social media self presentation

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• Published: 06 October 2020

Authentic self-expression on social media is associated with greater subjective well-being

• Erica R. Bailey   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-2924-2500 1   na1 ,
• Sandra C. Matz   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-0969-4403 1   na1 ,
• Wu Youyou 2 &
• Sheena S. Iyengar 1  

Nature Communications volume  11 , Article number:  4889 ( 2020 ) Cite this article

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Social media users face a tension between presenting themselves in an idealized or authentic way. Here, we explore how prioritizing one over the other impacts users’ well-being. We estimate the degree of self-idealized vs. authentic self-expression as the proximity between a user’s self-reported personality and the automated personality judgements made on the basis Facebook Likes and status updates. Analyzing data of 10,560 Facebook users, we find that individuals who are more authentic in their self-expression also report greater Life Satisfaction. This effect appears consistent across different personality profiles, countering the proposition that individuals with socially desirable personalities benefit from authentic self-expression more than others. We extend this finding in a pre-registered, longitudinal experiment, demonstrating the causal relationship between authentic posting and positive affect and mood on a within-person level. Our findings suggest that the extent to which social media use is related to well-being depends on how individuals use it.

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Introduction.

Social media can seem like an artificial world in which people’s lives consist entirely of exotic vacations, thriving friendships, and photogenic, healthy meals. In fact, there is an entire industry built around people’s desire to present idealistic self-representations on social media. Popular applications like FaceTune, for example, allow users to modify everything about themselves, from skin tone to the size of their physical features. In line with this “self-idealization perspective”, research has shown that self-expressions on social media platforms are often idealized, exaggerated, and unrealistic 1 . That is, social media users often act as virtual curators of their online selves 2 by staging or editing content they present to others 3 .

A contrasting body of research suggests that social media platforms constitute extensions of offline identities, with users presenting relatively authentic versions of themselves 4 . While users might engage in some degree of self-idealization, the social nature of the platforms is thought to provide a degree of accountability that prevents individuals from starkly misrepresenting their identities 5 . This is particularly true for platforms such as Facebook, where the majority of friends in a user’s network also have an offline connection 6 . In fact, modern social media sites like Facebook and Instagram are far more realistic than early social media websites such as Second Life, where users presented themselves as avatars that were often fully divorced from reality 7 . In line with this authentic self-expression perspective, research has shown that individuals on Facebook are more likely to express their actual rather than their idealized personalities 8 , 9 .

The desire to present the self in a way that is ideal and authentic is not mutually exclusive; on the contrary, an individual is likely to desire both simultaneously 10 . This occurs in part because self-idealization and authentic self-expression fulfill different psychological needs and are associated with different psychological costs. On the one hand, self-idealization has been called a “fundamental part of human nature” 11 because it allows individuals to cultivate a positive self-view and to create positive impressions of themselves in others 12 . In addition, authentic self-expression allows individuals to verify and affirm their sense of self 13 , 14 which can increase self-esteem 15 , and a sense of belonging 16 . On the other hand, self-idealizing behavior can be psychologically costly, as acting out of character is associated with feelings of internal conflict, psychological discomfort, and strong emotional reactions 17 , 18 ; individuals may also possess characteristics that are more or less socially desirable, bringing their desire to present themselves in an authentic way into conflict with their desire to present the best version of themselves.

Here, we explore the tension between self-idealization and authentic self-expression on social media, and test how prioritizing one over the other impacts users’ well-being. We focus our analysis on a core component of the self: personality 19 .  Personality captures fundamental differences in the way that people think, feel and behave, reflecting the psychological characteristics that make individuals uniquely themselves 20 , 21 . Building on the Five Factor Model of personality 22 , we test the extent to which authentic self-expression of personality characteristics are related to Life Satisfaction, hypothesizing that greater authentic self-expression will be positively correlated with Life Satisfaction. In exploratory analyses, we also consider whether this relationship is moderated by the personality characteristics of the individual. That is, not all individuals might benefit from authentic self-expression equally. Given that some personality traits are more socially desirable than others 23 , individuals who possess more desirable personality traits are likely to experience a reduced tension between self-idealization and authentic self-expression. Consequently, individuals with more socially desirable profiles might disproportionality benefit from authentic self-expression because the motivational pulls of self-idealization and authentic self-expression point in the same—rather than the opposite—direction.

Previous literature on authentic self-expression has predominantly relied on self-reported perceptions of authenticity as (i) a state of feeling authentic 24 , or (ii) a judgement about the honesty or consistency of one’s self 25 . However, such self-reported measures have been shown to be biased by valence states, and social desirability 26 , 27 . To overcome these limitations, in Study 1 we introduce a measure of Quantified Authenticity. If authenticity is most simply defined as the unobstructed expression of one’s self 28 , then authenticity can be estimated as the proximity of an individual’s self-view and their observable self-expression. We calculate Quantified Authenticity by comparing self-reported personality to personality judgements made by computers on the basis of observable behaviors on Facebook (i.e., Likes and status updates).

By observing self-presentation on social media and comparing it to the individual’s self-view, we are able to quantify the extent to which an individual deviates from their authentic self. That is, we locate each individual on a continuum that ranges from low authenticity (i.e., large discrepancy between the self-view and observable self-expression) to high authenticity (i.e., perfect alignment between the self-view and observable self-expression). Importantly, our approach rests on the assumption that any deviation from the self-view on social media constitutes an attempt to present oneself in a more positive light, and therefore a form of self-idealization. While a deviation could theoretically indicate both self-idealization and self-deprecation, it is unlikely that users will deviate from their true selves in a way that makes them look worse in the eyes of others. A strength of our measures is that we do not postulate that self-idealization takes a particular form of deviation from the self or is associated with striving for a particular profile. Although research suggests that there are certain personality traits that are more desirable on average 29 , 30 , the extent to which a person sees scoring high or low on a given trait is likely somewhat idiosyncratic and depends—at least in part—on other people in their social network. For example, behaving in a more extraverted way might be self-enhancing for most people; however, there might be individuals for whom behaving in a more introverted way might be more desirable (e.g. because the norm of their social network is more introverted). Hence, our conceptualization of Quantified Authenticity allows for deviations in different directions (see Supplementary Information for more detail).

Quantified Authenticity and subjective well-being

In Study 1, we analyzed the data of 10,560 Facebook users who had completed a personality assessment and reported on their Life Satisfaction through the myPersonality application 31 , 32 . To estimate the extent to which their Facebook profiles represent authentic expressions of their personality, we compared their self-ratings to two observational sources: predictions of personality from Facebook Likes ( N  = 9237) 33 and predictions of personality from Facebook status updates ( N  = 3215) 34 . These are based on recent advances in the automatic assessment of psychological traits from the digital traces they leave on Facebook 35 . For each of the observable sources, we calculated Quantified Authenticity as the inverse Euclidean distance between all five self-rated and observable personality traits. Our measure of Quantified Authenticity exhibits a desirable level of variance, ranging all the way from highly authentic self-expression to considerable levels of self-idealization (see ridgeline plot of Quantified Authenticity calculated for self-language and Self-Likes in Supplementary Fig.  3 , see Supplementary Tables  1 and 2 for zero-order correlations among variables).

To test the extent to which authentic self-expression is related to Life Satisfaction, we ran linear regression analyses predicting Life Satisfaction from the two measures of Quantified Authenticity (Likes, status updates). The results support the hypothesis that higher levels of authenticity (i.e. lower distance scores) are positively correlated with Life Satisfaction (Table  1 , Model 1 without controls). These effects remained statistically significant when controlling for self-reported personality traits. Additionally, we included a control variable for the overall extremeness of an individual’s personality profile (deviation from the population mean across all five traits), as people with more extreme personality profiles might find it more difficult to blend into society and therefore experience lower levels of well-being 36 (see Table  1 , Model 2 with controls; the results are largely robust when controlling for gender and age, see Supplementary Table  3 ; see Supplementary Figs.  1 and 2 for interactions between individual self-reported and predicted personality traits).

To further explore the mechanisms of Quantified Authenticity, we conducted analyses that distinguished between normative self-enhancement (i.e., rating oneself as more Extraverted, Agreeable, Conscientiousness, Emotionally Stable, and Open-minded than is indicated by one’s Facebook behavior) from self-deprecation (i.e., rating oneself lower on all of these traits). While normative self-enhancement has a negative effect on well-being, normative self-deprecation has no effect. These findings suggest that self-enhancement specifically, rather than overall self-discrepancy/lack of authenticity, is detrimental to subjective well-being (see Supplementary Fig.  4 ).

To test the robustness of our effects, we regressed Life Satisfaction on three additional measures of Quantified Authenticity (i.e., calculated using Manhattan Distance, Cosine Similarity, and Correlational Similarity; see SI for details on these measures). In both comparison sets (likes and status updates), we found significant and positive correlations between the various ways of estimating Quantified Authenticity (see Supplementary Tables  1 and 2 ). The standardized beta-coefficients across all four metrics of Quantified Authenticity and observable sources are displayed in Fig.  1 . Despite variance in effect sizes across measures and model specifications, the majority of estimates are statistically significant and positive (11 out of 16). Importantly, no coefficients were observed in the opposite direction. These results suggest that those who are more authentic in their self-expression on Facebook (i.e., those who present themselves in a way that is closer to their self-view) also report higher levels of Life Satisfaction.

Figure 1 presents standardized beta coefficients for Quantified Authenticity using ordinary least squares regressions in 16 individual regressions predicting Life Satisfaction. Quantified Authenticity is significantly associated with Life Satisfaction in 11 out of the 16 models. Quantified Authenticity is measured as the consistency between self-reported personality and two other sources of personality data: language and Likes, respectively, (indicated in red and blue color). Quantified Authenticity is defined using four distance metrics, respectively: Manhattan, Euclidean, correlation, and cosine similarity (indicated with a letter in the dots). Models with and without control variables are indicated with dashed and solid line, respectively.

In exploratory analyses, we considered whether authenticity might benefit individuals of different personalities differentially. In order to examine this, we regressed Life Satisfaction on the interactions between Quantified Authenticity and each of the five personality traits (e.g., Quantified Authenticity × Extraversion). The results of these interaction analyses did not provide reliable evidence for the proposition that individuals with socially desirable profiles (i.e., high openness, conscientiousness, extraversion, agreeableness, and low neuroticism) benefit from authentic self-expression more than individuals with less socially desirable profiles (see Table  1 , Model 3). While the interactions of the five personality traits with Quantified Authenticity reached significance for some traits and measures, the results were not consistent across both observable sources of self-expression (Likes-based and Language-based). Consequently, we did not find reliable evidence that having a socially desirable personality profile boosts the effect of authenticity on well-being. Instead, individuals reported increased Life Satisfaction when they presented authentic self-expression, regardless of their personality profile.

The findings of Study 1 provide evidence for the link between authenticity on social media and well-being in a setting of high external validity. However, given the correlational nature of the study, we cannot make any claims about the causality of the effects. While we hypothesize that expressing oneself authentically on social media results in higher levels of well-being, it is also plausible that individuals who experience higher levels of well-being are more likely to express themselves authentically on social media. To provide evidence for the directionality of authenticity on well-being, we conducted a pre-registered, longitudinal experiment in Study 2 (see Fig.  2 for an illustration of the experimental design).

Figure 2 presents the longitudinal experimental study design for Study 2 with key timepoints, interventions, and surveys.

Experimental manipulation of authentic self-expression on well-being

We recruited 90 students and social media users at a Northeastern University to participate in a 2-week study ( M age  = 22.98, SD age  = 4.17, 72.22% female). The sample size deviates from our pre-registered sample size of 200. The reason for this is that the behavioral research lab of the university was shut down after the first wave of data collection due to the COVID-19 pandemic.

All participants completed two intervention stages during which they were asked to post on their social media profiles in a way that was: (1) authentic for 7 days and (2) self-idealized for 7 days. The order in which participants completed the two interventions was randomly assigned. This experimental set-up allowed us to study the effects of authentic versus idealized self-expression on social media in between-person (week 1) and within-person analyses (comparison between week 1 and week 2). All analyses were pre-registered prior to data collection 37 . Given the reduced sample size, the effects reported in this paper are all as expected in effect size, but only partially reached significance at the conventional alpha = 0.05 level. Consequently, we also consider effects that reach significance at alpha = 0.10 as marginally significant.

All participants completed a personality pre-screen (IPIP) 38 prior to beginning the study, and received personalized feedback report at the beginning of the treatment period (t0). Both the authentic and self-idealized interventions (see Methods for details) asked participants to reflect on that feedback report and identify specific ways in which they could alter their self-expression on social media to align their posts more closely with their actual personality profile (authentic intervention) or to align their posts more closely with how they wanted to be seen by others (see Supplementary Information for treatment text and examples of responses). The operationalization of the treatment follows our conceptualization of Quantified Authenticity in Study 1 in that it does not prescribe the direction of personality change (e.g. towards higher levels of extraversion). Instead, this design leaves it up to participants what posting in a more desirable way means in relation to their current profile.

Participants self-reported their subjective well-being as Life Satisfaction 39 , a single-item mood measure, and positive and negative affect 40 a week after the first intervention (t1), and a week after the second intervention (t2). This design allowed us to examine the causal nature of posting for a week in which participants posted authentically (“authentic, real, or true”), compared to a week in which they posted in a self-idealized way (“ideal, popular or pleasing to others”). Specifically, we hypothesized that individuals who post more authentically over the course of a week would self-report greater subjective well-being at the end of that week, both at the between and within-person level.

We examined the effect of authentic versus self-idealized expression at the between person level at t1 (see t1 in Fig.  3 ) using independent t -tests. Contrary to our expectations, we did not find any significant differences between the two conditions for any of the well-being indicators. This suggests that individuals in the authentic vs. self-idealized conditions did not differ from one another in their level of well-being after the first week of the study. However, when examining the effect within subjects using dependent t -tests we found that participants reported significantly higher levels of well-being after the week in which they posted authentically as compared to the week in which they posted in a self-idealized way. Specifically, the well-being scores in the authentic week were found to be significantly higher than in the self-idealized week for mood (mean difference = 0.19 [0.003, 0.374], t  = 2.02, d  = 0.43, p  = 0.046) and for positive affect (mean difference = 0.17 [0.012, 0.318], t  = 2.14, d  = 0.45, p  = 0.035), and marginally significant for negative affect (mean difference = −0.20 [−0.419, 0.016], t  = −1.84, d  = 0.39, p  = 0.069). There was no significant effect on Life Satisfaction (mean difference = 0.09 [−0.096, 0.274], t  = 0.96, d  = 0.20, p  = 0.342).

The bar chars illustrate the standardized mean of well-being indicators (mood, positive affect, negative affect, and Life Satisfaction) across two study time points by condition. The red bars indicate scores for the weeks in which participants were asked to post authentically, and the blue bars scores for the weeks in which they were asked to post in a self-idealized way. Error bars represent standard errors. The left-side panel presents Group A who received the authenticity treatment followed by the idealized treatment. The right-side panel presents Group B who received the idealized treatment followed by the authenticity treatment. This experiment was conducted once with independent samples in each group.

These findings are reflected in Fig.  3 which showcases the interactions between condition and time point. The graphs highlight that subjective well-being was higher in the weeks in which participants were asked to post authentically (red bars) compared to those in which they were asked to post in a self-idealized way (blue bars). While there was no difference in subjective well-being across conditions at t1, subjective well-being measures differed significantly between the authentic and self-idealized conditions at t2. We found no significant difference between conditions on Life Satisfaction (mean difference = 0.29 [−0.226, 0.798], t  = 1.11, d  = 0.23, p  = 0.270), however, we found a significant difference between conditions such that the group which received the authenticity treatment had greater positive affect (mean difference = 0.45 [0.083, 0.825], t  = 2.43, d  = 0.51 , p  = 0.017), lower negative affect (mean difference = −0.57 [−1.034, −0.113], t  = −2.47, d  = 0.52, p  = 0.015), and higher overall mood (mean difference = 0.40 [0.028, 0.775], t  = 2.14, d  = 0.45 , p  = 0.036).

