education, for example, teaching about Mexican culture on May 5, the Mexican national holiday.  According to a survey, 46 percent of 713 school districts with 10,000 or more students had multicultural education programs.  Of these programs, 88 percent were for all students, almost 50 percent used ethnic studies curricula in social studies or language arts courses, almost 30 percent had anti-racism programs, and 11 percent had specific programs for developing inter-group harmony (Aboud and Levy 2000:278).

In Japan, Japanese children learn about minority cultures and history under human rights education through special events and textbooks, in order to reduce prejudice and discrimination toward minority children.

The 1872 School Ordinance mandated compulsory four-year elementary school system (expanded to six years in 1907) for all children from the ages of 6-14, whose enrollment rate reached almost 100 percent in 1915.  The 1890 Imperial Rescript on Education took a significant role in prewar education based on patriotism and Confucianism, which emphasized loyalty to the emperor, filial piety, and affection and trust among family and friends.  Progressive educators advocated child-centered education for middle class children in urban areas briefly during the “Taishō Democracy” in the 1920s before militaristic wartime education in the 1930s and the early 1940s, when all children were taught to fight for the Emperor Hirohito, who was regarded as a “Living God” in the 1940 National History for elementary school children.

After World War II, the Ministry of Education (MOE) established a new “democratic” educational system and emphasized progressive child-centered education, modeled on the American educational system during the U.S. occupation (1945-1952).  Afterwards, however, Japanese education has become highly centralized under the direction of the MOE, which has controlled school administration, curriculum, pedagogy, and educational content in textbooks.  During the period of rapid economic growth (1953-1973), the majority of young people enjoyed upward social mobility through education.  The high school and college enrollment rates increased rapidly from 51.5 percent in 1955 to 91.9 percent in 1975 for high school, and from 10.1 percent in 1955 to 38.4 percent in 1975 for college.  Then, the enrollment rates of high schools and colleges stabilized during the time of slow economic growth.  High school enrollment rose from 91.9 percent in 1975 to 97.0 percent in 2000 and college enrollment increased from 38.4 percent in 1975 to 49.1 percent in 2000.   

Parents and teachers have encouraged students to aspire to entering the finest schools and colleges, as Japan evolved into an “educational credential society” in the 1960s.  Educational credentials are used to gauge the knowledge and potential of job seekers as well as the cognitive quality of persons in general.  In fact, the educational achievement of children is most affected by the amount of education that their parents received.  Highly educated parents expect their children to accomplish more, and are willing to invest more in their children’s education.

Based on proposals by the National Council on Educational Reform (NCER) (Rinkyōshin) in 1987, the MOE has been implementing large-scale educational reform for the deregulation of the school system, the diversification of curriculum, changes in the examination system, the promotion of higher education, the development of lifelong education, the promotion of scientific research, information technology and sports, and the internationalization of education in order to improve the rigid and uniform Japanese educational system.  In 2000, the National Commission on Educational Reform proposed the implementation of ability grouping in primary and secondary education, the enforcement of regular achievement tests in high schools, the promotion of six-year secondary schools, the implementation of volunteer activities, the evaluation of teachers, and revision of the Fundamental Law of Education. 

The 1998 Course of Study for 2002 onward created the field of “integrated study.”  Each school determines what and how to teach international issues, information science, environmental issues, social welfare, and/or health issues through debates, volunteer activities, surveys and/or experiments in order to develop the creativity and individuality of students.  Moreover, each school can determine the length of classes.  Middle and high school students have many more elective courses than they did in the past.

Compared with Japanese education, each American school district administers its own schools.  Since the 1983 reform report: A Nation at Risk, the United States has moved from a less structured curriculum to one that rigorously teaches “the basics.”  The number of students taking academic courses has increased, and teachers are held accountable for their students’ performance on standardized tests.  In contrast, Japan, which had taught basics thoroughly through memorization and rote learning, reflected on its pedagogy, and began educational reforms, based on the 1987 Rinkyōshin report to promote deregulation, diversity, and individuality. 

