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Clan politics reign but a family is divided in the race to rule the Philippines

Julie McCarthy

Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte and his daughter Sara Duterte arrive for the opening of the Boao Forum for Asia Annual Conference 2018. AFP via Getty Images hide caption

Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte and his daughter Sara Duterte arrive for the opening of the Boao Forum for Asia Annual Conference 2018.

A foiled succession plan, sensational allegations, and a family feud at the pinnacle of power — these are the ingredients in what promises to be a riveting race to succeed outgoing Philippines President Rodrigo Duterte.

The no-holds-barred contest scheduled for May 2022 has already produced what some observers see as an unsettling alliance: the offspring of two presidents pairing off in an unprecedented bid to run the country.

Taking full advantage of their prominence, Ferdinand Marcos Jr., son of the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos Sr., has teamed up with Sara Duterte, daughter of President Rodrigo Duterte in the national election.

He is running for president in this dynastic duo, while she vies for vice president.

Are dynasties and celebrities narrowing democracy?

Political dynasties in the Philippines are nothing new.

Richard Heydarian, an expert on Philippine politics, says they are such a dominant feature in the country that between 70% and 90% of elected offices have been controlled by influential families.

But even by those standards, this Marcos-Duterte coupling takes powerful clan politics to a new level, says University of the Philippines Diliman political science professor Aries Arugay.

Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos Jr. is surrounded by supporters after attending the recount of votes in the 2016 vice presidential race at the Supreme Court. Marcos narrowly lost that contest to Leni Robredo, the current vice president. Noel Celis/AFP via Getty Images hide caption

Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos Jr. is surrounded by supporters after attending the recount of votes in the 2016 vice presidential race at the Supreme Court. Marcos narrowly lost that contest to Leni Robredo, the current vice president.

Speaking at a recent online forum of the Center for Strategic and International Studies, Arugay says second generation dynasts are behaving like a "cartel".

He says their calculus is as damaging as it is simple: "Why can't we just share power, limit competition, and make sure that the next winners of the presidential and national elections come from us?"

Then there is the celebrity factor.

Heydarian notes a narrowing of democracy in the pairing of dynasties with the celebrity class, which includes former film stars, television personalities and sports figures. He says the two elite groups monopolize national office, putting elected office beyond the reach of a lot of ordinary Filipinos who he says may have the merit and passion to serve, but are effectively blocked from fully participating.

It makes a "mockery" of democracy, Heydarian says, but it's also a trend that could be difficult to reverse.

"After all, in politics you need a certain degree of messaging, communications machinery and charisma," he said. And, he added, especially in the age of social media, "It's not for dull people."

Running on a name, not a track record

Consider Manny Pacquiao.

His stardom as one of the legends of the boxing world has catapulted him into the race for president next year. He is currently a sitting senator and is in the running for the highest office not on the power of his record in the upper chamber marked by absenteeism, but on the strength of his career as the country's most acclaimed athlete.

So prized have name recognition and celebrity status become in winning Philippine elections that observers worry it's turning democracy into the preserve of the rich and well-connected.

Marcos is part and parcel of the phenomenon, according to Manila-based analyst Bob Herrera-Lim, who notes that his undistinguished career as a senator and congressman has been no barrier to his ambition for the presidency.

"[Marcos] is running on entitlement. He is running on the weaknesses of the system," Herrera-Lim said.

Sara Duterte poses for a selfie with city hall employees in Davao city, on the southern island of Mindanao. Manman Dejeto/AFP via Getty Images hide caption

Sara Duterte poses for a selfie with city hall employees in Davao city, on the southern island of Mindanao.

Marcos' vice presidential partner Sara Duterte is an accomplished politician, occupying the post her father held for decades as the mayor of Davao City, the third largest in the country. But the fact the 43-year-old First Daughter, whose work is little known outside Davao, led in a presidential opinion poll this past summer can only be put down to the power of a famous family name.

Revisionism, a PR campaign of distortion — and fond memories of the Marcos era

Bongbong Marcos is now making waves, rewriting the past and embellishing his family's legacy.

It's been 35 years since his father was ousted by a popular uprising, exiled, and exposed for rights abuses and kleptocracy.

Marcos Sr. is believed to have amassed up to $10 billion while in office, and now his son has been resuscitating the family's image with a sophisticated social media campaign.