The findings of the experiment provide support for the causal relationship between posting authentically, compared to posting in a self-idealized way, on the more immediate affective indicators of subjective-wellbeing, including mood and affect, but not on the more long-term, cognitive indicator of life satisfaction. This findings aligns with our pre-registration in that we had predicted mood and affect measures to be more sensitive to the treatment compared to Life Satisfaction, which is a broader global assessment one’s overall life 39 and less likely to change in the course of a week.

Additionally, the fact that we did not find significant effects in our between-subjects analysis in the first week of the study suggests that authentic self-expression might be difficult to manipulate in a one-off treatment as social media users are likely used to expressing themselves on social media both authentically and in a self-idealized way. Thus, when only one strategy is emphasized, participants might not shift their behavior. This is supported by the finding that participants did not differ significantly in their subjective experience of authenticity on social media at t1 (mean in authentic condition at t1 = 5.56, mean in self-idealized condition at t1 = 5.55, t  = 0.05, d  = 0.01, p  = 0.958; Participants responded to a single item, which read “This past week, I was authentic on social media” on a 7-point scale where 1 = strongly disagree and 7 = strongly agree), indicating that the between-subjects manipulation was unsuccessful in getting people to shift their behaviors more toward self-idealized or authentic self-expression compared to their baseline. However, the contrast of the two strategies highlighted in the within-subjects part of the study seems to have successfully shifted participants’ behavior. When compared within person, students did indeed report higher levels of experienced authenticity in their posting during the week in which they were instructed to post authentically (mean difference = 0.30 [0.044, 0.556], t  = 2.33, d  = 0.49, p  = 0.022).

We often hear the advice to just be ourselves. Indeed, psychological theories have suggested that behaving in a way that is consistent with the self-view is beneficial for individual well-being 41 . However, prior investigations of authenticity and well-being have relied solely on self-reported measures which can be confounded by valence and social desirability biases. We estimated authenticity as the proximity between the self-view and self-expression on social media—which we termed Quantified Authenticity—and found that authentic self-expression on social media was correlated with greater Life Satisfaction, an important component of overall well-being. This effect was robust across two comparison points, computer modeled personality based on Facebook Likes and status updates. Our findings suggest that if users engage in self-expression on social media, there may be psychological benefits associated with being authentic. We replicate this finding in a longitudinal experiment with university students; being prompted to post in an authentic way was associated with more positive mood and affect, and less negative mood within participants. Contrary to our second hypothesis, we did not find consistent support for interactions between personality traits and authenticity, such that individuals with more socially desirable traits would benefit more from behaving authentically. Instead, our findings suggest that all individuals regardless of personality traits could benefit from being authentic on social media.

Our findings contribute to the existing literature by speaking directly to conflicting findings on the effects of social media use on well-being. Some studies find that social media use increases self-esteem and positive self-view 42 , while others find that social media use is linked to lower well-being 43 . Still, others find that the effect of social media on well-being is small 44 or non-existent 45 . In an attempt to reconcile these mixed findings, researchers have suggested that the extent to which social media platforms related to lower or higher levels of well-being might depend not on whether people use them but on how they use them. For example, research has shown that active versus passive Facebook use has divergent effects on well-being. While passively using Facebook to consume the content share by others was negatively related to well-being, actively using Facebook to share content and communicate was not 46 . We add to this growing body of research by suggesting that effects of social media use on well-being may also be explained by individual differences in self-expression on social media.

Our study has a number of limitations that should be addressed by future research. First, our analyses focused exclusively on the effects of authentic social media use on well-being, and cannot speak to the question of whether an authentic social media use is better or worse than not using social media at all. That is, even though using social media authentically is better than using it in a more self-idealizing way, the overall effect of social media use on well-being might still be a negative. Future research could address this question by directly comparing no social media use to authentic social media use in both correlational and experimental settings.

Second, our findings do not provide any insights into why individuals might behave more or less authentically. For example, a deviation from the self-view might be explained by a lack of self-awareness, or an intentional misrepresentation of the self. It is possible that depending on whether deviation is driven by intent or not, authenticity might be more or less strongly related to well-being. That is, the psychological costs of deviating from one’s self-view might be stronger when they are intentional such that the individual is fully aware of the fact that they are behaving in a self-idealizing way. Future research should explore this factor empirically.

Finally, the effects of authentic self-presentation on social media on well-being are robust but small (max(β) = 0.11) when compared to compared to other important predictors of well-being such as income, physical health, and marriage 47 , 48 , 49 . However, we argue that the effects described here are meaningful when trying to understand a complex and multifaceted construct such as Life Satisfaction. First, Study 1 captures authenticity using observations of actual behavior rather than self-reports. Given that such behavioral data captured in the wild do not suffer from the same response biases as self-reports which can inflate relationships between variables (e.g. common method bias 50 ), and are often noisier than self-reports, their effect sizes cannot be directly compared 51 . In fact, the effect sizes obtained in Study 2 which was conducted in a much more controlled, experimental setting shows that the effect of authenticity on subjective well-being is substantially larger when measured with more traditional methods (max(d) = 0.45). In addition, while other factors such as employment and health are stronger predictors of well-being, they can be outside of the immediate control of the individual. In contrast, posting on social media in a way that is more aligned with an individual’s personality is both up to the individual and relatively easy to change.

Social media is a pervasive part of modern social life 52 . Nearly 80% of Americans use some form of social media, and three quarters of users check these accounts on a daily basis 53 . Many have speculated that the artificiality of these platforms and their trend towards self-idealization can be detrimental for individual well-being. Our results suggest that whether or not engaging with social media helps or hurts an individual’s well-being might be partly driven by how they use those platforms to express themselves. While it may be tempting to craft a self-enhanced Facebook presence, authentic self-expression on social media can be psychologically beneficial.

Study 1. Participants and procedure

Data were collected through the MyPersonality project, an application available on Facebook between 2007 and 2012 31 . Users of the app completed validated psychometric tests including a measure of the Big Five personality traits 22 , 54 , and received immediate feedback on their responses. A subsample of myPersonality users also agreed to donate their Facebook profile information—including their public profiles, their Facebook likes, their status updates, etc.—for research purposes. In addition, users could invite their Facebook friends to complete the personality questionnaire on their behalf, judging not their own personality but that of their friend.

To calculate authenticity, we developed a measure we refer to as Quantified Authenticity (QA). To compute this measure, we compared a person’s self-reported personality to two external criteria: (1) their personality as predicted from Facebook Likes, and (2) their personality as predicted from the language used in their status updates (see “Measures” section below for more information). The number of participants varied between the two samples based on exclusionary criteria. To be included in the Language-based model, individuals had to have posted at least 500 words of Facebook status updates ( N  = 3215). In the Likes-based model, only participants with 20 or more Likes were included ( N  = 9237).

Big Five personality

Participants’ personality was measured using the well-established Five Factor model of personality, also known as Big Five traits 54 , 55 . The Five Factor model posits five relatively stable, continuous personality traits: Openness to Experience, Conscientiousness, Extraversion, Agreeableness, and Neuroticism. The Big Five personality traits have been found to be stable across cultures, instruments, and observers 56 . Additionally, years of research have linked them to a broad variety of behaviors, preferences and other consequential outcomes, including well-being 57 and behavior on Facebook 58 .

Self-reported personality

Participants’ views of their own personalities are based on the well-established International Personality Item Pool or IPIP 38 . Participants included in the analyses responded to 20–100 questions using a 5 point Likert-scale where 1 =  strongly disagree to 5 = strongly agree.

Computer-based predictions of personality from likes and status updates

Recent methodological advances in machine learning have provided researchers with the ability to predict the personality of individuals from their social media profiles 33 , 34 , 35 . Here, we used personality prediction of personality from Facebook Likes and the language used in status updates. For Facebook Likes ( N  = 9327), we obtained the personality predictions made by Youyou and colleagues 33 , who used a 10-fold cross-validated LASSO regression to predict Big Five personality traits out of sample. On average, the predictions captured personality with an accuracy of r  = 0.56 (correlation between predicted and self-reported scores). For status updates ( N  = 3215), we obtained the predictions made by Park et al. 34 , who used cross-validated Ridge regression to infer personality from language features, such as individual words, combinations of words (n-grams), and topics. On average, the predictions captured personality with an accuracy of r  = 0.41 (correlation between predicted and self-reported scores).

Personality extremeness

We calculated extremeness of participants’ personality profiles as a control variable for our analyses by summing the absolute z -scores on all five traits. We include extremeness because extreme individual scores tend to produce larger absolute difference scores. Additionally, previous work has found that people with more extreme personality profiles might find it more difficult to blend into society and therefore experience lower levels of well-being 36 .

Self-ratings of well-being

Individuals reported their Life Satisfaction—a key component of subjective well-being—on a five-item scale 39 . The SWLS has been shown to be a meaningful psychological construct, correlated with a number of important life outcomes such as marital status and health 59 .

Quantified Authenticity

Quantified Authenticity was calculated in three steps. First, we z -standardized the personality scores on each of the three measures (self, Likes, language) to obtain a person’s relative standing on the five personality traits in comparison to the reference group. Second, we computed the distance between self-reported personality and each of the externally inferred personality profiles using Euclidean distance, a widely established distance measure, which has been used in previous psychological research 36 . To make our measure more intuitively interpretable, we finally subtracted the distance measure from zero to obtain a measure of Quantified Authenticity for which higher scores indicate higher levels of authenticity. See Eq. ( 1 ) below.

For individual i , x i is the Cartesian coordinate of the self-view in a 5 -dimensional personality space. For individual i, y i is the Cartesian coordinate of the language-, or likes-based personality. Our measure of Quantified Authenticity exhibited desirable level of variance, ranging all the way from highly authentic self-expression to considerable levels of self-idealization (see ridgeline plot of standardized Quantified Authenticity calculated based on Language and Likes in Supplementary Fig.  3 ). Additional information on the calculation of the three other metrics of Quantified Authenticity (i.e., Manhattan distance, correlational similarity, and cosine similarity) can be found in the SI.

Study 2. Participants and procedure

All study procedures were approved by the Columbia University Human Research Protection Office and informed consent was received from all study participants. Prior to completing the study, participants completed a pre-screening survey. This included a number of questions related to their social media activity and the BFI-2S as a measure of their Big Five personality traits 60 . Participants who qualified for the study were randomly assigned to one of two groups depicted as “Group A” and “Group B” in Fig.  3 ). Both groups received both interventions (authentic and self-idealized), however they received the treatments in a different order.

The study took place over the course of 2 weeks. On the first day of the study, participants received an email, which included the results of their personality test taken in the pre-screen. They then self-reported their baseline subjective well-being (t0). At the end of the survey, half of the students were asked to use the personality feedback to list three ways in which they could express themselves more authentically over the next week on social media. The second group was asked to list with three ways to express themselves in a more self-idealized way.

At the end of the first week, participants received an email with the second survey link. They completed the same subjective well-being measures (t1; Day 0–7), and were shown their personality feedback again as a reminder. The students who were previously assigned to the authentic condition were now asked to list three ways to express themselves in a more self-idealized way (based on their personality profile), and vice versa (reversing the intervention assignments). At the end of the second week, participants received an email with the final survey link. They completed the same subjective well-being measures (t2; Day 7–14).

Subjective well-being

Individuals reported their Life Satisfaction on the same five-item scale as Study 1 39 . In addition, participants responded to positive and negative affect 40 and a single-item general mood measure.

Preregistration note

We had pre-registered the use of the Positive and Negative Affect Scale 61 . However, due to an oversight of the research team, we accidentally collected data using the Brief Mood Inventory Scale 40 . In the SI, we replicate the results using a subset of items, which overlap between the BMIS and the PANAS-X. Given that the two scales are highly correlated, share the same format, and even share some of the same descriptors, we do not expect that the results would have been different when using the PANAS scale.

Reporting summary

Further information on research design is available in the  Nature Research Reporting Summary linked to this article.

Data availability

Data for Study 1 are available upon request to the authors. Data for Study 2 relevant to the analyses described are available on our OSF page ( https://osf.io/fxav6/ ). Source data are provided with this paper.

Code availability

Code to reproduce the analyses for Study 1 and Study 2 described herein is available on OSF ( https://osf.io/fxav6/ ).

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Acknowledgements

We thank Blaine Horton, Jon Jachimowicz, Maya Rossignac-Milon, and Kostadin Kushlev for critical feedback which substantially improved this paper.

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Bailey, E.R., Matz, S.C., Youyou, W. et al. Authentic self-expression on social media is associated with greater subjective well-being. Nat Commun 11 , 4889 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1038/s41467-020-18539-w

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• Personality

Self-Presentation in the Digital World

Do traditional personality theories predict digital behaviour.

Posted August 31, 2021 | Reviewed by Chloe Williams

• What Is Personality?
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• Personality theories can help explain real-world differences in self-presentation behaviours but they may not apply to online behaviours.
• In the real world, women have higher levels of behavioural inhibition tendencies than men and are more likely to avoid displeasing others.
• Based on this assumption, one would expect women to present themselves less on social media, but women tend to use social media more than men.

Digital technology allows people to construct and vary their self-identity more easily than they can in the real world. This novel digital- personality construction may, or may not, be helpful to that person in the long run, but it is certainly more possible than it is in the real world. Yet how this relates to "personality," as described by traditional personality theories, is not really known. Who will tend to manipulate their personality online, and would traditional personality theories predict these effects? A look at what we do know about gender differences in the real and digital worlds suggests that many aspects of digital behaviour may not conform to the expectations of personality theories developed for the real world.

Half a century ago, Goffman suggested that individuals establish social identities by employing self-presentation tactics and impression management . Self-presentational tactics are techniques for constructing or manipulating others’ impressions of the individual and ultimately help to develop that person’s identity in the eyes of the world. The ways other people react are altered by choosing how to present oneself – that is, self-presentation strategies are used for impression management . Others then uphold, shape, or alter that self-image , depending on how they react to the tactics employed. This implies that self-presentation is a form of social communication, by which people establish, maintain, and alter their social identity.

These self-presentational strategies can be " assertive " or "defensive." 1 Assertive strategies are associated with active control of the person’s self-image; and defensive strategies are associated with protecting a desired identity that is under threat. In the real world, the use of self-presentational tactics has been widely studied and has been found to relate to many behaviours and personalities 2 . Yet, despite the enormous amounts of time spent on social media , the types of self-presentational tactics employed on these platforms have not received a huge amount of study. In fact, social media appears to provide an ideal opportunity for the use of self-presentational tactics, especially assertive strategies aimed at creating an identity in the eyes of others.

Seeking to Experience Different Types of Reward

Social media allows individuals to present themselves in ways that are entirely reliant on their own behaviours – and not on factors largely beyond their ability to instantly control, such as their appearance, gender, etc. That is, the impression that the viewer of the social media post receives is dependent, almost entirely, on how or what another person posts 3,4 . Thus, the digital medium does not present the difficulties for individuals who wish to divorce the newly-presented self from the established self. New personalities or "images" may be difficult to establish in real-world interactions, as others may have known the person beforehand, and their established patterns of interaction. Alternatively, others may not let people get away with "out of character" behaviours, or they may react to their stereotype of the person in front of them, not to their actual behaviours. All of which makes real-life identity construction harder.

Engaging in such impression management may stem from motivations to experience different types of reward 5 . In terms of one personality theory, individuals displaying behavioural approach tendencies (the Behavioural Activation System; BAS) and behavioural inhibition tendencies (the Behavioural Inhibition System; BIS) will differ in terms of self-presentation behaviours. Those with strong BAS seek opportunities to receive or experience reward (approach motivation ); whereas, those with strong BIS attempt to avoid punishment (avoidance motivation). People who need to receive a lot of external praise may actively seek out social interactions and develop a lot of social goals in their lives. Those who are more concerned about not incurring other people’s displeasure may seek to defend against this possibility and tend to withdraw from people. Although this is a well-established view of personality in the real world, it has not received strong attention in terms of digital behaviours.