In the United States, students are divided according to academic ability into gifted classes, and special education classes for children with learning disabilities.  Many elementary schools have within-class ability grouping, and most middle and high schools have a tracking system, based on the students’ academic abilities.  In Japan, there is no ability grouping in elementary and middle schools nationwide, though the MOE has experimented with ability grouping for advanced elementary and middle school students.  As of May 2003, 74.2 percent of elementary schools and 66.9 percent of middle schools enforce small-scale ability grouping (AS February 24, 2004).  High school students are already sorted by entrance examinations into hierarchically ranked academic, vocational, or comprehensive high schools.

In the United States, compensatory education and affirmative action programs such as Head Start and Title I funds are provided for disadvantaged or minority children.  In Japan, minority and disadvantaged children, such as Buraku children, Ainu children, Korean resident children, and foreign children also receive compensatory education.

CHRONOLOGY: JAPANESE EDUCATION

1872    The School Ordinance.

1890    The Imperial Rescript on Education.

1918     The College Ordinance and High School Ordinance.

1947    The Fundamental Law of Education.  The Basic School Law.  The 6-3-3-4 school system is established.  The Japan Teachers’ Union (JTU) is organized.

1956     The publicly elected board of education is replaced by the appointed board of education approved by the Ministry of Education (MOE).

1964    Legalization of junior colleges.

1969    The Special Measures Law for Dōwa Projects. 

1976    Specialized training colleges are established.

1982    The Textbook Controversy over the “Invasion of China.”

1987    The National Council on Educational Reform’s (Rinkyōshin) recommendation. 

1989    The All Japan Teachers and Staffs Union (Zenkyō) is created.

1990    The Lifelong Learning Promotion Law.

1993    Comprehensive high schools and comprehensive courses in high schools are regulated.

1995    School counselors are deployed at school.  Cooperation between the JTU and the Ministry of Education. 

1998    Deregulation of the Law for the Regulation of Teachers’ Certificates.

2000    The National Commission on the Educational Reform’s recommendation.  The Law on the Promotion of Human Rights Education and Raising Human Rights Awareness. 

2002    Introduction of the five-day school week.

1.    Japanese schools and education are discussed in English (e.g., Shields 1989; Beauchamp 1991; 1998; Rholen and Björk 1998; DOE 1998; Okano and Tsuchiya 1999; Goodman and Phillips 2003).

2.    The promotion of public six-year secondary schools was intended to ease “examination hell,” and by 2003, there were 183 six-year secondary schools (Monbukagakushō 2004a).  Furthermore, starting in April 2002, the Ministry of Education (MOE) assigned two research schools to test the combination of elementary and middle school education as a part of the deregulation of the school system for three years (AS May 11, 2002).

3.    Children who have turned six years old by March 31 enter elementary school.

4.    Schools had four-unit hours of classes in the morning every Saturday until 1992.  Since 1993, schools had one Saturday a month off, and since 1995, two Saturdays a month off.  Starting in April 2002, there have been no Saturday classes at public schools. 

5.    Schoppa argues that the drastic changes sought by Prime Minister Nakasone and the neo-conservative internationalist group were compromised by the resistance of the MOE, a power broker of the existing education system backed by conservative Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) politicians in the final report (Schoppa 1991a:251).

6.    According to the occupational categories in the SSM survey, managerial positions include principal managers of companies with at least 30 employees, and sectional managers or chief managers in the government and companies with at least 300 employees.

7.    Articles and books about history of education from 1800 to the 1980s (Marshall 1994), in the Tokugawa era (Dore 1965; Rubinger 1982), the prewar period (Gluck 1985; Motoyama 1997; Lincicome 1991), the Occupation era (Kawai 1960), and postwar period (Beauchamp 1991) have been published in English.

8.    From 1872 to 1900, the Elementary School Law mandated that students of the same academic levels be grouped in the same grade regardless of their age (Satō 1998:192).

9.    Since 1985, the enrollment rate of high schools has included the correspondence courses of high schools (Monbukagakushō 2001a:27).

10.    Comparative analyses of Japanese schools and American schools are discussed in many English books and articles (Cummings 1986; Ichikawa 1986; Tobin 1986; Duke 1986, 1991; Lynn 1988; Beauchamp 1991; Stevenson and Stigler 1992; Rohlen and LeTendre 1996; Shimahara and Sakai 1995; Wray 1999; LeTendre 1999; LeTendre 2000; Tsuneyoshi 2001; DeCoker 2002).