Marcos Jr. narrates seamlessly scored videos that cast his parents, Ferdinand and Imelda, as generous philanthropists, and his father as a great innovator who made possible new strains of rice and united the archipelago with infrastructure heralded as the "Golden Age" of the Philippines.

Critics decry what they call the revisionist history and systematic airbrushing of the sins of the father's 20-year rule that turned the country into his personal fiefdom.

Marcos Sr. engaged in land-grabbing, bank-grabbing, and using dummies to hide acquisitions from public view, according to Professor Paul Hutchcroft of the Australian National University, who has written extensively on the political economy of the Philippines.

The late dictator dispensed special privileges to relatives, friends and cronies, writes Ronald Mendoza, dean of the School of Government at Ateneo de Manila University, providing them access to the booty of the state, "even as the country failed to industrialize and was eventually plunged into debt and economic crises in the mid-1980s."

Activists wear masks with anti-Marcos slogans during a rally in front of the Supreme court in Manila in 2016 as they await the high court's decision on whether to allow the burial of the late Philippine dictator Ferdinand Marcos at the "Cemetery of Heroes." Ted Aljibe/AFP via Getty Images hide caption

Activists wear masks with anti-Marcos slogans during a rally in front of the Supreme court in Manila in 2016 as they await the high court's decision on whether to allow the burial of the late Philippine dictator Ferdinand Marcos at the "Cemetery of Heroes."

Yet, despite all of it, the Marcos family is not without its loyalists among both the elites and ordinary Filipinos.

At a small community market in central Manila, where fishmongers congregate amid aquariums and chopping blocks, vendors and shoppers talk about the Marcos era with a sense of nostalgia.

Chereelyn Dayondon, 49, says she likes how Marcos Sr. ran the country before and she wants that to come back. The single mother earns $80 a month directing traffic and worries that the cost of living is getting too high.

"It's not going to be enough," she says. "You never know, maybe Bongbong can change the Philippines. Let's try him out."

Meanwhile, fish seller Teodora Sibug-Nelval, 57, reminisces about the old Marcos era and memories of cheap food and law and order.

"I had a good life. I was able to send my sibling to school ... I was able to buy a house," she says.

In the pandemic, however, Sibug-Nelval lost her home and her vending stall. And now she wants her life back. She says she believes that if Marcos wins the election, "our lives will be better."

Herrera-Lim also says that many Filipinos see a confusing, chaotic political situation: "There is no clear delineations, political parties don't work for our benefit, we are looking for order."

And that, he says, is what Marcos is offering.

"Bongbong Marcos is saying that during his father's time, there was this order. There was peace in the country, which again, is a myth," he says.

The challenger to the dynasty

Leni Robredo is the current vice president of the Philippines and a liberal progressive.

A lawyer by training, Robredo co-authored an anti-dynasty bill when she served as a member of the Philippine House of Representatives.

In the Philippines, the vice president and president are elected separately and Robredo is on the opposite end of the political spectrum from President Duterte, with whom she has repeatedly sparred over human rights, the handling of the pandemic and Duterte's close ties with China.

Among the many candidates for president, including a former police chief, the mayor of Manila and Duterte's closest aide, Robredo appears to represent the greatest challenge to Bongbong Marcos.

Philippine Vice President Leni Robredo gestures to a crowd of supporters in Manila on Oct. 7, 2021, the day she filed her candidacy for the 2022 presidential race. Jam Sta Rosa/AFP via Getty Images hide caption

Philippine Vice President Leni Robredo gestures to a crowd of supporters in Manila on Oct. 7, 2021, the day she filed her candidacy for the 2022 presidential race.

Robredo defeated Marcos Jr. for vice president in 2016, and now she has pledged that if she wins the top office, she will recover the Marcos family's plundered riches.

Alluding to Marcos' perceived popularity, Robredo told a news conference last weekend that it was "sad that the people allow themselves to be fooled" into believing Marcos would save the country when the family's ill-gotten wealth "was the reason they are poor."

Yet Robredo may need more than tough rhetoric and moral rectitude.

Marites Vitug, the editor-at-large for the online news site Rappler, whose CEO won this year's Nobel Peace Prize , said the country was witnessing the "rehabilitation of the Marcos dynasty." Young people were especially susceptible to the Marcos rebranding, she said, because there were no standard history textbooks in the Philippines that explained the Marcos martial law years.