Real-World Personality Theories May Not Apply Online

One test bed for the application of this theory in the digital domain is predicted gender differences in social media behaviour in relation to self-presentation. Both self-presentation 1 , and BAS and BIS 6 , have been noted to show gender differences. In the real world, women have shown higher levels of BIS than men (at least, to this point in time), although levels of BAS are less clearly differentiated between genders. This view would suggest that, in order to avoid disapproval, women will present themselves less often on social media; and, where they do have a presence, adopt defensive self-presentational strategies.

The first of these hypotheses is demonstrably false – where there are any differences in usage (and there are not that many), women tend to use social media more often than men. What we don’t really know, with any certainty, is how women use social media for self-presentation, and whether this differs from men’s usage. In contrast to the BAS/BIS view of personality, developed for the real world, several studies have suggested that selfie posting can be an assertive, or even aggressive, behaviour for females – used in forming a new personality 3 . In contrast, sometimes selfie posting by males is related to less aggressive, and more defensive, aspects of personality 7 . It may be that women take the opportunity to present very different images of themselves online from their real-world personalities. All of this suggests that theories developed for personality in the real world may not apply online – certainly not in terms of putative gender-related behaviours.

We know that social media allows a new personality to be presented easily, which is not usually seen in real-world interactions, and it may be that real-world gender differences are not repeated in digital contexts. Alternatively, it may suggest that these personality theories are now simply hopelessly anachronistic – based on assumptions that no longer apply. If that were the case, it would certainly rule out any suggestion that such personalities are genetically determined – as we know that structure hasn’t changed dramatically in the last 20 years.

1. Lee, S.J., Quigley, B.M., Nesler, M.S., Corbett, A.B., & Tedeschi, J.T. (1999). Development of a self-presentation tactics scale. Personality and Individual Differences, 26(4), 701-722.

2. Laghi, F., Pallini, S., & Baiocco, R. (2015). Autopresentazione efficace, tattiche difensive e assertive e caratteristiche di personalità in Adolescenza. Rassegna di Psicologia, 32(3), 65-82.

3. Chua, T.H.H., & Chang, L. (2016). Follow me and like my beautiful selfies: Singapore teenage girls’ engagement in self-presentation and peer comparison on social media. Computers in Human Behavior, 55, 190-197.

4. Fox, J., & Rooney, M.C. (2015). The Dark Triad and trait self-objectification as predictors of men’s use and self-presentation behaviors on social networking sites. Personality and Individual Differences, 76, 161-165.

5. Hermann, A.D., Teutemacher, A.M., & Lehtman, M.J. (2015). Revisiting the unmitigated approach model of narcissism: Replication and extension. Journal of Research in Personality, 55, 41-45.

6. Carver, C.S., & White, T.L. (1994). Behavioral inhibition, behavioral activation, and affective responses to impending reward and punishment: the BIS/BAS scales. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 67(2), 319.

7. Sorokowski, P., Sorokowska, A., Frackowiak, T., Karwowski, M., Rusicka, I., & Oleszkiewicz, A. (2016). Sex differences in online selfie posting behaviors predict histrionic personality scores among men but not women. Computers in Human Behavior, 59, 368-373.

Phil Reed, Ph.D., is a professor of psychology at Swansea University.

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Self-Presentation in Social Media: Review and Research Opportunities

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This paper reviews existing research on self-presentation in social media in order to inform future research. Social media offer seemingly limitless opportunities for strategic self-presentation. The composition of an impression manager’s audience from one platform to the next varies across social media platforms, impacting and often complicating the attainment of self-presentation goals in the midst of context collapse. Social media users can employ a variety of strategies in an attempt to reach their goals and successfully influence how others perceive them. Although we have learned much from this body of literature, a more comprehensive theory of self-presentation in the hypermedia age is needed to further advance this area of research. Recommended variables to consider in online self-presentation include individual variables, culture/group membership, motivations, channel-specific variables, self-presentation content generated by self and others, as well as effectiveness of self-presentation.

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Self-Presentation on Social Media: When Self-Enhancement Confronts Self-Verification

• Charles H. Sandage Department of Advertising
• Institute of Communications Research
• Beckman Institute for Advanced Science and Technology
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Social media affords users the ability to control how they present themselves to their audience. People generally choose to show an ideal self-image on social media. However, this may be dependent on the strength of their ties to the audience that can see their content. The present research found that people choose to share things that are self-enhancing to both close and distant friends. However, they seem to self-verify (such as admitting weaknesses or embarrassing information) primarily when considering close friends as the primary audience. Because people make associations with brands congruent with their self-concept as a means of self-expression, the findings suggest that social media users might share ads or like products differently, depending on their perception of the audience that can see them.

• Social media
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• self-verification
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Self-Presentation Theory

Self-Presentation Theory: Understanding the Art of Impression Management

In the grand theater of life, where every social interaction is a stage and we are both the actors and the audience, self-presentation theory takes center stage. It whispers the secrets of our performances, the subtle art of crafting personas, and the intricate dance between authenticity and impression. As we pull back the curtain on this psychological narrative, we delve into the depths of human behavior, exploring how the masks we wear and the roles we play are not merely acts of deception but profound expressions of our deepest desires to connect, belong, and be understood in the ever-unfolding drama of existence.

Self-presentation theory, originating from the field of social psychology, delves into the intricate ways individuals strategically convey and portray their desired image to others. This theory explores the underlying motivations and cognitive processes governing how people present themselves in social situations, aiming to understand the dynamics of impression management.

Key Definition:

Self-presentation theory refers to the behavior and strategies individuals use to shape the perceptions that others form about them. This theory suggests that individuals strive to convey a favorable impression to others by managing their public image. It encompasses various aspects such as impression management, identity, and social interaction, and is often associated with social psychology and communication studies. According to this theory, individuals may engage in behaviors such as self-disclosure, performance, and conformity to influence how others perceive them.

Origins and Development

The concept of self-presentation theory was initially formulated by sociologist Erving Goffman, in his seminal work The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life , originally published in 1956. Goffman’s was first to create a specific theory concerning self-presentation, laying the foundation for what is now commonly referred to as impression management. His book became widely known after its publication in the United States in 1959.

Goffman’s theory draws from the imagery of theater to portray the importance of human social interaction. He proposed that in social interactions, individuals perform much like actors on a stage, managing the impressions others form of them by controlling information in various ways. This process involves a “front” where the individual presents themselves in a certain manner, and a “back” where they can step out of their role.

His work has been influential in sociology, social psychology, and anthropology, as it was the first to treat face-to-face interaction as a subject of sociological study. Goffman’s dramaturgical analysis observes a connection between the kinds of acts people put on in their daily life and theatrical performances. The theory has had a lasting impact on our understanding of social behavior and continues to be a significant reference point in studies of social interaction.

Impression Management Strategies

Much of Goffman’s early work suggests that “avoidance of shame is an important, indeed a crucial, motive in virtually all social behavior.” Goffman posits that impression management is typically a greater motivation than rational and instrumental goals. Thomas J. Scheff explains that “one tries to control the impression one makes on others, even others who are not significant to one’s life” ( Scheff, 1997. Kindle location: 4,106 ).

Self-presentation theory encompasses a spectrum of strategies employed by individuals to shape others’ perceptions of them. Impression management strategies in social interaction theory are the various techniques individuals use to influence how others perceive them. Individuals employ these strategies to present themselves in a favorable light. The motivation is to achieve specific goals or maintain certain relationships. Here are some key impression management strategies:

• Self-Promotion : Highlighting one’s own positive qualities, achievements, and skills to be seen as competent and capable.
• Ingratiation : Using flattery or praise to make oneself likable to others, often to gain their favor or approval.
• Exemplification : Demonstrating one’s own moral integrity or dedication to elicit respect and admiration from others.
• Intimidation : Projecting a sense of power or threat to influence others to comply with one’s wishes.
• Supplication : Presenting oneself as weak or needy to elicit sympathy or assistance from others.

These strategies can be assertive, involving active attempts to shape one’s image, or defensive, aimed at protecting one’s image. The choice of strategy depends on the individual’s goals, the context of the interaction, and the nature of the relationship.

The Game of Presentation

In many ways, self-presentation opposes other psychology concepts such as authenticity. We adapt to ur environments, and present ourselves accordingly. We act much different at grandma’s house than we do when out drinking with our friends. Perhaps, authenticity is context dependent. However, we can present ourselves differently in different situations without violating core self-values. The presentations may differ but the self remains unchanged.

Carl Jung mused in reflection of his childhood interactions with his friends that, “I found that they alienated me from myself. When I was with them I became different from the way I was at home.” He continues, “it seemed to me that the change in myself was due to the influence of my schoolfellows, who somehow misled me or compelled me to be different from what I thought I was” ( Jung, 2011 ).

Jonathan Haidt suggests that it is merely game. He wrote, “to win at this game you must present your best possible self to others. You must appear virtuous, whether or not you are, and you must gain the benefits of cooperation whether or not you deserve them.” He continues to warn “but everyone else is playing the same game, so you must also play defense—you must be wary of others’ self-presentations, and of their efforts to claim more for themselves than they deserve” ( Haidt, 2003. Kindle location: 1,361 ).

Healthy and Unhealthy Modes of Self-Presentation

We all self-present, creating images that fit the context. While seeking a partner, we self-present a person who is worthy of investing time in. Only in time, do some of these masks begin to fade. Impression management is essential to build new relationships, get the job, and prevent social rejection. Mahzarin R, Banaji and Anthony G. Greenwald wrote, “honesty may be an overrated virtue. If you decided to report all of your flaws to friends and to apply a similar standard of total honesty when talking to others about their shortcomings, you might soon find that you no longer have friends.” they continue, “our daily social lives demand, and generally receive, repeated lubrication with a certain amount of untruthfulness, which keeps the gears of social interaction meshing smoothly” ( Banaji & Greenwald, 2016, pp. 28-29 ).

However, this healthy practice morphs into something sinister when the presented self has nothing to do with the real self. Daniel Goleman refers to individuals that engage in unhealthy deceitful presentations as social chameleons. He wrote, “the social chameleon will seem to be whatever those he is with seem to want. The sign that someone falls into this pattern…is that they make an excellent impression, yet have few stable or satisfying intimate relationships” ( Golman, 2011. Kindle location: 2,519 ).

Goleman explains that “a more healthy pattern, of course, is to balance being true to oneself with social skills, using them with integrity.” He adds, “social chameleons, though, don’t mind in the least saying one thing and doing another, if that will win them social approval” ( Goleman, 2011. Kindle location: 2,523 ).

Situational Influences

The application of self-presentation strategies is contingent upon the social context and the specific goals an individual pursues. In professional settings, individuals may engage in self-promotion to advance their careers, while in personal relationships, they might prioritize authenticity and sincerity. The ubiquity of social media further complicates self-presentation, as individuals navigate the curation of online personas and the management of digital identities.

In the professional realm, the strategic presentation of oneself can play a crucial role in career development and success. This may involve showcasing one’s achievements, skills, and expertise to stand out in a competitive environment. However, it’s important to strike a balance between self-promotion and humility to maintain credibility and foster positive professional relationships.

On the other hand, personal relationships often thrive on genuine connections and authenticity. In these contexts, individuals may choose to present themselves in a sincere manner, emphasizing vulnerability and openness to establish meaningful connections with others. While occasional self-promotion may still occur, the emphasis is more on building trust and rapport.

Social Media and Self-Presentation

The rise of social media has introduced a new layer of complexity to self-presentation. Platforms like Facebook, Instagram, and LinkedIn offer opportunities for individuals to craft their virtual identities. This process involves selective sharing of information, curation of posts and images, and the management of online interactions. The challenge lies in maintaining a balance between projecting an aspirational image and staying true to one’s authentic self in the digital sphere.

In Goffman’s lengthy comparison between actors and audience suggests that anyone could perform, presenting a certain image. However, he points out that if the actor is a known criminal the audience would not be able to accept their performance, knowing it is a fraud. The actor may enjoy success by going on the road, performing to audiences that are not aware of the actor’s criminal past ( Goffman, 1956, p. 223 ). The internet allows the individual with a shady past to bring their show on the road to an unsuspecting audience who can buy their deceitful performance.

Navigating these diverse self-presentation strategies requires individuals to be mindful of the specific social contexts and their underlying goals. Whether it’s in the professional arena or personal relationships, the nuanced art of self-presentation continues to evolve in the digital age, shaping how individuals perceive and position themselves in the world.

Self-Presentation and Emotional Labor

The intersection of self-presentation theory with emotional labor is a topic of significant interest. Emotional labor pertains to the management of one’s emotions to meet the demands of a particular role or job. Individuals often engage in self-presentation to display appropriate emotions in various settings, leading to a convergence between impression management and emotional regulation. One of the key aspects of this intersection is the impact it has on employee well-being.

Research has shown that the need to regulate emotions in the workplace can lead to emotional exhaustion and burnout. Additionally, there are important implications for organizations, as they have a vested interest in understanding and managing the emotional labor of their employees. Effective programs may enhance employee well-being and improve the quality of service provided to customers. Moreover, the intersection of self-presentation and emotional labor can also be examined through the lens of gender and cultural differences. These examination may highlight the complexities and nuances of this phenomenon in diverse contexts. Understanding this intersection is crucial for creating supportive work environments and fostering healthy, sustainable emotional practices.

See Emotional Labor for more on this topic

Implications and Future Directions

Understanding self-presentation theory has widespread implications, spanning from interpersonal relationships to organizational dynamics. By acknowledging the nuanced strategies individuals employ to shape perceptions, psychologists and practitioners can better grasp human behavior in diverse contexts. Future research may delve into the interplay between self-presentation and cultural factors. In addition, further research may cast light on the psychological effects of sustained impression management on individuals’ well-being.

As individuals, we can understand that we, as well as others, use impression management. Before investing significant resources, we would be wise to try to unmask the presenter and make a decision based on reality rather than expertely presented deceptions.

A List of Practical Implications

Understanding the concepts related to self-presentation theory, such as impression management, self-concept, and social identity, has several practical implications in everyday life:

• Enhanced Social Interactions : By being aware of how we present ourselves, we can navigate social situations more effectively, tailoring our behavior to suit different contexts and relationships.
• Improved Professional Relationships : In the workplace, understanding self-presentation can help in managing professional personas, leading to better workplace dynamics and career advancement.
• Personal Development : Recognizing the strategies we use for impression management can lead to greater self-awareness and personal growth, as we align our external presentation with our internal values.
• Conflict Resolution : Awareness of self-presentation strategies can aid in resolving conflicts by understanding the motivations behind others’ behaviors and addressing the underlying issues.
• Mental Health : Understanding the effort involved in emotional labor and impression management can help in identifying when these efforts are leading to stress or burnout, prompting us to seek support or make changes.
• Authentic Relationships : By balancing self-presentation with authenticity, we can foster deeper and more genuine connections with others.
• Cultural Competence : Recognizing the role of social identity in self-presentation can enhance our sensitivity to cultural differences and improve cross-cultural communication.

Overall, these concepts can empower us to be more intentional in our interactions, leading to more fulfilling and effective communication in our personal and professional lives.

Associated Psychological Concepts to Self-Presentation Theory

Self-presentation theory is intricately connected to a variety of psychological concepts that help explain the behaviors and motivations behind how individuals present themselves to others. Here are some related concepts:

• Self-Concept : This refers to how people perceive themselves and their awareness of who they are. Self-presentation is often a reflection of one’s self-concept, as individuals attempt to project an image that aligns with their self-perception.
• Impression Management : This is the process by which individuals attempt to control the impressions others form of them. It involves a variety of strategies to influence others’ perceptions in a way that is favorable to the individual.
• Social Identity : The part of an individual’s self-concept derived from their membership in social groups. Self-presentation can be used to highlight certain aspects of one’s social identity.
• Cognitive Dissonance : This occurs when there is a discrepancy between one’s beliefs and behaviors. Self-presentation strategies may be employed to reduce cognitive dissonance by aligning one’s outward behavior with internal beliefs.
• Role Theory : Suggests that individuals behave in ways that align with the expectations of the social roles they occupy. Self-presentation can be seen as performing the appropriate role in a given context.
• Self-Es teem : The value one places on oneself. Self-presentation can be a means to enhance or protect one’s self-esteem by controlling how others view them.
• Self-Efficacy : One’s belief in their ability to succeed. Through self-presentation, individuals may seek to project confidence and competence to others, thereby reinforcing their own sense of self-efficacy.