11.    Many middle schools use interdisciplinary team teaching, exploratory education, and cooperative learning for intellectual development, and for the development of social skills, personal values, and understanding of adult roles (Kerka 1994).

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• Education & Science

Education in Japan - statistics & facts

 education level,  psychological pressure on children and long-term absentees from school, key insights.

Detailed statistics

Number of educational institutions Japan 2023, by type

Enrollment rate in school education Japan AY 2022, by institution type

Annual budget of MEXT Japan FY 2015-2024

Editor’s Picks Current statistics on this topic

Educational Institutions & Market

Number of students at primary and secondary schools Japan 2023, by type

Education Level & Skills

Further recommended statistics

• Premium Statistic Number of educational institutions Japan 2023, by type
• Premium Statistic Enrollment rate in school education Japan AY 2022, by institution type
• Premium Statistic Number of students in school education in Japan in 2023, by prefecture
• Premium Statistic Number of male students Japan 2022, by institution type
• Premium Statistic Number of female students Japan 2022, by institution type
• Premium Statistic Number of full-time teachers Japan 2023, by institution type
• Premium Statistic Sales of school education facilities Japan 2022, by institution type

Number of educational institutions in Japan in 2023, by type

Enrollment rate in school education in Japan in academic year 2022, by institution type

Number of students in school education in Japan in 2023, by prefecture

Number of students enrolled in educational institutions in Japan in 2023, by prefecture (in 1,000s)

Number of male students Japan 2022, by institution type

Number of male students in educational institutions in Japan in 2022, by institution type (in 1,000s)

Number of female students Japan 2022, by institution type

Number of female students in educational institutions in Japan in 2022, by institution type (in 1,000s)

Number of full-time teachers Japan 2023, by institution type

Number of full-time teachers in educational institutions in Japan in 2023, by institution type (in 1,000s)

Sales of school education facilities Japan 2022, by institution type

Sales of school education facilities in Japan in 2022, by institution type (in billion Japanese yen)

Primary and secondary schools

• Premium Statistic Number of kindergartens Japan 2014-2023, by type
• Premium Statistic Number of elementary schools Japan 2014-2023, by type
• Premium Statistic Number of junior high/middle schools Japan 2014-2023, by type
• Premium Statistic Number of senior high schools Japan 2014-2023, by type
• Premium Statistic Number of special education schools Japan 2014-2023, by type

Number of kindergartens Japan 2014-2023, by type

Number of national, public, and private kindergartens in Japan from 2014 to 2023

Number of elementary schools Japan 2014-2023, by type

Number of national, public, and private elementary schools in Japan from 2014 to 2023

Number of junior high/middle schools Japan 2014-2023, by type

Number of national, public, and private lower secondary schools in Japan from 2014 to 2023

Number of senior high schools Japan 2014-2023, by type

Number of national, public, and private upper secondary schools in Japan from 2014 to 2023

Number of special education schools Japan 2014-2023, by type

Number of national, public, and private special needs education schools in Japan from 2014 to 2023

Students at primary and secondary schools

• Premium Statistic Number of students at primary and secondary schools Japan 2004-2023
• Premium Statistic Number of students at primary and secondary schools Japan 2023, by type
• Premium Statistic Correct answer rate of NAAA Japan 2022, by subject
• Premium Statistic Ratio of public senior high school students with A2 English level Japan AY 2012-2022
• Premium Statistic Mean PISA score of students in Japan 2000-2022, by subject

Number of students at primary and secondary schools Japan 2004-2023

Number of students enrolled in primary and secondary schools in Japan from 2004 to 2023 (in 1,000s)

Number of students attending primary and secondary schools in Japan in 2023, by institution type

Correct answer rate of NAAA Japan 2022, by subject

Average rate of correct answers of students taking the National Assessment Academic Ability (NAAA) in Japan in 2022, by subject

Ratio of public senior high school students with A2 English level Japan AY 2012-2022

Ratio of students at public senior high schools who attained A2 English level based on the Common European Framework of Reference for Languages (CEFR) in Japan from academic year 2012 to 2022

Mean PISA score of students in Japan 2000-2022, by subject

Mean Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) score of students in Japan from 2000 to 2022, by subject