"I was shocked to hear from some millennials that this was never discussed in class," she said.

Vitug said the odd teacher or professor may present it, but it was not systematic.

"It should have been required reading," she said.

Political economist Calixto Chikiamco adds that the revived Marcos family fortunes represent a counter-revolution to the one that ousted Marcos Sr. in 1986. That so-called Yellow Revolution was a model that Chikiamco says has failed to deliver genuine change.

"Because our politics remain dysfunctional, our economy is still not doing so well, a quarter of the workforce is unemployed ... still a large number of people go abroad to seek better opportunities. So it is a revolt against their present situation," he said.

"That's the reason the Marcoses are making a comeback."

The Duterte dynasty is a house divided

The campaign promises to be one of the Philippines' most bitterly fought contests in years, not least because the Marcos-Duterte tie-up has not won the blessing of Sara Duterte's father.

Rodrigo Duterte did make the controversial decision to allow the late dictator's remains to be moved to the "Cemetery of Heroes," a decision confirmed by the Supreme Court. But the once-friendly relations between Rodrigo Duterte and Bongbong Marcos have frayed, possibly beyond repair.

Duterte had wanted his daughter to seek the presidency, not play second fiddle, to provide him protection from the International Criminal Court investigating his violent anti-drug war. The probe has been suspended for a procedural review, but court watchers expect the case of alleged crimes against humanity to resume. Meanwhile, Chikiamco says while Sara may talk of continuing her father's policies, by declining to run for the top job, she has gone her own way.

"The daughter is fiercely independent and didn't want to be under the thumb of President Duterte. And also she could not perhaps tolerate the president's men," Chikiamco said.

A grandmother and her grandchild light a candle beside mock chalk figure representing an extra judicial killing victim during a prayer rally condemning the government's war on drugs in Manila in 2017. Noel Celis/AFP via Getty Images hide caption

A grandmother and her grandchild light a candle beside mock chalk figure representing an extra judicial killing victim during a prayer rally condemning the government's war on drugs in Manila in 2017.

Herrera-Lim adds that daughter and father apparently "did not see eye to eye on many things related to the family or on the governance of Davao."

Fundamentally, though, Herrera-Lim says President Duterte doesn't trust Bongbong Marcos to shield him from ICC prosecutors.

"On these matters, family is very important," he said.

And even if there were such a bargain between the two men, Herrera says Duterte would worry it might not hold.

In what analysts regard as a means to protect himself, Duterte is making a bid for a seat in the Senate in the 2022 election.

One authoritative poll shows Marcos the early frontrunner to succeed him. But not, it seems, if President Duterte has anything to say about it.

He ignited a stir earlier this month by declaring in a televised address that an unnamed candidate for president uses cocaine.

Philippines President Rodrigo Duterte. AFP/AFP via Getty Images hide caption

Philippines President Rodrigo Duterte.

Without identifying who, he said the offender was a "very weak leader" and that "he might win hands down."

Marcos took a drug test this past week, saying he was clean. Other candidates hurriedly lined up to clear their name.

Marcos is also under attack by groups eager to have him disqualified from running at all. The Commission on Elections is reviewing four separate petitions challenging his candidacy. At least one charges that Marcos misrepresented his eligibility to seek the presidency by stating he had no criminal conviction that would bar him from office. Petitioners argue that his 1995 conviction for failing to pay taxes for several years in the 1980s ends his bid for the presidency.

The Commission on Elections announced no ballots will be printed until the petitions are decided.

The campaign that officially begins in February is already generating drama enough for some to lament that the race for president is fast becoming a "political circus."

But Richard Heydarian says circuses are not always the worst thing. "Sometimes," he says, "they can produce a magical outcome. Let's see."

Correction Dec. 16, 2021

An earlier version of this story incorrectly said Aries Arugay was a professor at Philippine University. He is with the University of the Philippines Diliman. Also, Ateneo de Manila University was misspelled as Ateno de Manila University.

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Why There are Political Dynasties in the Philippines

The May 2019 elections shone a light on political dynasties and how they can collapse in a single day. There is so much talk about political dynasties that you’d think that these are fairly recent phenomena, something that appeared just after the Philippines gained independence in 1946.