These concepts are interrelated and contribute to the understanding of self-presentation theory as a whole, providing insight into the complex nature of social interactions and the motivations behind individuals’ efforts to influence how they are perceived by others.

A Few Words by Psychology Fanatic

In essence, self-presentation theory captures the multifaceted nature of human interaction, shedding light on the conscious and subconscious processes governing how individuals present themselves in the social arena. By unraveling the intricacies of impression management, researchers continue to unveil the complexities of human behavior and the underlying motivations that propel our interactions with others.

Last Update: April 29, 2024

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References:

Goffman, Erving (1956/ 2021 ). The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life. Anchor

Goleman, Daniel ( 2005 ). Emotional Intelligence: Why It Can Matter More Than IQ. Bantam Books . Read on Kindle Books.

Haidt, Jonathan ( 2003 ). The Happiness Hypothesis: Finding Modern Truth in Ancient Wisdom. Basic Books ; 1st edition.

Jung, Carl Gustav (1961/ 2011 ). Memories, Dreams, Reflections. Vintage ; Reissue edition.

Banaji, Mahzarin R.; Greenwald, Anthony G. ( 2016 ). Blindspot: Hidden Biases of Good People.  Bantam ; Reprint edition.

Scheff, Thomas J. ( 1997 ). Shame in Social Theory. Editors Lansky, M. R. and Morrison, A. P. In The Widening Scope of Shame. ​ Routledge ; 1st edition.

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Self-Presentation in Social Media: Review and Research Opportunities

2021, Review of Communication Research

This paper reviews existing research on self-presentation in social media in order to inform future research. Social media offer seemingly limitless opportunities for strategic self-presentation. Informed by existing self-presentation theories, a review of research on self-presentation in social media revealed three significant context and audience variables that were conceptualized in a model. First, three affordances of social media-anonymity, persistence, and visibility-were discussed, as research has revealed the moderating effects of these affordances between self-presentation goal and the self-presentational content shared in social media. For example, one might expect that social media users are more likely to present their actual selves under conditions of less anonymity, more persistence, and more visibility. On the other hand, the freedom associated with more anonymous, less persistent, and less visible social media may lead to idealized self-presentation. The second finding revealed the impact of other-generated content in the form of likes, comments, tags, and shares on social media users' self-presentation content, mediated by how they choose to manage such content. The third theme concerned the moderating effect of context collapse on the relationship between goals and self-presentation content. The composition of an impression manager's audience from one platform to the next varies across social media platforms, impacting and often complicating the attainment of self-presentation goals in the midst of merging networks of people. Social media users have adopted varying ways to navigate the complexities of context collapse in their pursuit of self-presentation. Although we have learned much from this body of literature, a more comprehensive theory of self-presentation in the hypermedia age is needed to further advance this area of research.

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The rapid growth in the use of social networking sites popularly known as social media has opened up new avenues for interaction among people and organizations across the globe. Giving users the freedom to control personal information on their profiles has resulted in unprecedented gains for both corporations and individuals. The information shared on these platforms has not only transformed the manner of socialization but also created opportunities for people to showcase different abilities and capacities.

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This study aimed to lay out an up-to-date literature review on self-presentation and impression management (Goffman, 1959) in social networking sites (SNSs) through a descriptive analysis method. Following an introduction to the concepts, and the significance of self-presentation research, the current state of the discourse has been discussed under four themes: the debate of actual versus idealized selves in SNSs, resources for self-presentation in SNSs, online self-presentation typology and strategies, and determinants of online self-presentation. The review indicated that impression management typology was found to be a useful analytical framework for future research. However, it was reported that users employed various self-presentation tactics to create a favorable impression on others as well. It was also revealed that personality traits, technical features of SNSs, audience size and diversity, culture, and other-provided information were among the determinants of self-presentation. Finally, it was shown that self-presentation in SNSs merits focused attention as more research is needed to gain a solid understanding of to what extent actual selves are presented online. The study concluded with a call for further research in the investigation of the presentation of self in educational settings including second language teaching and learning contexts.

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This study investigates self-presentation strategies among Face book Participants, exploring how participants manage their online presentation of self in order to accomplish the goal of presenting the impression they desire. Thirty-four individuals participated in semi-structured interviews about their Face book experiences and perceptions of each other profile and were asked to describe the impression being projected and give a adjective to it. This helped in capturing the impression being ?given? and ?impression being received? by others. Qualitative data analysis suggests that participants attended to small cues online, mediated the tension between impression management pressures and the desire to present an authentic sense of self through tactics such as creating a profile that reflected their \"ideal self,\" and attempted to establish the veracity of their identity claims. This study provides empirical support for Social Information Processing theory in a naturalistic context.

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On social network sites (e.g. Facebook), individuals self-present to multiple audiences simultaneously twenty-four hours a day. Prior research has inferred this results in a lowest common denominator effect (LCDE) whereby people constrain their online presentation to the standards of their strictest audience. However, this existing work neglects to address differences in the 'value' (social/economic) of the audience. Through the lens of self-presentation theory, we argue that it is not the strictest audience that constrains behavior but the strongest (i.e. that which has the highest score for standards and value combined). We call this the strongest audience effect (SAE). The aim of this research is to examine and contrast the LCDE and SAE. A survey of young Facebook users (n=379) provides support for the SAE when compared to LCDE, with the strength of the strongest audience predicting behavioral constraint and also social anxiety. Additional insights are generated into whic...

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This paper presents a sociological theoretical framework for the study of self-presentation in social networks. Theoretically, the paper draws on the sociological classics of E. Goffman and M. Castells and work from other academic fields in which self-presentation and social networks have been explored as social phenomena. The first part of the paper provides a contextual framework for the development of information technology and the growth of social network users, and offers some terminological clarifications. Then, the sociological approaches to the phenomena of social networks and self-presentation are analysed within the framework of the dramaturgical approach. The spatio-temporal framework created by the emergence of the Internet is questioned, and self-presentation is examined in this context. The notion of the exhibition site that defines the new form of appearance on social network platforms, the temporal status of the contemporary form of self-presentation on social networks and the asynchronous character of communication implied by this self-presentation are also analysed.

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Focus on Self-Presentation on Social Media across Sociodemographic Variables, Lifestyles, and Personalities: A Cross-Sectional Study

Gunnhild johnsen hjetland.

1 Department of Health Promotion, Norwegian Institute of Public Health, 5015 Bergen, Norway

2 Centre for Evaluation of Public Health Measures, Norwegian Institute of Public Health, 0473 Oslo, Norway

Turi Reiten Finserås

Børge sivertsen.

3 Department of Research and Innovation, Helse Fonna HF, 5525 Haugesund, Norway

4 Department of Mental Health, Norwegian University of Science and Technology, 7491 Trondheim, Norway

5 School of Epidemiology and Public Health, University of Ottawa, Ottawa, ON K1G 5Z3, Canada

6 Centre for Fertility and Health, Norwegian Institute of Public Health, 0473 Oslo, Norway

Randi Træland Hella

7 Department of Work, Section for Children, Families and Disabled, Social Services and Housing, 5014 Bergen, Norway

Jens Christoffer Skogen

8 Alcohol and Drug Research Western Norway, Stavanger University Hospital, 4036 Stavanger, Norway

Associated Data

The datasets analyzed during the current study are not publicly available, as they contain sensitive information, and the ethical approval of the study does not include this option. The datasets will be available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.

Upward social comparison and aspects of self-presentation on social media such as feedback-seeking and strategic self-presentation may represent risk factors for experiencing negative mental health effects of social media use. The aim of this exploratory study was to assess how adolescents differ in upward social comparison and aspects of self-presentation on social media and whether these differences are linked to sociodemographic variables, lifestyle, or personality. The study was based on cross-sectional data from the “LifeOnSoMe” study performed in Bergen, Norway, including 2023 senior high school pupils (response rate 54%, mean age 17.4, 44% boys). Nine potentially relevant items were assessed using factor analysis, and latent class analysis was used to identify latent classes with distinct patterns of responses across seven retained items. The retained items converged into one factor, called “focus on self-presentation”. We identified three groups of adolescents with a low, intermediate, and high focus on self-presentation. Associations between identified latent classes and covariates were assessed using regression analyses. Being a girl, higher extraversion, lower emotional stability, more frequent alcohol consumption, and having tried tobacco were associated with membership in the high-focus group. These results suggest some characteristics that are associated with a higher focus on self-presentation and that could inform targeted interventions.

1. Introduction

Social media are widely used, and the most popular social media platforms have up to 2.9 billion active users [ 1 ]. Social media “employ mobile and web-based technologies to create highly interactive platforms via which individuals and communities share, co-create, discuss, and modify user-generated content” ([ 2 ], p. 1). Adolescents are particularly active users, with nearly half saying that they use social media “almost constantly” [ 3 ]. Among Norwegian 16–18-year-olds, nearly 100% are on social media [ 4 ], and 63% of boys and 84% of girls in senior high school spend a minimum of one hour on social media every day [ 5 ].

There is growing literature on the potential consequences of adolescents’ social media use [ 6 ]. Overall, meta-analyses point to a small negative effect of social media use on adolescents’ mental health and well-being [ 7 , 8 , 9 ]. However, most of these studies have focused primarily on the duration and frequency of social media use [ 6 , 7 , 10 ] and provide little insight into how specific types of social media use may be differentially related to mental health and well-being [ 7 ]. Some studies have, however, demonstrated that the associations between social media use and mental health depend on the type of use [ 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 ], the motivations for use [ 16 ], and the emotional investment in social media [ 17 , 18 , 19 , 20 ]. For example, some studies have indicated that passive use (e.g., scrolling through others’ content) leads to a decline in well-being, while active use (e.g., interacting with people on social media) improves or has no effect on well-being [ 21 , 22 ]. A recent study, however, showed that only 10% of their adolescent participants felt worse after passively using social media, while 46% felt better and 44% experienced no change in well-being, demonstrating the importance of person-specific effects of social media use [ 23 ]. Exploring differences in adolescents’ social media use may bring us closer to determining whether specific types of social media use are harmful and who might be at risk of experiencing negative effects of their social media use.

Self-presentation and social comparison on social media have gained research attention for their potential effects on mental health [ 7 , 13 , 16 , 24 , 25 , 26 , 27 , 28 , 29 ]. The influential dual-factor model proposed by Nadkarni & Hofman [ 30 ] posits that, alongside the need for belonging, the need for self-presentation is a fundamental motivation for using social media. Self-presentation is the innate tendency of attempting to manage how other people perceive us [ 31 ] and entails putting up a desired image of oneself with the hope of gaining positive feedback and social approval from others [ 32 , 33 ]. As described in the hyperpersonal model [ 34 , 35 ], social media and other computer-mediated communication allow people to conceal undesirable characteristics and highlight desirable characteristics to a larger degree than in face-to-face communication—for example, by optimizing messages before sending or posting them or by carefully selecting and editing photos of oneself. In addition to providing more opportunities for self-presentation, social media also offer a range of opportunities for feedback on one’s self-presentation. On social media, feedback often comes in the form of likes, comments, and other indicators of approval or disapproval, such as having your content shared by others (e.g., “retweets”) or losing followers on your social media account. While face-to-face feedback is often ambiguous and open to interpretation, feedback on social media often represents quantifiable indicators of one’s social success [ 36 ], which can be directly compared to others’ success. In order to elicit a more favorable response, people may engage in strategic self-presentation, such as editing photos or deleting content that does not receive the desired number of likes [ 37 ]. Self-presentation on social media, which is motivated by getting positive feedback, referred to as feedback-seeking or status-seeking, has been associated with negative outcomes such as depressive symptoms [ 25 ], lower body satisfaction, and lower well-being [ 16 ]. Feedback-seeking may also influence some people to present themselves on social media in a way that does not correspond with their personality or physical appearance offline. Inauthentic self-presentation on social media has been associated with elevated levels of social anxiety and lower self-esteem [ 27 ].

Although not necessarily resorting to inauthentic self-presentation, people tend to emphasize desirable characteristics on social media [ 38 ], resulting in social media being dominated by idealized and unrealistic presentations of peoples’ lives (and looks). Consequently, social media are fertile grounds for upward social comparison. Social comparison is the tendency to compare one’s abilities and opinions to other people to gain information about how we are doing relative to others [ 39 ]. Upward social comparison happens when one compares oneself to someone who is viewed as better in some respect, which may be particularly prevalent on social media. One study found that social media users generally assumed that other users have more friends, are happier, and have better lives than themselves [ 40 ]. Furthermore, by following a large number of people on social media, the reference group to which adolescents compare themselves may include a very large number of people and even high-status celebrities and “influencers” [ 41 ]. Upward social comparison has been associated with more depressive symptoms [ 25 , 42 ] and body dissatisfaction among adolescents [ 28 ] and with suicidal ideation among young adults [ 13 , 29 ]. One recent study found that increased levels of feedback-seeking and social comparison were associated with more depressive symptoms, anxiety, and reduced well-being among adolescents [ 43 ].

In summary, aspects of self-presentation on social media such as feedback-seeking, strategic self-presentation, and social comparison may represent risk factors for experiencing negative effects of social media use. Importantly, self-presentation on social media is not inherently negative; it has been shown to have positive effects under certain conditions. Experimental studies have shown that viewing one’s own social media profile, which often portrays oneself in a positive way, leads to increased self-esteem [ 44 , 45 ] and an improved ability to cope with negative feedback [ 46 ]. This may be seen in connection with self-affirmation theory, which posits that a threat to people’s image of themselves as a “good or lovable person” results in them trying to restore their self-integrity [ 47 , 48 ]. As such, posting positive content about oneself on social media may be a way to try to restore a sense of worth. In order to result in self-affirmation, however, the content needs to be accurate [ 46 ]. Another potential benefit of social media is when they enable the expression of aspects of the self that are perceived as unwanted in offline social settings, thus allowing people to engage in a more authentic self-presentation online than offline [ 49 ].

Given the associations of feedback-seeking, strategic self-presentation, and upward social comparison with mental health and well-being, individual differences in upwards social comparison and aspects of self-presentation may underlie some of the heterogeneity in the effects of social media use on well-being. Previous studies have pointed to some characteristics that are related to self-presentation and social comparison on social media. Firstly, adolescent girls have been found to report higher levels of feedback-seeking and social comparison than boys [ 25 , 43 ]. They have also been shown to post more self-focused images (“selfies”) than adolescent boys, to be more focused on their physical appearance, and to be more concerned about peer-feedback [ 50 ]. Additionally, some studies suggest that personality is associated with aspects of self-presentation on social media. According to the Five Factor Model of personality, personality characteristics cluster into five traits that predict people’s behavior in a wide range of contexts [ 51 , 52 ]: agreeableness, conscientiousness, extraversion, neuroticism, and openness to experience. Agreeableness is associated with greater concern regarding getting along with other people, and conscientiousness is associated with striving for achievement and self-discipline [ 53 ]. Both imply that they would be cautious in how they present themselves online [ 54 ], as the opposite could result in hurting their likeability and their status. Conscientiousness and agreeableness have been negatively associated with attention-seeking [ 54 ]. Extraversion is associated with seeking social attention [ 55 ], and it has been shown that extroverts place importance on looking popular on social media [ 56 ]. Neuroticism is associated with low emotional stability, and being high on this trait means you are more susceptible to negative emotions [ 53 ]. People with high neuroticism are more sensitive to rejection, which may lead them to seek acceptance through social media [ 54 ]. Neuroticism is also associated with the tendency to present an idealized or inauthentic version of oneself [ 27 ]. Finally, openness to experience is associated with open-mindedness, novelty-seeking, and curiosity [ 52 ]. Openness has been associated with overall social media use [ 57 ], but it is unclear whether it is associated with self-presentation.