Long-term absentees

• Premium Statistic Number of long-term absentees at primary and secondary schools Japan AY 2012-2021
• Premium Statistic Ratio of absentees at primary and secondary schools Japan AY 2021, by reason
• Premium Statistic Distribution of absentees at primary and secondary schools Japan AY 2021, by cause
• Premium Statistic Number of reported bullying cases among pupils in Japan AY 2013-2022
• Premium Statistic Number of bullied pupils in Japan AY 2022, by school grade

Number of long-term absentees at primary and secondary schools Japan AY 2012-2021

Number of students who are absent for a long time from primary and lower secondary schools in Japan from academic year 2012 to 2021 (in 1,000s)

Ratio of absentees at primary and secondary schools Japan AY 2021, by reason

Ratio of long-term absentees to total number of students at primary and lower secondary schools in Japan in academic year 2021, by reason

Distribution of absentees at primary and secondary schools Japan AY 2021, by cause

Distribution of students who were absent for a long time from primary and lower secondary schools in Japan in academic year 2021, by main cause

Number of reported bullying cases among pupils in Japan AY 2013-2022

Total number of reported bullying incidents among students in Japan from academic year 2013 to 2022 (in 1,000s)

Number of bullied pupils in Japan AY 2022, by school grade

Number of bullied students in Japan in academic year 2022, by school year (in 1,000s)

Tertiary education

• Premium Statistic Number of universities Japan 2014-2023, by type
• Premium Statistic Number of graduate schools Japan 2014-2023, by type
• Premium Statistic Number of junior colleges Japan 2014-2023, by type
• Premium Statistic Number of students at higher education institutions Japan 2023, by type
• Premium Statistic Number of university students Japan 2013-2022

Number of universities Japan 2014-2023, by type

Number of national, public, and private universities in Japan from 2014 to 2023

Number of graduate schools Japan 2014-2023, by type

Number of national, public, and private graduate schools in Japan from 2014 to 2023

Number of junior colleges Japan 2014-2023, by type

Number of public and private junior colleges in Japan from 2014 to 2023

Number of students at higher education institutions Japan 2023, by type

Number of students attending higher education institutions in Japan in 2023, by institution type

Number of university students Japan 2013-2022

Number of students enrolled at universities in Japan from 2013 to 2022 (in millions)

Other institutions for learning

• Premium Statistic Number of out-of-school learning facilities Japan 2022, by institution type
• Premium Statistic Sales of out-of-school learning facilities Japan 2022, by institution type
• Premium Statistic Number of businesses of foreign language conversation schools Japan FY 2014-2023
• Premium Statistic Number of lifelong learning centers Japan 2008-2021

Number of out-of-school learning facilities Japan 2022, by institution type

Number of out-of-school educational facilities in Japan in 2022, by institution type

Sales of out-of-school learning facilities Japan 2022, by institution type

Sales revenue of out-of-school educational facilities in Japan in 2022, by institution type (in billion Japanese yen)

Number of businesses of foreign language conversation schools Japan FY 2014-2023

Number of business establishments of foreign language conversation schools in Japan from fiscal year 2014 to 2023

Number of lifelong learning centers Japan 2008-2021

Number of lifelong learning centers in Japan from 2008 to 2021

Governmental budget and expenditure

• Premium Statistic Annual budget of MEXT Japan FY 2015-2024
• Premium Statistic Share of annual budget of MEXT Japan FY 2023, by category
• Premium Statistic Local government expenditures on education Japan FY 2012-2021

Annual budget of the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology (MEXT) in Japan from fiscal year 2015 to 2024 (in trillion Japanese yen)

Share of annual budget of MEXT Japan FY 2023, by category

Share of annual budget of the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology (MEXT) in Japan in fiscal year 2023, by category

Local government expenditures on education Japan FY 2012-2021

Local governments' expenditure on education in Japan from fiscal year 2012 to 2021 (in trillion Japanese yen)

Household expenditure

• Premium Statistic Annual expenses for education per household Japan 2013-2022
• Premium Statistic Average annual education fees Japan FY 2021, by institution type
• Premium Statistic Annual school education fees paid by parents Japan FY 2021, by institution type
• Premium Statistic Average out-of-school education fees Japan FY 2021, by institution type
• Premium Statistic Average educational expenses per child until high school Japan FY 2021, by type