A closer look at history says otherwise. In fact, it is quite possible that some Filipino lawmakers today have ancestors from 300 years ago who passed down government positions to their progeny.

A political dynasty is a family of politicians who serve in one place or country and are able to pass or extend government positions to kin for the purpose of expanding and maintaining its hold on power.

How Political Dynasties in the Philippines Emerged

It was during the time of Spanish colonialism in the Philippines when the foundations for political dynasties were laid. When the Spaniards conquered the islands in the 16th century, they found that there were thousands of communities all over the archipelago, each led by a datu or rajah.

The Spaniards did not really conquer the entire archipelago on their own; that was impossible. In order to subjugate the peoples of the islands, they enlisted the help of these datus. The Spaniards established reduccion , a system where they put entire populations under one centralized government. It eliminated the barangays that were headed by datus. In exchange for giving up their barangays and encouraging their people to resettle in the new towns called cabecera , the datus were offered positions in local government as gobernadorcillio and cabeza de barangay .

The Spaniards knew that, in order to keep the populace under their control, they needed to keep the former datus happy. They were given the status of principalia , a member of the local nobility. The principalia were given houses in prominent locations in the cabecera , which was either in front or beside the church. Up to now, houses beside or in front of a church are considered prime locations in any community, signifying wealth and prominence of social status.

Members of the Principalia in the Philippines, circa 1880

As gobernadorcillios and cabezas de barangay , the former datus, now principalia , were charged with the responsibility of collecting tributes from their former subjects. They also selected people who will render forced labor. These arrangements became susceptible to abuse, and many principalia used their position to extort, threaten, and demand excess payments from the people.

According to Abinales and Amoroso, the Spaniards never wanted to disenfranchise the Indios , so they introduced the concept of land ownership so they can legally buy land from the natives. But the principalia saw an opportunity in this new idea. They sold and donated to the friars the public lands that were originally tilled by their subjects, effectively enriching themselves and gaining more political capital and favor from the religious orders.

Apart from these excesses, the principalia enjoyed official benefits and privileges. They were exempted from paying tributes, taxes, or doing forced labor. Lastly, the status of being principalia was hereditary — including the government positions they held.

Because of these things, the members of the principalia became powerful, influential, and wealthy politicians who controlled vast tracts of agricultural land.

Although it was the Spaniards who inadvertently laid the ground for the contemporary political dynasties in the Philippines, it was the Americans who actually formalized it.

According to Professor Roland Simbulan of the University of the Philippines, political dynasties in the Philippines started during the American occupation. They introduced elections to the Philippines, but only gave suffrage rights to members of the principalia . Furthermore, government positions were also limited to Americans and members of the principalia . This resulted in the widening gap between rich and poor Filipinos, especially with the principalia working in politics for their own interest.

Today, there many Filipino political clans who can trace their ancestry to the principalia who served during the American colonial period. According to University of London’s School of Oriental and African Studies, in 2016, 74 percent of elected members of the House of Representatives come from political dynasties. The recent 2019 midterm elections reminded us that although political dynasties are entrenched, they are not permanent. They can also end as long as there are relevant and credible forces that would challenge their status quo.

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Essay on Philippine Politics And Governance

Students are often asked to write an essay on Philippine Politics And Governance in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Philippine Politics And Governance

Introduction to philippine politics.

Philippine politics is a blend of democracy and a republic system. The Philippines is a democratic country, meaning the people have the power to choose their leaders. The republic part means that the country has a President, who is the head of state.

The Structure of Government

The Philippine government has three branches: the Executive, the Legislative, and the Judicial. The Executive branch is led by the President. The Legislative branch makes laws and is divided into two parts: the Senate and the House of Representatives. The Judicial branch interprets laws.

Role of the President

The President of the Philippines has a vital role. They are the chief executive and the commander-in-chief of the armed forces. They are responsible for implementing laws and maintaining peace and order.

The Election Process

Elections in the Philippines are held every six years. Citizens aged 18 and above can vote. They choose their leaders, including the President, Vice President, Senators, and Representatives. These leaders are expected to serve the people and the country.

Challenges in Philippine Politics

Understanding Philippine politics and governance is crucial. It helps us understand the country’s challenges and how they can be solved. It also helps us appreciate the role of citizens in shaping the nation’s future.