Aspects of self-presentation on social media have also been related to lifestyle variables. Nesi & Prinstein [ 37 ] found that feedback-seeking on social media was associated with substance abuse and risky sexual behavior, and they hypothesized that those high in feedback-seeking engage in risky offline behaviors that are considered popular among peers in an attempt to increase their social status [ 37 ]. Other lifestyle factors such as physical exercise have not been investigated specifically in relation to aspects of self-presentation, but higher social media use in general is associated with higher sedentary time among adolescents [ 58 , 59 ]. Problematic social media use, measured using addiction criteria, has been associated with lower levels of physical activity among girls and with higher levels of physical activity among boys [ 60 , 61 ].

Increased knowledge about individual differences in self-presentation on social media and how these differences relate to other aspects of adolescents’ lives may help identify those at risk of negative effects of their social media use. The aim of the present study was to explore how adolescents differ in upward social comparison and aspects of self-presentation and to assess whether such differences were associated with sociodemographic variables, lifestyle, and personality.

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. study design and setting.

The present study (OSF preregistration doi: 10.17605/OSF.IO/BVPS8) was based on cross-sectional data from the “LifeOnSoMe” study, an online survey conducted in Bergen, Norway in 2020. Bergen is the second-largest city and a municipality in Vestland county in Western Norway, with a population of around 300,000. All senior high school pupils in the municipality of Bergen aged 16 years or older were invited to complete the survey. The survey was completed during school hours in collaboration with school personnel. Pupils from 12 schools participated, while 2 schools did not have the capacity to prioritize the survey and declined participation. Thus, a total of 3959 pupils were invited to participate in the survey, of which 2116 agreed to participate (54%). Those with missing data on gender and/or age were excluded from the analyses (n = 71), and those reporting non-binary gender were excluded due to privacy concerns (n = 13). Upon analysis, nine responses were excluded, as they were duplicates (i.e., they completed the survey twice), leaving a total number of respondents of 2023.

2.2. Variables

2.2.1. social media use: background information.

To assess the participants’ frequency of social media use, we asked them the following question: “How often do you use social media?” The response alternatives were “almost never”, “several times a month, but rarer than once a week”, “1–2 times per week”, “3–4 times per week”, “5–6 times per week”, “every day”, “several times each day”, and “almost constantly”. For the purpose of the present study, we differentiated between “daily or less” (21%), “many times a day” (51%), and “almost constantly” (28%). To assess participants’ duration of social media use, we asked the following question: “On the days that you use social media, approximately how much time do you spend on social media?” There were seven response alternatives ranging from “less than 30 min” to “more than 5 h”. For the purpose of this study, we differentiated between “<2 h” (28%), “2–4 h” (36%), “4–5 h” (21%), and “>5 h” (14%).

2.2.2. Self-Presentation and Upward Social Comparison Inclination Scale (SPAUSCIS)

The items used to assess upward social comparison and aspects of self-presentation were developed based on focus group interviews with senior high school pupils [ 62 ]. The topic of the focus group interviews was the role of social media in relation to adolescents’ mental health and well-being. Based on the focus group interviews, a new battery of questions related to different aspects of social media use covering 13 topics was developed [ 62 ]. To assess the relevance, wording, and content validity of the included items, a resource group consisting of adolescents (n = 7, age range 16–19) tested the questionnaire, and questions were revised based on their feedback. The final questionnaire was piloted in a senior high school outside of Bergen in 2020 (n = 513) [ 43 ]. In the present study, the items potentially most relevant to upward social comparison and self-presentation were used and collectively called the “Self-presentation and Upward Social Comparison Inclination Scale” (SPAUSCIS). The development of the items is also described elsewhere [ 43 ]. The items included in the SPAUSCIS were:

• I use a lot of time and energy on the content I post on social media
• It is important to me that my posts receive many likes and/or comments
• It is important to me to have many followers on social media
• I delete posts on social media that do not receive enough likes and/or comments
• I retouch images of myself to look better before I post them on social media
• It’s easier to be myself on social media
• What others post on social media (images/status updates/stories) makes me feel less content with myself and my life
• The response I get for what I post (images/status updates/stories) impacts how I feel
• I don’t care about how many likes or comments I receive on social media

The response categories were “not at all”, “very little”, “sometimes/partly true”, “a lot”, and “very much”, coded 1–5.

2.2.3. Sociodemographic and Background Variables

The participants reported their age and gender, which education program they attended, and their country of birth. In Norway, pupils can choose a study preparation program to achieve a general university admissions certification or a vocational education program leading to vocational competence in skilled trades. Subjective socioeconomic status (SES) was assessed using the following question: “How well off do you consider your own family to be compared to others?” The response categories ranged from 0 (“Very poor”) to 10 (“Very well off”). For this study, age was recoded so that all participants of 18 years of age or more (max 21) were combined into one group (18+). SES was recoded to a tripartite variable of low SES (scores 0–4; 6.2%), medium SES (5–7, 51.3%), and high SES (8–10, 42.4%).

2.2.4. Lifestyle Factors

The participants indicated how often they exercised each week, following this description of exercise: “By exercise we mean that you go for a walk, go skiing, swimming, or other exercise activities/sports”. The response alternatives were: “Never”, “less than once a week”, “once a week”, “2–3 times a week”, “4–6 times a week”, and “about every day”. The variable was dichotomized to “low/moderate exercise” (2–3 times a week or less; 57%) and “high exercise” (4–6 times a week or more; 43%).

The participants were asked how often they drank alcohol, smoked cigarettes, and used snus (under-lip smoke-less tobacco). The participants indicated how often they normally drink over a two-week period, and a variable with four levels was created: never tried alcohol (“Never”; 24%), less often than once in two weeks (“Rarely”; 28%), one to two times in two weeks (“Regularly”; 41%), and more often than two times in two weeks (“Often”; 7%). For cigarettes and snus, the response alternatives were combined, and the variables dichotomized in order to compare those who had tried cigarettes (39%) or snus (36%) with those who had not (61% for cigarettes and 64% for snus).

2.2.5. Personality

Personality was assessed using the Ten-Item Personality Inventory (TIPI) [ 63 ]. The TIPI measures the Big Five personality dimensions of extraversion, agreeableness, conscientiousness, emotional stability, and openness to new experiences using ten items measuring two opposing traits for each dimension. The ten items are preceded by the heading “I see myself as”, followed by trait descriptive adjectives. The response categories range from 1 (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly agree). Each participant received a total score for each personality trait by recoding the reverse-scored items and taking the average of the two items. The Spearman Brown coefficient, which is a measure of reliability recommended for scales with two items [ 64 ], was 0.71 for extraversion, 0.30 for agreeableness, 0.55 for conscientiousness, 0.63 for emotional stability, and 0.34 for openness to experience. For the purpose of this study, we created tripartite variables for each personality trait denoting a low (1st–33rd percentile), moderate (34th–66th percentile), and high (67th–100th percentile) score on each trait. In our sample, the proportion scoring low, moderate, and high was 32%, 35%, and 33% for extraversion, 25%, 33%, and 41% for agreeableness, 29%, 38%, and 33% for conscientiousness, 28%, 34%, and 37% for emotional stability, and 28%, 44%, and 28% for openness.

2.3. Analysis

2.3.1. structural validity of the spauscis.

Exploratory factor analysis was used to examine the number of underlying factors in the SPAUSCIS, and internal validity was assessed by Cronbach’s alpha, using the “jmv” package in R [ 65 ]. A confirmatory analysis (CFA) was performed using the “lavaan” package in R [ 66 ].

2.3.2. Identifying the Number of Classes and the Description of Retained Classes

Latent class analysis (LCA) was used to identify classes of participants sharing similar response patterns on the items of the SPAUSCIS [ 67 ]. LCA is person-centered and model-based, assumes a parametric statistical model, and uses the observed data to estimate parameter values for the selected model [ 68 ]. Several statistical criteria were used to establish the most appropriate number of latent classes. For the Akaike information criterion (AIC) and Bayesian information criterion (BIC), lower values indicate a better model fit [ 69 ]. Relative entropy (range 0–1) assesses the quality of classification, where a higher value indicates better discrimination between the classes, and the Lo–Mendell–Rubin ad hoc adjusted likelihood ratio test (LMR-LR) indicates whether a given model performs better than a model with k-1 classes. The LCA was performed using the “poLCA” package in R [ 70 ], while relative entropy and LMR-LR were calculated using Mplus [ 71 ].

2.3.3. Class Belongingness and Covariates

Multinominal logistic regression was used to assess the relationship between class membership and sociodemographic variables, lifestyle, and personality, and it is expressed in relative risk ratios with corresponding 95% confidence intervals. The multinominal logistic regression was performed using the “nnet” package in R [ 72 ]. The associations were estimated separately for each covariate. Gender is likely to be an important confounding variable, as it has been shown to be related to both upward social comparison and self-presentation [ 73 , 74 , 75 ] and to several of the covariates [ 76 , 77 , 78 ]. Therefore, the multinominal logistic regressions were run with and without controlling for gender.

2.3.4. Missing Data

There were some missing data for the self-presentation data (from 2.8% on “followers important” to 4.9% on “I don’t care”). For the CFA, listwise deletion is the default [ 66 ]. In the LCA, cases with missing values are retained, and class membership is estimated based on the available information [ 70 ]. In all analyses of associations, pairwise deletion was used to retain as many of the data as possible.

The mean age of the sample was 17.36 years (SD 0.85), and 56% were girls ( Table 1 ).

Sociodemographic and background variables across gender. The p -values refer to differences between boys and girls.

Note: SES = socioeconomic status, range 0–10. * Linear model ANOVA. § Pearson’s Chi square test.

Table 2 shows the frequency and duration of social media use in total and separately for boys and girls. There were significant differences between boys and girls in terms of frequency and duration of use. A total of 83% of the girls indicated that they used social media several times each day or “almost constantly”, compared to 74 among boys.

Frequency and duration of social media use across gender. The p -values refer to differences between boys and girls.

Note. Differences between groups assessed using Pearson’s Chi square test.

3.1. Structural Validity of the SPAUSCIS

The correlation matrix including the nine items revealed that the items “It is easier to be myself on social media” and “I don’t care about how many likes or comments I receive on social media” had no correlations with other items >0.30, suggesting that these items should be excluded. The correlation matrix is available as Supplementary Materials (Table S1) . The seven remaining self-presentation items were subjected to an exploratory factor analysis (EFA), with no rotation, using principal axis factoring, as the data had a non-normal distribution. The Kaiser–Meyer–Olkin measure of sampling adequacy was 0.86, verifying the sampling adequacy of the analysis [ 79 ]. Bartlett’s test of sphericity (X 2 (21) = 6993, p < 0.001) supported the factorability of the correlation matrix. The eigenvalue was 3.59 for one factor and dropped to 0.27 for two factors, strongly suggesting a unidimensional scale. With one factor, the model explained 51% of the variance.

A CFA was completed with the seven retained items. Items 2 (likes important) and 3 (followers important) and items 6 (others posts impact feelings) and 7 (response impacts feelings) had highly correlated error terms, and these correlations were allowed in the final model. The CFA resulted in a Comparative Fit Index (CFI) of 0.999, a root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA) of 0.050 (95%CI 0.039–0.062, p = 0.489), and a standardized root mean square residual (SRMR) of 0.021, all signaling good fit [ 80 ]. The loadings of items 1–7 varied from 0.60 (item 6: “others’ posts affect feelings”) to 0.92 (item 2: “likes are important”), with a mean of 0.77 ( Figure 1 ). The seven items of the SPAUSCIS tap into upward social comparison and different aspects of self-presentation, which we collectively refer to as “focus on self-presentation”.

Results of the confirmatory factor analysis: One-factor model with the items “easier to be myself” and “I don’t care” deleted. CFI = Comparative Fit Index, RMSEA = root mean square error of approximation, SPAUSCIS = Self-presentation and Upward Social Comparison Inclination Scale.

3.2. Number and Characteristics of Latent Classes

In the LCA, models with 1–7 latent classes were run with 50 repetitions each and with random starting values to assess model identifiability [ 81 ]. Table 3 shows the fit for models with 1–5 latent classes. AIC, BIC, and relative entropy all improved up to three classes, after which they decreased only slightly. The LMR-LR indicated a statistically significant improvement of the model when moving from a 2-class to a 3-class model and no improvement when moving to a 4-class model. Based on these fit criteria and a visual inspection of the meaningfulness of models with 2, 3, 4, and 5 classes, a 3-class solution was chosen.

AIC, BIC, relative entropy, and LMR-LR for 1–6 classes in the latent class analysis.

Note. Data in italics indicate the best fitting model relative to the other models tested. AIC = Akaike information criterion; BIC = Bayesian information criterion; LMR-LR = Lo–Mendell–Rubin ad hoc adjusted likelihood ratio test.

The classes represent response patterns across the seven items. The predicted class membership by modal posterior probability was 42% in class 1, 33% in class 2, and 25% in class 3. Figure 2 shows the distribution of most probable responses for each item in each of the three latent classes. Table 4 shows the probability of endorsing (i.e., responded “sometimes/partly true” or higher) the items for each class. In the first class, there were low probabilities of endorsing the items. The highest probabilities were found for items 1, 6, and 7 (8%, 21%, and 9%, respectively). In class 2, the probabilities of endorsing the items ranged from 5–46%, where items 1, 2, and 6 had the highest probabilities of endorsement (38%, 38%, and 46%, respectively). In class 3, there were high probabilities of endorsement of all items (29–99%). In this class, the items with the highest probabilities of endorsement were items 2 and 3 (99 and 95%), followed by item 6 (81%). Based on the conditional probability results of classes 1, 2, and 3, we named class 1 “Low focus on self-presentation”, class 2 “Intermediate focus on self-presentation”, and class 3 “High focus on self-presentation”.

Response probabilities on the self-presentation scale across retained classes.

The probability of endorsing (i.e., responding “sometimes/partly true”, “a lot”, or “very much”) each of the SPAUSCIS items across retained classes.

3.3. Class Belongingness and Covariates

Table 5 , Table 6 and Table 7 shows the results of the multinominal logistic regression, both with and without controlling for gender. Figure 3 , Figure 4 , Figure 5 and Figure 6 show the estimated proportions across sociodemographic, lifestyle, and personality variables (not controlled for gender).

Comparison of class belongingness across sociodemographic variables.

Note: 95 CI = 95% confidence interval; Ref = reference (base) class for comparison of two classes, RRR = relative risk ratio. *** p < 0.005, **** p < 0.001.

Comparison of class belongingness across lifestyle variables.

Note: 95 CI = 95% confidence interval; Ref = reference (base) class for comparison of two classes, RRR = relative risk ratio. * p < 0.05. ** p < 0.01, *** p < 0.005, **** p < 0.001.

Comparison of class belongingness across personality variables.

Crude proportions for each class across gender, age, and subjective socioeconomic status. Proportions based on most probable class belongingness. The error bars denote 95% confidence intervals.

Crude proportions for each class across physical activity, cigarettes (ever tried, yes/no), and snus (ever tried, yes/no). Proportions based on most probable class belongingness. The error bars denote 95% confidence intervals.

Crude proportions for each class across alcohol consumption. Proportions based on most probable class belongingness. The error bars denote 95% confidence intervals.

Crude proportions for each class across personality traits. Proportions based on most probable class belongingness. The error bars denote 95% confidence intervals.

3.3.1. Sociodemographic Factors

Girls were more likely to be in higher classes (i.e., a higher focus on self-presentation) compared to lower classes for all class comparisons (see Table 5 ). Those with intermediate SES were more likely than those with high SES to be in class 3 compared to class 1. This association became non-significant when controlling for gender. There was no statistically significant difference in age across classes.

3.3.2. Lifestyle

Compared to those who had never tried alcohol, those who consumed alcohol more than twice in two weeks were more likely to be in higher classes for all class comparisons when controlling for gender ( Table 6 ). Those who consumed alcohol 1–2 times in two weeks were more likely to be in classes 2 and 3 compared to class 1, while those who consumed alcohol less than once in two weeks were more likely to be in class 2 compared to class 1. Those who had tried cigarettes or snus were more likely to be in higher classes for all class comparisons. Those with low/moderate physical activity were more likely to be in class 3 compared to class 1, but this association became non-significant when controlling for gender.