Annual expenses for education per household Japan 2013-2022

Average annual expenditure on education per household in Japan from 2013 to 2022 (in 1,000 Japanese yen)

Average annual education fees Japan FY 2021, by institution type

Average annual expenses paid by parents for education in Japan in fiscal year 2021, by institution type (in 1,000 Japanese yen)

Annual school education fees paid by parents Japan FY 2021, by institution type

Average annual school education expenses paid by parents for primary and secondary schools in Japan in fiscal year 2021, by institution type (in 1,000 Japanese yen)

Average out-of-school education fees Japan FY 2021, by institution type

Average annual expenses paid by parents for education outside of schools in Japan in fiscal year 2021, by institution type (in 1,000 Japanese yen)

Average educational expenses per child until high school Japan FY 2021, by type

Average total educational costs for a child from kindergarten to high school graduation in Japan as of fiscal year 2021, by type of school (in million Japanese yen)

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Pros and Cons of the Education System in Japan

Japan, a country reputed for its technological advancements, unique culture, and strong economy is also well known among the academic community for its high-quality education. The Japanese education system is renowned for several distinctive features, such as a rigorous curriculum, instillment of students’ responsibility and discipline, and emphasis on core subjects.

However, the Japanese education system does have its fair share of drawbacks. This includes the lack of creativity and individuality due to increased focus on conformity and pressure on students caused by rote learning and examinations.

This article will discuss the pros and cons of the Japanese education system. Degree-seeking students are highly advised to make a well-informed decision when considering whether they are fit to pursue their education in Japan.

Pros / Advantages of the Education System in Japan

Here are several admirable characteristics of the Japanese education system that highlight the positive aspects of the system.

1. Strong Academic Performance

Japan’s strong academic performance stands out due to its high rankings, showcasing the effectiveness of its educational system. This is associated with its rigorous curriculum that allows students to receive a solid foundation in core subjects like science, language, arts, and mathematics.

In comparison, numerous other countries are yet to make global breakthroughs in the field of academics.

2. Emphasis on Discipline and Responsibility

Japan’s education system instills its students with responsibility and discipline. These attributes can be game changers in their lives as these will greatly affect their personal growth. Students are assured of developing important life skills like respect for authority, strong work ethic, and time management.

Japan’s focus on responsibility and discipline, which lead to the acquiring of essential life skills like strong work ethic and time management is a distinct feature that sets it apart from other countries.

3. Well-Equipped Schools

Schools and educational institutions in Japan provide students with a conducive learning environment by offering modern resources and facilities. These typically include libraries, extracurricular activities to improve holistic development, well-maintained classrooms, and advanced technology.

4. Extensive Support and Guidance

Japan’s education system provides extensive guidance and support to students. Students are aided through various forms of assistance, including counseling services, career guidance, and personalized attention from teachers.

In comparison, while most countries are welcoming to international students it is less likely for countries with small International student populations to allocate substantial funding for initiatives like career guidance and personalized attention for international students.

Cons / Drawbacks of the Education System in Japan

While the Japanese education system has several amazing advantages, there are also some drawbacks.

1. High Pressure and Stress

The focus on academic achievements and intense competition in the Japanese education system can lead to high levels of stress and pressure among students. Additionally, high expectations and an intense curriculum may result in burnout and mental health issues.

Despite competition being a common element within most educational systems, the Japanese education system is infamous for its intense stress and pressure levels in students, which are comparatively higher than in other countries.

2. Lack of Creativity and Critical Thinking

The Japanese education system often focuses on elements like conformity and rote memorization over critical thinking and creativity. This could result in hindering the student’s abilities for problem-solving, expressing individualistic ideas, and independent thinking.

While Japan’s emphasis on academic achievements and discipline is praiseworthy, the Japanese education system does tend to deviate towards elements like rote memorization over cultivating critical thinking and creativity, which are prioritized in certain other countries like Finland

3. Limited Focus on Individuality

The Japanese education system’s limited focus on individuality typically results in individual talents and interests of students being overshadowed by collective goals. This systematic approach may not fully cater to students with unique passions and strengths, stifling their personal development and growth.

While collective goals are paramount, strictly conforming to standardized approaches may hinder the development of elements like personalized learning and individuality.