250 Words Essay on Philippine Politics And Governance

Politics in the Philippines is a complex subject. It is run as a democratic republic, which means the people have the power to choose their leaders. The President is the head of the state and the government.

Elections are important events in the Philippines. They happen every six years for the President and Vice President, and every three years for other officials. The people vote for their leaders, which is a way of saying who they want to run the country.

Political Parties

There are many political parties in the Philippines. These parties represent different views and ideas. They play a big role in the elections as they support their candidates and help them win.

Role of the Government

The government has a big job to do. It has to make laws, keep the peace, and make sure people have what they need. The government is divided into three parts: the Executive, the Legislative, and the Judicial branches. Each has its own duties and powers.

Challenges in Governance

Philippine politics and governance are interesting to learn about. They show how people’s choices can shape a country. It also teaches us about the challenges of running a country and the importance of good leadership.

500 Words Essay on Philippine Politics And Governance

Introduction to philippine politics and governance.

Philippine politics and governance are interesting subjects. They are based on a democratic system, which means that the people have the power to choose their leaders. The Philippines has a president who is the head of the state, and also a prime minister who is the head of government.

The Political Structure

Political parties in the philippines.

In the Philippines, there are many political parties. These parties represent different beliefs and ideas about how the country should be run. During elections, these parties present candidates for the people to vote for. The party with the most votes usually takes control of the government.

Elections and Voting

Elections are very important in the Philippines. They are a way for people to choose their leaders and have a say in how their country is run. Voting is a right of all citizens who are 18 years old and above. During elections, people vote for their preferred candidates for various positions such as president, vice president, senators, and representatives.

Efforts for Improvement

Despite these challenges, there are efforts to improve the political system in the Philippines. Some people are working to fight corruption and promote good governance. There are also laws that aim to limit political dynasties and promote fair elections.

In conclusion, Philippine politics and governance are shaped by the democratic system, political parties, and elections. Although there are challenges such as corruption and political dynasties, there are also efforts to improve the system. Understanding these aspects can help us appreciate the importance of active participation in the political process.

That’s it! I hope the essay helped you.

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Three Reasons Why Political Dynasties Persist in the Philippines

In “Political dynasties in the Philippines: Persistent patterns, perennial problems,” South East Asia Research , Vol. 24 (3), 2016, Dr. Eduardo C. Tadem and Dr. Teresa S. Encarnacion Tadem, “examine[s] the general nature of Philippine political dynasties, the reasons for their continuing existence and their adverse impact on the country” (328). It is noted that “following independence in 1946, the story of the political family is one of remarkable resilience facilitated by a combination of militarisation and economic diversification” (330).

“This problem emanates basically from three factors: (1) the political and socio-economic foundations upon which political dynasties are built; 2) the inability to effectively implement Philippine constitutional provisions by enacting an enabling law; and 3) the weakness of potential countervailing forces that would challenge political dynasties” (329). “The resilience of the established political dynasties across the decades was in great part due to their ability to diversify economically, enabling them to adapt and hold on to their political power. At the same time, for new dynasties, the accumulation of a diversity of economic interests means that a small dynasty can emerge from even the poorest provinces of the country” (331).

The authors further argue that this phenomenon has had grave effects on the country as “the persistence of political dynasties in the Philippines is acknowledged as bringing adverse effects on the country including the perpetuation of poverty and underdevelopment, the propagation of political and socio-economic inequality and the prevalence of massive corruption” (332).

Political dynasties have faced challenges but have so far survived them. As the authors write, “potential challenges to the political dynasty, including individual candidates, remain the exception rather than the rule and have been shown to be unsustainable. Aggravating this situation is the inability of social movements and civil society to challenge the power base of these political families or to affect public opinion” (340).

In the end, “the consequence of this is a dysfunctional democracy and electoral system in which the political hegemony of elite families endures, the majority of Filipinos remain marginalised and disempowered and wealth and power is increasingly in the hands of the few” (340) .

The full article may be purchased at the website of South East Asia Research , which is published by the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. 