3.3.3. Personality

Compared to low extraversion, those with intermediate or high extraversion were more likely to be in classes 2 and 3 compared to class 1 ( Table 7 ). When controlling for gender, those with high agreeableness (vs. low agreeableness) had a lower likelihood of belonging to class 3 compared to class 1. For conscientiousness, those with high scores had a lower likelihood of being in class 3 compared to class 1 (when controlling for gender) and class 2. Compared to high emotional stability, those with low or intermediate emotional stability were more likely to be in higher classes compared to lower classes for all class comparisons. When controlling for gender, the increased likelihood of being in class 3 vs. class 2 for those with intermediate emotional stability became non-significant. There were no statistically significant differences for agreeableness across classes.

4. Discussion

In this exploratory study, we assessed differences among adolescents’ upward social comparison and aspects of self-presentation on social media and whether these differences were related to gender, age, SES, lifestyle factors, or personality. Over 2000 Norwegian senior high school pupils participated in the study. The results showed that feedback-seeking, strategic self-presentation, and social comparison on social media could be combined into one factor, referred to here as “focus on self-presentation”. The experience of it being easier to be oneself on social media did not correlate with the other aspects of self-presentation measured in this study and was excluded from the SPAUSCIS. It is possible that this item taps into other aspects of social media use. For example, some people may be less shy and withdrawn online than offline [ 82 , 83 , 84 ], or aspects of the self that are hidden or suppressed in offline interactions can be more freely expressed on social media [ 85 ].

The latent class analysis identified three groups of adolescents who varied in their focus on self-presentation. We named the classes “low focus on self-presentation” (class 1), “some focus on self-presentation” (class 2), and “high focus on self-presentation” (class 3). Group membership was associated with gender, lifestyle factors, and personality traits, where being a girl, having intermediate and high extraversion, having low and intermediate emotional stability, consuming alcohol, and having tried cigarettes and snus increased the likelihood of a higher focus on self-presentation. There was some indication that those with high agreeableness and high conscientiousness were less likely to have a high focus on self-presentation. The associations between focus on self-presentation and SES and between focus on self-presentation and low/moderate physical activity both became non-significant when controlling for gender. Focus on self-presentation was not related to age or the personality trait of openness to new experiences.

Using the same items as those in the present study, Skogen et al. [ 43 ] found a higher score on the items among adolescent girls than boys. Our results corroborate these findings, using a larger and more heterogeneous sample (pupils from twelve schools in rural and central areas). Class 1 (low focus on self-presentation) was dominated by boys, while class 2 (intermediate focus on self-presentation) and class 3 (high focus on self-presentation) were characterized by successively larger estimated proportions of girls. On a similar note, studies have shown that females both post selfies and retouch selfies before posting them to a greater degree than males [ 12 , 86 ]. The higher proportion of girls in class 2 and 3 can be understood in the context of the stronger tendency among adolescent females to have a relational orientation and increased reactivity to interpersonal stressors compared to males [ 87 , 88 ]. Some studies suggest that the association between social media use and negative mental health outcomes is stronger among females [ 20 , 89 ]. The increased focus on self-presentation may be one contributing factor to this relationship.

There was some evidence for a relationship between SES and group membership, with an increased relative risk of having a high focus on self-presentation for those with intermediate as compared to high SES. This relationship, however, became non-significant when controlling for gender. To the authors’ knowledge, no other studies have assessed the relationship between self-presentation and SES, but SES has been related to other aspects of social media use and, more generally, to screen use. For instance, low SES has been associated with social media addiction among children and adolescents [ 90 ], and access to media devices in the bedroom is more common among adolescents from low-income families compared to high-income families [ 91 ]. Overall, our sample was characterized by relatively high SES, and studies on more diverse populations should be conducted to better illuminate the relationship between focus on self-presentation and SES.

The lack of an association between age and group membership may be due to the limited age range of the participants in this study. Social media use is common from a young age, and among Norwegian children, one-fourth of boys and one-third of girls already use Snapchat at the age of 9–10 years [ 4 ]. Adolescents’ online self-presentation has been shown to change with age [ 92 ] and to be influenced by identity development [ 93 ]. Among 13–18-year-olds, Fullwood et al. [ 92 ] showed that younger adolescents were more likely than older adolescents to present an idealized or false version of themselves online and to experiment with multiple self-presentations. Among emerging adults, Michikyan [ 93 ] found that those high in identity confusion were less realistic, less truthful, and more socially desirable in their self-presentation online than those high in identity coherence.

We found that the personality traits extraversion and emotional stability were associated with class membership. Those with high extraversion were more likely to have a higher focus on self-presentation than those with low extraversion. These findings correspond to the findings of Zywica & Danowski [ 56 ], who found that a larger proportion of extraverts relative to introverts reported that it was important to look popular on Facebook. Associations between extraversion and other aspects of social media use may also be related to the present findings. For instance, meta-analytic evidence has shown that extraversion is positively associated with the amount of social media use [ 94 ], the number of friends on social media [ 95 ], and using social media for social interaction [ 96 ]. One may speculate that extraverts use social media to fulfil their social needs and that they consequently consider social media as an important part of their social lives and become more focused on how they appear online compared to introverts.

Emotional stability was even more strongly associated with class membership than extraversion, where the estimated proportions of low, intermediate, and high emotional stability shifted substantially with an increasing focus on self-presentation. The proportion of intermediate and low emotional stability increased with a higher focus on self-presentation, and high emotional stability decreased. This can be seen in the context of the results of Twomey & O’Reilly [ 27 ], who showed that neuroticism (i.e., low emotional stability) was associated with individuals’ tendency to present an idealized or inauthentic version of themselves online. Neuroticism has also been associated with posting more status updates [ 97 ]. More generally, emotional stability is negatively associated with the amount of social media use [ 94 , 96 ].

For agreeableness and conscientiousness, those with high scores were somewhat less likely to have a high focus on self-presentation. This is in line with a study of undergraduate students, where agreeableness and conscientiousness were associated with a lower likelihood of using social media to seek attention from others [ 54 ]. There was no relationship between class membership and openness to new experiences. High scores on openness have been associated with more social media use in studies of adults [ 57 , 96 ], but as social media use is ubiquitous among adolescents, this personality trait may be a more important predictor of social media use among older people [ 57 ].

Finally, our results show that those who consumed alcohol more frequently and those who had tried smoking and snus had increased probabilities of having an intermediate or high focus on self-presentation. This finding mirrors the findings of Nesi & Prinstein [ 37 ], who demonstrated that digital status seeking (i.e., efforts to obtain likes and comments) was longitudinally associated with substance use. The authors of that study hypothesized that digital status seekers are at risk of engaging in risky offline behaviors that are considered popular among peers in an attempt to increase their social status [ 37 ]. For physical activity, there were increased probabilities of a high focus on self-presentation for those with low/moderate physical activity compared to those with high physical activity, although not when controlling for gender. To our knowledge, no studies have looked specifically at self-presentation on social media and physical activity; however, studies have shown that low physical activity is associated with smartphone addiction [ 60 , 61 ] and, more generally, with high overall screen times [ 58 , 59 ].

4.1. Implications

Grouping adolescents by their focus on self-presentation may be one way to bring structure to the heterogeneity of adolescents’ social media use, but further work is needed to assess whether the three-class solution in the present study is relevant in other populations. Further work is also needed to assess how focus on self-presentation is related to important adolescence outcomes such as mental health, satisfaction with life, and educational attainment. Importantly, social media use is likely to differ in other areas in addition to self-presentation; however, focus on self-presentation seems to be a meaningful dimension that warrants further study. The present results can help identify groups of adolescents that are of risk of experiencing negative effects of their social media use. Our results suggest that, among adolescents, being a girl, high extraversion, and low emotional stability are associated with an increased risk of being highly focused on self-presentation. Public health interventions promoting healthy social media use could target these groups in particular. Furthermore, it has been hypothesized that the act of self-presenting on social media, such as posting selfies, triggers an increased dependence on social approval in the form of likes and comments [ 98 ]. Thus, it is possible that efforts to reduce self-presentation behavior on social media could potentially reduce someone’s dependence on social approval. However, positive self-presentation, defined as showing positive aspects of the self online, has been shown to increase subjective well-being, possibly because it supports a positive self-image [ 99 ] and self-affirmation [ 46 ]. Thus, the relationship between the act of self-presenting on social media, one’s focus on self-presentation, and well-being is complex and needs further investigation.

The present study did not consider how focus on self-presentation may vary across different social media platforms. For example, self-presentation on social media can vary depending on the perceived target audience [ 100 , 101 ]. In a qualitative study by Taber & Whittaker [ 101 ], university students explained that they were more authentic and less socially desirable on social media accounts where only their close friends could access their content. Furthermore, how one self-presents on social media can be influenced by the level of anonymity, the durability of the content (e.g., ephemeral vs. permanent content; [ 102 ]), and the visibility of the content [ 100 ]. It is unclear whether one’s focus on self-presentation, beyond how one self-presents, varies across platforms, but it is likely that some social media platforms augment users’ focus on self-presentation—for example, platforms with visual content and feedback from others as central features. Thus, it is possible that some of the gender differences in focus on self-presentation are based on gender differences in platform preference, above and beyond any differences in focus on self-presentation between boys and girls in the first place.

4.2. Strengths and Limitations

A strength of the present study is the use of survey items developed based on focus interviews with the target group, increasing the likelihood that the items were relevant to the participants. The data collection is recent, and the study included a large number of participants, allowing for a meaningful investigation of the focus on self-presentation on social media and its covariates.

The study also has some important limitations. First, the items measuring focus on self-presentation are not part of an established scale. However, a pilot study using the same items showed the same factor structure and supported a unidimensional scale, and the sum score was associated with mental health and well-being [ 43 ]. The same study also showed that a higher proportion of those with a high score on the scale used highly visual social media, such as Snapchat and Instagram, compared to those with low scores [ 43 ]. Second, the reliability was low for some of the TIPI scales, specifically for agreeableness and openness to experience, and the results should be interpreted with this in mind. TIPI has, however, shown good convergence with multi-item personality inventories and good test-retest reliability [ 63 ]. Further, the study is cross-sectional, which means that we are unable to draw conclusions about cause-and-effect. Furthermore, the participant rate was somewhat low (54%). It is possible that those highly invested in social media completed the survey to a larger extent than those not invested in social media, thus causing a bias in the results. Hence, the estimated proportions of the latent classes should be interpreted with caution. However, associations are less vulnerable to bias caused by low participation rates than prevalence [ 103 ], and the associations between class membership and covariates may be considered valid despite a relatively low participation rate.

As participants were recruited through their school, adolescents not attending school did not have the opportunity to participate in the study. However, the rate of school attendance among Norwegian adolescents is very high, with 94% of 16–18-year-olds attending senior high school [ 104 ]. The participants were drawn from a limited geographical area, and the results may not be generalizable to other countries or cultures. For example, Kolesnyk et al. [ 105 ] found that the deceptive self-presentation of physical attractiveness (e.g., retouching images to increase attractiveness) was lower in countries with more gender equality.

Only one of the self-presentation items asked explicitly about visual self-presentation, specifically about the retouching of photos to look better. Self-presentation may entail photos of oneself but also photos of friends or activities, sharing music and movies, posting opinions, etc. Future studies should consider if self-presentation through posting photos of oneself differs from other forms of self-presentation—for example, due to links with appearance-related concerns [ 106 , 107 , 108 ]. Furthermore, we used the word “retouching”, which may not fully reflect the range of ways adolescents edit their photos. For example, built-in image filters on applications such as Snapchat are frequently used by adolescents but may not have been captured by the question about retouching. Retouching may have been interpreted as more elaborate and advanced photo-editing. Future studies are likely to benefit from combining quantitative findings with qualitative data to obtain a fuller picture of adolescents’ focus on self-presentation on social media. Lastly, the present study did not distinguish between different social media platforms. This is a limitation, as some items, such as the importance of likes and comments, are not relevant to all platforms. Future studies could explore whether focus on self-presentation differs across social media platforms.

5. Conclusions

In this exploratory study, we showed that feedback-seeking, strategic self-presentation, and social comparison on social media converged into one factor, referred to here as “focus on self-presentation”. Using a data-driven approach, we identified three groups of adolescents with a low, intermediate, and high focus on self-presentation. Being a girl, higher extraversion, lower emotional stability, more frequent alcohol consumption, and having tried tobacco were associated with membership in the high-focus group. There was some indication that those with high agreeableness and high conscientiousness were less likely to have a high focus on self-presentation, while SES and physical activity were associated with focus on self-presentation in crude models but not after controlling for gender. Importantly, the current study included a rather homogenous sample in terms of SES, and the relationship between focus on self-presentation and SES should be further investigated in more diverse populations. Further work is also needed to assess how focus on self-presentation is related to important adolescence outcomes such as mental health, satisfaction with life, and educational attainment. However, given the association of aspects of self-presentation with negative mental health outcomes shown in previous research, efforts to reduce the focus on self-presentation could be warranted. The present results suggest some characteristics that are associated with a higher focus on self-presentation and that could inform targeted interventions. The high focus on self-presentation found among girls could explain previous findings of stronger associations between social media use and negative mental health outcomes among girls compared to boys. Importantly, specific social media affordances and the act of self-presentation may augment one’s focus on self-presentation, and gender differences in terms of focus on self-presentation may be partly related to differences in platform preference among girls and boys. The nature of these complex associations warrants further investigation, and efforts should be made to combine qualitative and quantitative approaches.

Acknowledgments

We would like to thank all the pupils that participated in the survey, as well as Bergen municipality and Vestland County Council for their collaboration and help with the study. We would like to thank the resource group that contributed with inputs and discussions regarding the focus group interviews and the questionnaire development.

Supplementary Materials

The following supporting information can be downloaded at: https://www.mdpi.com/article/10.3390/ijerph191711133/s1 , Table S1: The correlation matrix (non-parametric) of candidate self-presentation items.

Funding Statement

The present study is associated with a larger innovation project led by the Bergen municipality in Western Norway related to the use of social media, mental health, and well-being. The innovation project is funded by a program initiated by the Norwegian Directorate of Health and aims to explore social media as a platform for health promotion among adolescents. Hjetland’s postdoc position is funded by the DAM Foundation and supported by the Norwegian Council for Mental Health (grant number 2021/FO347287). Finserås’ postdoc position is funded by the Research Council of Norway (project number 319845). This work was also partly supported by the Research Council of Norway through its Centers of Excellence funding scheme, project number 262700. The funding sources were not involved in the study design, in the collection, analysis, or interpretation of the data, or in the writing of the manuscript.

Author Contributions

Conceptualization, G.J.H. and J.C.S.; methodology, G.J.H. and J.C.S.; formal analysis, G.J.H. and J.C.S.; investigation, G.J.H., R.T.H. and J.C.S.; writing—original draft preparation, G.J.H. and J.C.S.; writing—review and editing, G.J.H., T.R.F., B.S., I.C., R.T.H. and J.C.S.; visualization, G.J.H.; project administration, J.C.S. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

Institutional Review Board Statement

The data collection was conducted according to the guidelines of the Declaration of Helsinki and was approved by the Regional Ethics Committee (REK) in Norway (REK #65611).

Informed Consent Statement

Eligible participants were informed about the purpose of the study and provided informed electronic consent upon participation. Participants were also informed that participation was voluntary. All of the invited participants were 16 years of age or older and were therefore deemed competent to consent on their own behalf.

Data Availability Statement

Conflicts of interest.

The authors declare no conflict of interest.

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Focus on Self-Presentation on Social Media across Sociodemographic Variables, Lifestyles, and Personalities: A Cross-Sectional Study

Affiliations.