4. Gender Inequality

Despite having made immense progress in addressing gender inequality, the Japanese education system still faces challenges in fully eliminating gender inequality. Japan is still a very homogenous society and opportunities for women are impacted, due to traditional biases and gender roles, limiting their access to certain career paths or fields of study.

Gender inequality is not uncommon in other countries. However, several countries have made significant progress in this area, offering more equal opportunities for all students with minimal gender disparities.

FAQs: Higher Education in Japan

How is the education system in japan different from other countries.

One of the main differences between the Japanese education system and other education systems is the significant emphasis on education in Japan, which is perceived to be highly valuable and a necessary tool for success. Hence, the country’s dedication to rigorous academic standards, well-structured curriculum, and discipline are distinctive. However, other differences also include, the level of stress and pressure experienced by students in Japan compared to other countries. Furthermore, the Japanese education system also gives more importance to rote memorization over cultivating critical thinking and creativity skills, which are prioritized in certain other countries.

Do International Students Face Extreme Challenges While Studying in Japan?

The challenges faced by international students in Japan primarily include adapting to cultural differences, and language barriers. Non-native Japanese speakers may find classes conducted in Japanese challenging. However, language programs are typically offered at universities to help improve language skills. Additionally, cultural differences like social norms, and customs may initially seem challenging. However, international students can immerse themselves in the culture, seek support from their peers, and participate in activities and clubs to help overcome these challenges and have a successful study experience.

The Japanese education system does have a fair set of pros and cons. On the positive side, its focus on academic excellence, strong work ethic, and discipline are to be appreciated. However, it also exposes students to high stress and pressure levels, encourages rote memorization, gives less priority to creativity and critical thinking, and lacks flexibility. Students must strike a balance between these aspects to ensure they receive a holistic education in Japan.

This article highlights everything you need to know about the pros and cons of the Japanese education system. Check out more valuable articles and opportunities in our Japan Study Guide and Available Courses sections

About the Author: Hyun Lee

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Education Policy in Japan

• Education and skills
• Education organisation and governance
• Teachers and educators
• Learning environment
• Education access, participation and progression

Cite this content as:

Japan’s education system is one of the top performers compared to other OECD countries. International assessments have not only demonstrated students' and adults' high level of achievement, but also the fact that socio-economic status has little bearing on academic results. In a nutshell, Japan combines excellence with equity. This high performance is based on the priority Japan places on education and on its holistic model of education, which is delivered by highly qualified teachers and supported by the external collaboration of communities and parents. But significant economic, socio-demographic and educational challenges, such as child well-being, teacher workload and the high stakes university exam, question the sustainability of this successful model. Policy makers in Japan are not complacent, and as Japan starts implementing its Third Basic Plan for the Promotion of Education (2018-22), they are carefully analysing tomorrow’s threats to Japan’s current success. This report aims to highlight the many strengths of Japan’s education system, as well as the challenges it must address to carry out reforms effectively and preserve its holistic model of education. The ultimate goal is to ensure that the education system delivers the best for all students, and that Japanese learners have the knowledge, skills, attitudes and values they need for the 21st century.

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• Education at a Glance

Education at a Glance 2020

Oecd indicators.

Education at a Glance is the authoritative source for information on the state of education around the world. It provides data on the structure, finances and performance of education systems across OECD countries and a number of partner economies. More than 100 charts and tables in this publication – as well as links to much more available on the educational database – provide key information on the output of educational institutions; the impact of learning across countries; access, participation and progression in education; the financial resources invested in education; and teachers, the learning environment and the organisation of schools.

The 2020 edition includes a focus on vocational education and training, investigating participation in vocational education and training at various levels of education, the labour market and social outcomes of vocational graduates as well as the human and financial resources invested in vocational institutions. Two new indicators on how vocational education and training systems differ around the world and on upper secondary completion rate complement this topic. A specific chapter is dedicated to the Sustainable Development Goal 4, and investigates the quality and participation in secondary education.

English Also available in: German , French

• https://doi.org/10.1787/69096873-en
• Click to access:
• Click to access in HTML WEB
• Click to download PDF - 16.43MB PDF
• Click to download EPUB - 64.03MB ePUB

English Also available in: Japanese

• Click to download PDF - 1.49MB PDF

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Author(s) OECD

08 Sept 2020