About the Authors

Dr. Eduardo C. Tadem, Professorial Lecturer at the UP Asian Center, specializes in rural development, agrarian reform, and the peasantry, among other topics. He handles graduate courses on Southeast Asia and on Theories and Perspectives in Area Studies. His most recent publication is “ Technocracy and the Peasantry: Martial Law Development Paradigms and Philippine Agrarian Reform ,” 2015. Journal of Contemporary Asia, Vol. 45. No.3.  He has a PhD in Southeast Asian Studies from the National University of Singapore. View his full faculty profile .

Dr. Teresa S. Encarnacion Tadem is Professor of Political Science, University of the Philippines, Diliman, former chair of the Department of Political Science, former Director of the UP Third World Studies Center, and past president of the Philippine Political Science Association. She has a Ph.D. in Politics and Public Administration from The University of Hong Kong. Her most recent publication is “ The Rise and Fall of Virata’s Network:  Technocracy and the Politics of Economic Decision-making in the Philippines ,” 2016, Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 5, No. 1. View her full faculty profile . 

The UP Asian Center offers M.A. programs in Asian Studies with four fields of specialization: Northeast Asia, Southeast Asia, South Asia, and West Asia. The Center also has an M.A. program in Philippine Studies that allows students to major in Philippine society and culture, Philippine foreign relations, or Philippine development studies. The Center offers a Ph.D. program in Philippine Studies in conjunction with the College of Arts and Letters and the College of Social Sciences and Philosophy.  Get an overview of these programs . The Asian Center also houses a peer-reviewed, open-access journal,  Asian Studies: Journal of Critical Perspectives on Asia . It has published several  books and monographs , and hosts or organizes various  lectures and conferences .  

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[OPINION] Dear political dynasty

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This is AI generated summarization, which may have errors. For context, always refer to the full article.

Graphic by Alyssa Arizabal

Dear dynasty – you’re not all bad all the time.

Take, for example, the Cayetanos of Taguig. While some politicians mark public property with their names and faces, here the bailiwick is front and center with the ubiquitous “I Love Taguig.” And beneath the occasionally gimmicky viral trappings – a pandemic-era cyber-graduation with toga-toting robots bearing students’ faces! – it is a thriving city with vision, identity, and efficient governance.

The COVID crisis proved Taguig can have quick and clever solutions for almost everything: mobile markets, free testing, quarantine facilities, and just because they are “extra,” health tele-consultations not just for humans but pets, too. And one more thing – the flashy graduation robots? Made by the Taguig Robotics Team, comprised of students from the local science school.

Never to be outdone are the Binays of neighboring Makati. In between spells of corruption allegations and family drama, they consistently keep their city amongst the wealthiest and best run in the country. Its flush coffers and private sector partnerships have allowed them to provide enviable benefits to “Makatizens,” including government-subsidized health care, education, and entertainment, and tech initiatives like public wifi in targeted barangays   and cashless government transactions. They are a global “smart city” contender, and soon, the most ambitious of their projects will come to fruition, too: an intra-city subway.

Thank you all for doing your job.

Unfortunately, even the best political dynasties can be problematic.

The painful truth: political family members may be qualified for a position, but they are not always  representative . They may be following the letter of the law, but perhaps not its  spirit . They may be democratically elected, but by simple existence can be  effectively  undemocratic. They may mean and even do well, but they usher in hidden dangers corrosive to a mature democracy.

First, let us look at representation. Here’s a simple thought exercise: remember when formal education and the elite workforce was dominated almost entirely by men? This meant that roughly 50% of the population (women or other identifications) had limited input in the running of industry and government. While that is a personal loss to them, it was an even bigger loss to larger society: imagine missing out on 50% of the population’s unique perspectives, solutions, and great ideas! How sooner could we have had new ways to combat cancer or invented computer programming if Marie Curie and Ada Lovelace types only had a voice earlier?

Unheard voices mean lost opportunities to improve society. This is what might happen if we continue filling our government with the same names. Our politics, already so anemic from lack of representation from the mid-to-lower economic classes, loses even more of the dynamism we can expect from diversity. We need experts from a wide range of disciplines and people from all walks of life. We need a variety of hard-earned perspectives borne from experience, not the same insular existence shared by one group of people at a family table.

See, it’s not that political families don’t care about the plight of the so-called common man – it’s just that sometimes, they  can’t . It’s a failure of imagination, not a lack of intelligence or empathy.

How many of them, off the top of their heads, can state the contents and price of a market basket, or the average hours spent on a public commute? How many of them can grasp that for so many Filipinos, one medical emergency plunges the entire family into debt? How many can describe food insecurity?