• 1 Department of Health Promotion, Norwegian Institute of Public Health, 5015 Bergen, Norway.
• 2 Centre for Evaluation of Public Health Measures, Norwegian Institute of Public Health, 0473 Oslo, Norway.
• 3 Department of Research and Innovation, Helse Fonna HF, 5525 Haugesund, Norway.
• 4 Department of Mental Health, Norwegian University of Science and Technology, 7491 Trondheim, Norway.
• 5 School of Epidemiology and Public Health, University of Ottawa, Ottawa, ON K1G 5Z3, Canada.
• 6 Centre for Fertility and Health, Norwegian Institute of Public Health, 0473 Oslo, Norway.
• 7 Department of Work, Section for Children, Families and Disabled, Social Services and Housing, 5014 Bergen, Norway.
• 8 Alcohol and Drug Research Western Norway, Stavanger University Hospital, 4036 Stavanger, Norway.
• PMID: 36078843
• PMCID: PMC9518022
• DOI: 10.3390/ijerph191711133

Upward social comparison and aspects of self-presentation on social media such as feedback-seeking and strategic self-presentation may represent risk factors for experiencing negative mental health effects of social media use. The aim of this exploratory study was to assess how adolescents differ in upward social comparison and aspects of self-presentation on social media and whether these differences are linked to sociodemographic variables, lifestyle, or personality. The study was based on cross-sectional data from the "LifeOnSoMe" study performed in Bergen, Norway, including 2023 senior high school pupils (response rate 54%, mean age 17.4, 44% boys). Nine potentially relevant items were assessed using factor analysis, and latent class analysis was used to identify latent classes with distinct patterns of responses across seven retained items. The retained items converged into one factor, called "focus on self-presentation". We identified three groups of adolescents with a low, intermediate, and high focus on self-presentation. Associations between identified latent classes and covariates were assessed using regression analyses. Being a girl, higher extraversion, lower emotional stability, more frequent alcohol consumption, and having tried tobacco were associated with membership in the high-focus group. These results suggest some characteristics that are associated with a higher focus on self-presentation and that could inform targeted interventions.

Keywords: adolescent; feedback-seeking; self-presentation; social comparison; social media.

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Conflict of interest statement

The authors declare no conflict of interest.

Crude proportions for each class…

Crude proportions for each class across gender, age, and subjective socioeconomic status. Proportions…

Crude proportions for each class across physical activity, cigarettes (ever tried, yes/no), and…

Crude proportions for each class across alcohol consumption. Proportions based on most probable…

Crude proportions for each class across personality traits. Proportions based on most probable…

Results of the confirmatory factor…

Results of the confirmatory factor analysis: One-factor model with the items “easier to…

Response probabilities on the self-presentation…

Response probabilities on the self-presentation scale across retained classes.

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Please note you do not have access to teaching notes, self-presentation and gender on social media: an exploration of the expression of “authentic selves”.

Qualitative Market Research

ISSN : 1352-2752

Article publication date: 13 December 2021

Issue publication date: 19 January 2022

In response to calls for more research on gender(s) in digital contexts, this paper aims to ask, how do individuals engage in self-presentation of their gender identities on social media?

Design/methodology/approach

Using a multi-method qualitative approach, this research explores the narratives of 17 Millennials as they negotiate their online gender expressions with a particular focus on the image-based social platforms, Facebook and Instagram. Specifically, in-depth interviews, a collage technique and visual data from informants’ social media pages were analyzed to identify emergent themes.

Drawing on the theoretical work of Goffman’s (1971) self-presentation and Butler’s (1999) gender performance, this research highlights a pervading discourse of authenticity or the desire for Millennial social media users to craft and perform a perceived “authentic self” online. This often entails both expressions of gender fluidly and gender policing. Further, four strategies emerge in the data which reveal how individuals negotiate and navigate their gendered self-presentation online, either in an agentic manner or as a protective measure.

Originality/value

While much research exists on online self-presentation, gender(s) has been under-researched in a digital context. Existing studies examine the content of social media pages (e.g. Facebook profiles or women’s Instagram pages) as it relates to gender, but largely do not explore the lived experiences and narratives of individuals as they negotiate their gendered expressions. In addition, the use of visual data through the collage technique adds valuable insight into how gender is experienced and performed. Findings reveal that while Millennials are often touted as a gender-fluid generation, tensions still exist in online gendered expressions.

• Self-presentation
• Social media
• Authenticity

Acknowledgements

This research was funded in part by Loyola University Chicago’s Provost Fellowship for undergraduate research.

Kondakciu, K. , Souto, M. and Zayer, L.T. (2022), "Self-presentation and gender on social media: an exploration of the expression of “authentic selves”", Qualitative Market Research , Vol. 25 No. 1, pp. 80-99. https://doi.org/10.1108/QMR-03-2021-0039

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• Open access
• Published: 10 September 2024

Mirror, mirror on my screen: Focus on self-presentation on social media is associated with perfectionism and disordered eating among adolescents. Results from the “LifeOnSoMe”-study

• Hilde Einarsdatter Danielsen 1 , 2 ,
• Turi Reiten Finserås 1 ,
• Amanda Iselin Olesen Andersen 1 ,
• Gunnhild Johnsen Hjetland 1 , 3 ,
• Vivian Woodfin 2 , 4 &
• Jens Christoffer Skogen 1 , 3 , 5  

BMC Public Health volume  24 , Article number:  2466 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

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Metrics details

Social media use, perfectionism, and disordered eating have all increased over the last decades. Some studies indicate that there is a relationship between self-presentation behaviors and being exposed to others’ self-presentation on social media, and disordered eating. Studies also show that the relationship between focus on self-presentation and highly visual social media is stronger than for non-visual social media, hence facilitating upward social comparison. Nevertheless, no previous studies have investigated the link between adolescents’ focus on self-presentation and upward social comparison on social media, and perfectionism and disordered eating, which is the aim of the present study.

The present study is based on a cross-sectional survey from the “LifeOnSoMe”-study ( N  = 3424), conducted in 2020 and 2021. Respondents were high school students (mean age 17.3 years, 56% females) in Bergen, Norway. Multiple regression analysis was performed, where SPAUSCIS, a measure of self-presentation and upward social comparison, was the independent variable. Perfectionism and disordered eating were dependent variables. Self-reported age, gender, and subjective socioeconomic status were used as covariates, as well as frequency and duration of social media use. Regression models were performed to compare proportions across the median split of SPAUSCIS.

The multiple regression analysis showed that increased focus on self-presentation and upward social comparison on social media were positively associated with both perfectionism (standardized coefficient 0.28) and disordered eating. A stronger association for girls than boys was found for disordered eating (standardized coefficient 0.39 for girls and 0.29 for boys). There was no gender moderation for perfectionism.

Conclusions

Findings suggest that focus on self-presentation and upward social comparison on social media is associated with perfectionism and disordered eating. We recommend promoting a healthy use of social media. This could be established by increasing adolescents’ ability to reflect on and think critically about self-presentation and upward social comparison on social media.

Peer Review reports

Introduction

Growing up today means growing up in a highly digitalized world where social media and online communication plays an important role in adolescents’ lives. Social media can be defined as “highly interactive platforms via which individuals and communities share, co-create, discuss, and modify user-generated content” [ 1 , pp. 241]. Previous studies have largely focused on the temporal aspects of social media use, and some studies indicate that social media use is associated with more mental health problems and decreased well-being [ 2 ]. For example, there are reports that more time spent on social media is associated with symptoms of depression and anxiety [ 3 , 4 ], sleep issues [ 3 , 5 ], and body dissatisfaction [ 6 ]. However, not all research confirms these associations [ 7 , 8 ], and recent studies have indicated that the observed link between time spent on social media and mental health is too small to be of practical importance [ 9 ]. A recent longitudinal study found time spent on social media to be the least important factor in relation to adolescent mental health [ 10 ]. Nevertheless, there is an ongoing and almost ubiquitous concern regarding social media’s potential negative effect on mental health. Considering this, it is increasingly recognized that it is important to investigate more than adolescents’ time spent on social media, such as their usage patterns. After all, social media offers a range of opportunities, such as seeking out like-minded others or specific topics and inspiration, for example, for food, fitness, and a healthy lifestyle. Although inspirational hashtags and pictures may be positive to many adolescents, they also frequently present a “perfect” lifestyle and some of them could even be considered unhealthy inspirations.

• Self-presentation

Self-presentation on social media has been highlighted as potentially important in connection with mental health and well-being among adolescents [e.g. 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 ]. Baumeister & Hutton [ 15 ] defined self-presentation as an individual practice related to how one presents oneself to others, motivated by a wish to make a socially desirable impression on others, and simultaneously, stay true to one’s beliefs and ideals. On social media, self-presentation may include presenting and sharing self-made content, posting of personal opinions, sharing online content of interest, and “selfies” and pictures [ 14 , 16 ]. An American report noted that adolescents are more engaged in self-presentation activities on social media than any other age group [ 17 ]. As increased independence from parents is an important developmental milestone for adolescents, external validation from others may be particularly important for this age group [ 18 ]. Feedback on social media posts through likes and comments, may therefore be an important source of external validation from peers. Considering this, it is likely that many adolescents put great importance on how they present themselves on social media. In addition, social media is a suitable arena for self-presenting activities, as it gives the adolescent control over what, when and how to present themselves on the platform of their choosing [ 12 ]. Functions such as likes, comments, followers [ 19 ], and other measures of engagement, which are implemented on many social media platforms in one form or another, give ample opportunity for immediate feedback on posted content. Hence, this provides cues of social desirability and direction to align future social media posts with how the adolescents prefer to present themselves on these platforms [ 12 ]. These features of social media, in addition to the ability to reach a large and varied audience, may serve to facilitate self-presentation [ 20 ].

Self-presentation behaviors [e.g. 13 , 14 ] on social media are closely connected to focus on self-presentatio n [ 12 , 21 , 22 ]. Focus on self-presentation consist of caring about how you present yourself on social media, e.g., retouching pictures before posting them, caring about having a nice social media feed or striving for positive feedback on your social media posts, and can be independent of how much or how often a person post something [ 12 , 21 ]. As such, focus on self-presentation differs from self-presentation behaviors, which have been more extensively researched [e.g. 13 , 14 ]. A study showed that many adolescents have a desire to focus less on their self-presentation on social media, but that they think it is hard to resist the pressure of having a good feed and receiving positive feedback such as likes, comments, and followers [ 23 ]. A higher focus on self-presentation has been linked to the use of highly visual social media platforms like Instagram, TikTok and Facebook, rather than less visual platforms [ 12 ].

Likewise, use of social media has been linked to more social comparison, and in particular upward social comparison [ 24 , 25 ]. Social comparison is the propensity to compare one’s characteristics to other people to obtain information about how we are doing relative to others [ 26 ]. Upward social comparison occurs when one compares oneself to someone perceived as better or with higher status than oneself, which may be especially prevailing on social media. One study found that social media users mostly presume that other users have better lives than themselves [ 27 ]. Moreover, following a large number of people on social media increases the reference group to which adolescents compare themselves, and may include high-status people like “influencers” and celebrities [ 28 ]. Upward social comparison has been reported to be associated with more negative feelings such as depression and lower life satisfaction [ 11 , 29 ], and more body dissatisfaction [ 30 ]. Hawes et al. [ 31 ] also found that preoccupation with appearance comparison on social media was linked to symptoms of anxiety and depression among adolescents. Thus, while self-presentation on social media may not be harmful, feedback-seeking and upward social comparison may be damaging to mental health.

• Perfectionism

In addition to being a central period for self-presentation activities, adolescence seems to be a particularly susceptible period for the development of perfectionism. Perfectionism is a personality disposition that may be defined as the tendency to set unrealistically high performance standards and striving for flawlessness [ 32 ]. Perfectionism is thought to be a disposition largely consolidated in adolescence as a part of a general identity formation [ 18 ].

Over the last 30 years, there has been an increase in perfectionistic personality traits among young adults [ 33 ]. Curran & Hill [ 33 ] hypothesize that this might be a consequence of the rise of a competitive cultural trend, and also the advent of social media in young peoples’ lives. As social media gives adolescents control over how they self-present, social media also allows them to create a (highly) specific and “ideal” image of themselves. Considering these perspectives, Curran & Hill [ 33 ] suggest that young people perceive their social context as more demanding and subsequently believe others will evaluate them more harshly. An experimental study investigating the effect of selfie taking and posting on social media on women’s mood and body image, concluded that the psychological states subsequent of posting the selfies, was related to self-consciousness and/or fear of being negatively evaluated [ 14 ]. Thus, adolescents of today may to a larger extent strive for perfectionistic self-presentation in order to secure acceptance among peers than older generations. Hewitt et al. [ 34 ] suggested the concept of perfectionistic self-presentation and argued that this is a maladaptive self-presentation style. One facet of perfectionistic self-presentation is perfectionistic self-promotion, which includes proclaiming and displaying one’s perfection [ 34 ]. Through features such as likes, comments and followers, social media may be a key arena for perfectionistic self-presentation and self-promotion, and hence a way of seeking external validation and approval in a socially acceptable way among adolescents.

A study found that perfectionistic concerns predicted longitudinal change in self-presentation and that perfectionistic self-presentation was linked to decreased well-being [ 35 ]. Hence, perfectionistic concerns indirectly affected subjective well-being through self-presentation [ 35 ]. Perfectionistic self-presentation also predicted changes in both positive and negative affect [ 35 ]. In a meta-analysis, perfectionism was found to be positively associated to different psychological disorders and symptoms, including body dissatisfaction, and eating disorders [ 36 ].

• Disordered eating

Previous research has linked disordered eating to self-presentation [ 25 ] and to perfectionism [ 36 , 37 , 38 ]. A person with disordered eating will be obsessed with food and have constant thoughts about eating, body shape, weight, and food. Symptoms of disordered eating above a certain level may constitute an eating disorder according to the criteria in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM 5th Ed.) [ 39 ] and the International Classification of Mental and Behavioral Disorders (ICD-10) [ 40 ]. A meta-analysis reported that over the last 20 years, there has been an increase in the weighted means of point eating disorder prevalence from 3.5% for the years 2000–2006 to 7.5% for the years 2013–2018 [ 41 ]. The prevalence for eating disorder was consistently higher among women compared to men regardless of timeframe (lifetime, 12-months, point prevalence). In the same meta-analysis, the authors also stressed the finding that eating disorders are highly prevalent in adolescence, with an estimated point prevalence between 6% and 8% [ 41 ].

As a great deal of content on social media promotes pictures of healthy food, diets, exercise, and appearance-focused images and idealized bodies, concerns have been raised that social media may contribute to body image concerns and disordered eating, especially among adolescents [ 42 , 43 ]. A systematic review, conducted by Holland & Tiggemann [ 43 ] showed that exposure to content on Facebook, in particular photo-based activity, was positively associated with negative body image and disordered eating behaviours in children, adolescents, and young adults. Another study found similar results; more exposure to appearance-related pictures on Facebook was associated with self-objectification, weight dissatisfaction, thin ideal internalization, and drive for thinness among girls [ 44 ].

Similarly, research indicates that exposure to others’ “perfect” self-presentations on social media may reinforce one’s own body image concerns and disordered eating [ 24 , 25 ]. Fardouly et al. [ 24 ] investigated young adult women’s appearance comparisons in different contexts in everyday life. They found that most of the appearance comparisons were made in person and on social media, and that the participants made relatively more upward appearance comparisons on social media than in person. They also found that upward appearance comparisons made on social media were associated with more body dissatisfaction than in person. In addition, upward appearance comparisons on social media yielded more thoughts about dieting than in person comparisons, but no difference in the likelihood of dieting-behaviours [ 24 ].

Furthermore, Rodgers et al. [ 25 ] found that social media use was positively correlated with higher internalization of appearance ideals, including a higher tendency to engage in appearance comparison, body dissatisfaction, muscle change behaviours and dietary restraints among both boys and girls. In addition, the internalization of social media ideals, the muscular ideals and appearance comparisons, were positively associated with body dissatisfaction, muscle change behaviours and dietary restraints. Other research has reported similar results [ 6 , 45 ]. Mclean et al. [ 45 ] found for instance, that self-presentation on social media was associated with internalization of social media ideals, and that the internalization mediated the effect of social media on appearance upward comparison and body dissatisfaction. A scoping review conducted by Dane & Bhatia [ 46 ] also reported that in cases where social media use led to eating disorder, the thin/fit body ideal internalization and social comparison often functioned as mediating pathways.