They simply cannot change what they cannot  see .

The importance of diversity in governments, schools, and corporations is fundamentally comprehensible because it mirrors nature; the inbred emerge damaged or incompatible with life. Our politics, in a way, is becoming more inbred and is falling sick with it.

Not that this is illegal. (Most) political families operate within the law, in running and holding office one after the other and/or alongside each other. But while that may be so, we must also consider the spirit of the law.

Why a glass of red wine is good for your gut

One of the most beautiful things about the law is that, in its barest bones, the common man has a sense of what is just. Juries are components of the legal process in other parts of the world for this reason – there is basic logic, common decency, and fair societal expectations even in people without a law degree.

This is why political dynasties can leave a sour taste in the mouth, even while being technically defensible…because if you go into the more fundamental idea of “fairness,” it gets stickier. As elusive as the concept may be, let’s face it – even a 3-year-old in the playground can understand “Give others a chance.”

This is before we even get into the subject of political dynasties being a barrier to the pursuit of justice, particularly against state crime. By acts of commission, omission or even by, incident – political families don’t create an atmosphere of transparency and impartiality. Would Mayor Child for example, look into the sketchy financials of Daddy Ex-Mayor? Would Baby President pursue investigations into Parent President’s repressive regime? Or even to a smaller degree – will a DUI Political Black Sheep be punished if Mom’s the Gov and Sis is in Congress?

While we’re at it, let’s imagine, say, how President Bongbong Marcos might celebrate the anniversary of the People Power Revolution. Or what will happen to the cases against his mother, or the continuing quest for martial law victims’ recognition and reparations.

He might be objective, he might not. But the point is – by his very existence in a position of power, we do not know how he will impact the allegations against members of his family. He and political scions like him – a certain “Inday” presidentiable with her own powerful and divisive pedigree included – can make people hesitate in investigating or upholding justice. And as human history has shown us so many times…individual courage can fail under such pressure.

Corollary to this, political dynasties are corrosive to a functioning democracy because they chip at our checks and balances, including the separation of powers. And with so much at stake, they are also dangerous, as they create and perpetuate toxic territorialism that sometimes escalates to violence.

Most realistic people agree that political dynasties are more tolerable than ideal, and some semblance of tighter anti-dynasty laws always seem to be in the works. However, they are difficult to define and operationalize, and many efforts have been stunted. Also, understandably, many politicians are hesitant to fire themselves.

No one wants to be unemployed, and I can acknowledge that it doesn’t seem fair to exclude qualified people from certain professions. However, if you are treating the Philippine government as the family business, this is the “tax”: someone in your family has to back down. These are your dues to society; this is the equalizer.

Another reason why a political family may be hesitant to let go is that they fear their foes will take over their job and do worse. That is a reasonable apprehension, too, but let’s look at this conundrum in another way: if your family members are the only ones qualified and decent enough to serve that office, you have failed.

Why? It means you were unable to develop educated and competent public servants beyond yourselves. It means you did not create lasting systems of checks and balances that could withstand challenges. It means, ultimately, that you did not create a healthy government – all you created was a dysfunctional dependency on  you . I hope our proud, accomplished political families remember that, like a teacher setting a student free into the world, or a parent releasing their grown child – the final test of true service is in the graceful letting go. – Rappler.com

Isabel Lacson-Estrada is a freelance writer with a Master of Science Degree in Global Affairs from New York University. She is a stay-at-home mom and is underqualified but lucky to have the best job in the world. 

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A Duterte Dynasty in the Philippines?

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Insights from Aries Arugay.

President Rodrigo Roa Duterte poses for a photo with the first family after delivering his third State of the Nation Address at the Session Hall of the House of Representatives Complex in Constitution Hills, Quezon City on July 23, 2018. Sara Duterte is in blue.

The Diplomat author Mercy Kuo regularly engages subject-matter experts, policy practitioners, and strategic thinkers across the globe for their diverse insights into U.S. Asia policy. This conversation with Dr. Aries Arugay – visiting fellow at the ISEAS Yusof-Ishak Institute and professor of political science at the University of the Philippines Diliman – is the 294th in “The Trans-Pacific View Insight Series.”

How is Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte pursuing a Putinesque power play to ensure he remains in leadership long term?

A Philippine president can only serve a single-term of six-years in his lifetime. This is the main obstacle to Duterte in order for him to perpetuate himself and his allies in power at the most, or escape accountability at the least. In his calculation, his continuation is best served by running as vice president in order to at least be protected from possible political attacks. However, the Philippine political system does not provide any formal power to the vice president apart from political succession. Its electoral rules also allow vote-splitting (unlike in the U.S.) which means there is a likelihood that even if Duterte wins as vice president, the winning president might come from the opposition or outside his coalition.

Thus far, Duterte has not formally filed his candidacy for vice president but he can still take advantage of the window provided by electoral rules as a substitute candidate of his party until November 15, 2021.

Explain the role of daughter Sara Duterte, current mayor of Davao, in her father’s presidential “succession” planning.

In the Philippines, politics is “all in the family.” Our weak party system allows dynastic succession as we have had a few presidents who are the spawn of their parents who also served the presidency. Sara Duterte is the most likely choice to succeed her father not only because of her pedigree but because of the solid political base she has built in the southern part of the Philippines, considered as their family’s political bailiwick. While President Duterte has dissuaded his daughter from running as chief executive, many see this as just a strategy to downplay their family’s political ambitions. A Sara Duterte presidency will also mean that her father will likely be the power “behind the throne.”

Evaluate Sara Duterte’s bona fides as a presidential contender. Beyond name recognition, can she hold her own?

Despite lacking in national political experience, Sara Duterte has developed a following from Filipino politicians and cultivated a mass base in Mindanao. In the 2019 elections, she headed Hugpong ng Pagbabago (Group for Change), a regional political party that successfully placed several politicians in the country’s nationally-elected Senate. She has displayed a modicum of independence from her father by disagreeing with some of the officials from her father’s cabinet and the administration party. In fact, her negative disposition toward her father’s party is seen by many as an indication of her ability to get out of her father’s shadow and exercise a degree of relative autonomy from the incumbent administration.

Identify alternative, credible political challengers to the Duterte Dynasty. 

Since 2016, the Dutertes remain the dominant force in Philippine politics. The weakness of the opposition is clearly seen in the performance of some of its leaders in electoral surveys. The current Vice President Leni Robreado trails behind other politicians who used to be former allies of Duterte, notably globally recognized boxer-turned-politician Manny Pacquiao. The current Manila mayor, Isko Moreno, has also been highly favored in early polling as an alternative to Duterte given his track record of good local governance in the country’s capital. Lastly, the son and namesake of the country’s former dictator Ferdinand Marcos is also running. Bongbong Marcos placed second to Sara Duterte in the surveys, though many still believed that the alliance between these two dynastic successors remains strong.

Describe how Sara Duterte might manage the Philippines’ relations with the United States. If she ascends to the presidency, how would Manila recalibrate relations with Washington?

The Philippines’ relations with the U.S. have gradually improved this year with Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin’s visit to Manila and the fact that Duterte has committed not to abrogate the country’s Visiting Forces Agreement with the U.S. However, many still worry that President Duterte might jeopardize the alliance during the remainder of his term. Sara Duterte is seen by many as an opportunity to “reboot” the Philippines-U.S. alliance as she will likely articulate a different policy from her father just in case she becomes president. Given her noninvolvement in her father’s administration, she does not have the negative fallout from the anti-U.S. policy rhetoric of her father. However, she still has to balance a new U.S. policy with her father’s accommodationist China policy given that Sara has also cultivated good relations with China.

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Political dynasties in the Philippines: Persistent patterns, perennial problems

The results of the 2013 Philippine mid-term elections highlighted the dominance of political dynasties in the country. With all 80 provinces littered with political families, 74 percent of the elected members of the House of Representatives came from such dynastic groups. Despite overwhelming recognition that political dynasties breed patronage politics and corruption, no substantial steps have been undertaken to address this issue. This article examines the general nature of Philippine political dynasties, the reasons for their continuing existence and their adverse impact on the country. This problem emanates basically from three factors: (1) the political and socioeconomic foundations upon which political dynasties are built; 2) the inability to effectively implement Philippine constitutional provisions by enacting an enabling law; and 3) the weakness of potential countervailing forces that would challenge political dynasties.

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