Theoretical framework, summary and the current study

The Tripartite Influence Model (TIM) may serve as a theoretical framework linking the concept of focus on self-presentation and upward social comparison on social media, with perfectionism and disordered eating [ 47 ]. The Tripartite Influence Model is a framework that can be used when exploring the relationship between social media use and body dissatisfaction. It proposes that pressures from peers, family and media makes one conform to certain appearance ideals, which can lead to internalization of body ideals, followed by physical appearance comparison with others [ 48 ]. This study’s focus on self-presentation and upward social comparison on social media, aligns with the Tripartite Influence Model’s emphasis on how media and peers (e.g. to what content that receives positive feedback from peers), may contribute to adolescents’ perception of ideal body standards. Findings indicate that higher focus on self-presentation is more strongly linked to visual social media platforms than less visual platforms [ 12 ]. This support the Tripartite Influence Model theory that media pressure, especially through highly visual social media, leads to increased body ideal internalization an upward comparison with others. Additionally, the association between social media use and disordered eating can be understood through pressure to conform to societal ideals, such as body ideals, as proposed in the Tripartite Influence Model. Perfectionism, which is linked to disordered eating [ 36 , 37 , 38 ], may be driven by similar societal pressures.

Research on adolescents’ use of social media is increasingly shifting focus away from looking merely at time spent to include potential consequences of specific aspects of adolescents’ social media usage patterns [ 2 ]. The use of social media, perfectionism, and disordered eating have all increased over the last decades [ 33 , 41 , 49 ]. Studies indicate a relationship between being exposed to how others present themselves on social media and body dissatisfaction and disordered eating [ 24 , 25 , 43 ], and some studies have also investigated the relationship between self-presentation behaviors and body dissatisfaction [ 13 , 14 , 30 ]. Moving beyond self-presentation behaviors, such as the frequency or content of social media posts, one study showed that being preoccupied with appearance on social media, was associated with increased risk for problems like appearance related anxiety and disordered eating [ 22 ]. In two previous studies, we showed that preoccupation with likes and comments, retouching photos of oneself, deleting photos with too few likes, and upward social comparison, collectively referred to as “focus on self-presentation”, was associated with more symptoms of anxiety and depression [ 12 ] and that focus on self-presentation varied significantly between adolescents [ 21 ].

Hence, the aim of the present study is to investigated the link between focus on self-presentation on social media, and perfectionism and disordered eating. Based on previous studies we hypothesize that focus on self-presentation and upward social comparison is positively associated with (i) perfectionism and (ii) disordered eating, and (iii) self-reported diagnosis of an eating disorder.

Materials and methods

Study sample.

This study is based on data from the “LifeOnSoMe” study carried out at public senior high schools in Bergen, Norway. Pupils aged 16 or older were invited to participate, giving an age range from 16 to 21 years old. Information about the survey was conveyed both by the teacher and digitally. The online web survey was conducted digitally. One school hour was set aside for carrying out the survey. The total number of eligible participants was 3,424 (mean age was 17.3 years (standard deviation 1.0)), and 56% ( n  = 1916) of the participants were girls. This study included data from two survey waves conducted in September-October 2020 and June-September 2021. For participants who responded in both waves, only their 2020 responses were used in this analysis. The response rate was 53% in 2020 and 35% in 2021. The research data was stored on secure storage facilities located at the Norwegian Institute of Public Health, which prevent the authors from providing the data as supplementary information, according to the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR). Only researchers with approval from the Regional Ethical Committee had access. The study was approved by the Regional Ethical Committee, and is in accordance with the General Data Protection Regulation. Additional information about the study is available elsewhere [ 23 , 50 ].

Self-reported sociodemographics

The participants reported their age, gender, and subjective socioeconomic status. A small proportion of the participants did not state their age ( n  = 157). For gender, participants could choose between three options: “girl”, “boy”, and “other/non-binary”. Because too few participants (< 50) answered “other/non-binary”, these were excluded from the data set due to privacy concerns. Relative socioeconomic status was assessed by asking the participants to estimate how economically well off their families are compared to others, ranging from «very poor» (scored 0) to «very well off» (scored 10).

Amount of social media use

Two questions were included related to social media use in general: “How often do you use social media?” and “On the days that you use social media, approximately how much time do you spend on social media?”, giving an estimate of the frequency and duration of their usage, respectively. For frequency, the response alternatives were “almost never”, “several times a month, but rarer than once a week”, “1–2 times per week”, “3–4 times per week”, “5–6 times per week”, “every day”, “several times each day”, and “almost constantly”. In the present study, we differentiated between “daily or less”, “many times a day”, and “almost constantly”. For duration, seven response alternatives ranging from “less than 30 min” to “more than 5 h” were available. In the present study, we differentiate between “<2 h”, “2–4 h”, “>4–5 h”, and “>5 h”.

Independent variable: Self-Presentation and Upward Social Comparison Inclination Scale (SPAUSCIS)

The items used to assess upward social comparison and aspects of self-presentation were developed based on focus group interviews with senior high school pupils [ 23 ], and have been shown to have adequate psychometric properties in both this sample [ 21 ] and elsewhere [ 12 ]. Cronbach’s \(\alpha\) was 0.87, indicating a very good internal consistency. The results of an exploratory factor analysis (EFA) and a confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) for the SPAUSCIS have been reported in a previous publication based on the “LifeOnSoMe”-data [ 21 ]. Also, EFA and CFA was investigated in another, smaller sample of senior high school students [ 12 ]. The results from both studies strongly suggested a unidimensional scale and the fit indices from CFA were all considered good. Examples of items included in SPAUSCIS are “I retouch images of myself to look better before I post them on social media”, “I use a lot of time and energy on the content I post on social media”, and “The response I get for what I post (images/status updates/stories) impacts how I feel”. The response categories were “not at all”, “very little”, “sometimes/partly true”, “a lot”, and “very much”, coded 1–5. The mean summed score thus ranges from 1 to 5, with higher scores indicating a higher focus on self-presentation and upward social comparison on social media.

Dependent variables: Perfectionism and disordered eating

Perfectionism (edi-p).

Perfectionism was assessed by the 6-item perfectionism scale in the Eating Disorders Inventory (EDI) for children and adolescents [ 51 ]. The perfectionism items (EDI-P) are usually rated on a 6-point Likert scale. In the present study, however, the response options were “not true” (scored 0) “sometimes true” (scored 1), and “true” (scored 2) in accordance with the version employed in the youth@hordaland survey [ 52 ]. This yields a potential score of 0–12 when the items are summed. Previous research has found that the EDI [ 53 ] and EDI-P [ 54 ] have satisfactory psychometric properties in similar populations. Cronbach’s \(\alpha\) was 0.72 in the present study, indicating acceptable internal consistency.

Eating Disturbance Scale (EDS-5)

Symptoms of disordered eating was assessed using the Eating Disturbance Scale (EDS-5) [ 55 ]. EDS-5 consists of five questions specifically related to eating, such as comfort eating (item 2) and strict dieting in order to control ones eating habits (item 4). The response options are “not true” (scored 0) “sometimes true” (scored 1), and “true” (scored 2), and the summed scored ranges between 0 and 10. The questionnaire have shown adequate psychometric properties and convergent validity in previous research [ 55 , 56 ]. Cronbach’s \(\alpha\) was 0.78 in the present study, indicating an acceptable internal consistency.

Operationalization of EDI-P and EDS-5

For the purposes of the present study, both EDI-P and EDS-5 were used as continuous measures, as well as dichotomous variables, differentiating between low and high scores based on the 90th percentile. The chosen cut-off point is informed by previous research which suggest this to be an adequate delineation for mental health problems [ 52 , 57 ].

Diagnosis of eating disorder

For the participants participating in the study in 2020, self-reported psychiatric diagnoses were available ( n  = 1978) using a pre-defined list adapted to fit this age-group. Initially, the participants had to answer “yes” or “no” to the question “Have you ever received a diagnosis for a mental health problem?”, followed up by a list of 11 possible different diagnoses for those who endorsed the initial question. The list was based on a similar operationalization used in a large population-based studies [ 58 , 59 ]. The list contained no definition of the included disorders or conditions. For this study, the participants who chose “Eating disorder” ( n  = 36; 1.8%) from the list were identified as having been diagnosed with the condition, and all others were designated as not having received the diagnosis.

Statistical procedure

First, summary statistics of the included variables for the whole sample were estimated across the median-split of SPAUSCIS and presented in Table  1 . For categorical variables, the number and proportions were estimated, and the mean and standard deviation (SD) was estimated for continuous variables. Comparisons across the median-split of SPAUSCIS was done using Pearson’s chi-squared tests for categorical variables, and Wilcoxon rank sum tests were used for continuous variables. Then, two simple linear regression models were estimated using SPAUSCIS as an independent variable and (a) score on perfectionism (EDI-P) and (b) score on disordered eating (EDS-5) as dependent variables, respectively. The scores of the dependent variables were standardized (Z-scored) to ease interpretation of the resulting coefficients. Potential gender-moderation was investigated by entering genderxSPAUSCIS in both models as an interaction term into the model. The interaction term was considered statistically significant with a p-value of < 0.05, and if significant, results from the linear regression model were then presented separately for girls and boys. Linearity of the association between SPAUSCIS and the dependent variables were investigated using restricted cubic splines with four knots. Next, two gender-specific multiple logistic regression models were estimated using the median-split of SPAUSCIS as the main independent variable, and the 90th percentile score on (a) perfectionism (EDI-P) and (b) disordered eating (EDS-5) as dependent variables, respectively. Both models were adjusted for usual amount of social media use and socioeconomic status, and the results are presented as odds ratios with corresponding 95% confidence intervals. The median-split of SPAUSCIS were used in these models for simplicity and ease of interpretability. In post-hoc analyses, we did however, investigate the association between SPAUSCIS as a continuous measure and the 90th percentile score (a) perfectionism (EDI-P) and (b) disordered eating (EDS-5) as dependent variables, respectively. This was done using logistic regression analyses with restricted cubic splines to test for non-linearity. Both these models were adjusted for usual amount of social media use and socioeconomic status, and the results are presented in-text as odds ratios for trends with corresponding 95% confidence intervals. Finally, we investigated the association between the median-split of SPAUSCIS and self-reported eating disorder using simple logistic regression. No adjustments or investigation of potential gender-moderation was included for the latter analyses as the number reporting eating disorder ( n  = 36) limited the statistical precision. Missing data ranged from n  = 2 (0.1%) to n  = 55 (1.6%) across analyses, and pairwise deletion was applied to ensure the highest number of observations in each analysis.

Descriptive statistics of the included variables are presented across the median split of score on SPAUSCIS in Table  1 . For all of the included variables, there were significant differences between the SPAUSCIS-groups (all p-values < 0.001). The group with median or above scores on SPAUSCIS were more likely to be girls, more likely to use social media more often and for a longer duration but reported a slightly lower subjective socioeconomic status. Furthermore, they were more likely to report higher scores on perfectionism (EDI-P) and disordered eating (EDS-5).

Results from gender-specific multiple logistic regression models with median-split of SPAUSCIS as dependent variable, and the 90th percentile score on (a) perfectionism (EDI-P) and (b) disordered eating (EDS-5) as dependent variables is presented in Table  2 . For boys and girls, scoring on or above the median on SPAUSCIS was associated with increased odds for both dependent variables. For both perfectionism and disordered eating, the models are adjusted for social media use and socioeconomic status. In the post-hoc analyses using SPAUSCIS as continuous variable, the odds ratios (OR) in relation to perfectionism were 1.88 (95% CI 1.43–2.47, p  < 0.001) and 1.77 (95% CI 1.44–2.17, p  < 0.001) for boys and girls, respectively. For disordered eating, the corresponding ORs were 1.94 (95% CI 1.40–2.68, p  < 0.001) for boys and 2.00 (95% CI 1.72–2.32, p  < 0.001) for girls. Using restricted cubic splines, we did not find evidence for non-linearity in the post-hoc analyses.

There was a significantly higher odds of reporting being diagnosed with an eating disorder among those scoring median or above on SPAUSCIS (crude OR 3.32; 95% CI 1.58–7.84; p  = 0.003).

Association between focus on self-presentation and perfectionism and disordered eating. Linear regressions with restricted cubic splines. Note: Figure 1: SPAUSCIS: Self-Presentation and Upward Social Comparison Inclination Scale; EDI-P: Eating Disorders Inventory-Perfectionism; EDS-5: Eating Disturbance Scale-5

Figure 1 presents findings from linear regression models with mean score on SPAUSCIS as the independent variable and the standardized (Z-scored) score on (a) perfectionism (EDI-P) and (b) disordered eating (EDS-5) as dependent variables. For both dependent variables, a potential gender moderation of the association with SPAUSCIS was investigated, and potential non-linearity was investigated using restricted cubic splines with four knots. For disordered eating, a significant gender moderation was found, and the association was stronger for girls than boys. For perfectionism, no evidence for a gender moderation was found. For both dependent variables there was a significant linear association with self-presentation equal to a low-to-moderate effect size.

Overall findings

In the present study we investigated the potential association between focus on self-presentation and upward social comparison on social media, and perfectionism and disordered eating. As hypothesized, we found evidence for consistent positive associations. Increased focus on self-presentation and upward social comparison was associated with increased levels of both perfectionism and disordered eating with a small-to-medium effect size. For perfectionism, the associations were similar for both boys and girls, while we found evidence of a gender moderation for disordered eating. Specifically, the association with disordered eating was somewhat stronger for girls compared to boys. For self-reported eating disorder, we also found a positive association with focus on self-presentation and upward social comparison. Focusing on how the adolescents relate to self-presentation on social media, the study gives new insight into important aspects of usage patterns of social media. It also provides new insight into potential gender differences in focus on self-presentation and upward social comparison on social media, and social media´s potential role in development of disordered eating. These findings are pertinent in a public health perspective and may help to inform efforts to mitigate these potential negative effects.

Relation to previous perspectives and findings

Our findings are consistent with the Tripartite Influence Model, as our study revealed positive associations between focus on self-presentation and upward social comparison on social media, and both perfectionism and disordered eating. Individuals who focus on self-presentation and upward social comparison may be more susceptible to sociocultural pressures which may lead to a strive for perfection and conforming to unhealthy body ideals. Our findings underscore the potential role of sociocultural pressures in shaping body image dissatisfaction and disordered eating behaviors. Specifically, the positive association between focus on self-presentation on social media and perfectionism may have several explanations. Curran & Hill [ 33 ] argue that the increase in perfectionistic traits among young adults may be due to a response to cultural changes towards a more individualistic and competitive culture in Western societies. As social media is an important part of adolescents’ and young peoples’ lives, it is likely that the perfectionistic tendencies will affect self-presentation on these platforms as well. Curran & Hill [ 33 ] also suggest that the increase in perfectionism among young adults may be due to their perception of increased demands from the social environment. Self-presenting in a socially desirable way in general, and on social media specifically, may be a way to ensure social acceptance from peers. They further hypothesize that the fear of losing acceptance may increase perfectionistic traits [ 33 ]. Hence, increased perfectionism may be the reason for stronger focus on self-presentation on social media. However, since we cannot interpret the direction of the association from this study, focus on self-presentation may also increase adolescents’ perfectionistic tendency. As perfectionism is a personality trait that largely establishes during adolescence, it may be that the increased opportunity to self-present on social media, and thus focus on self-presentation, makes adolescents more susceptible for developing perfectionistic traits.

There is a lack of research on the relationship between focus on self-presentation on social media and disordered eating. Most of the research investigating this relationship have looked at being exposed to appearance-related self-presentation on social media and body dissatisfaction and disordered eating [ 24 , 25 , 43 ], in addition to self-presentation behavior [ 13 , 14 , 45 ], not the relationship between a person’s focus on self-presentation on social media and disordered eating. Our results indicate a positive relationship between focus on self-presentation on social media and disordered eating. Highly visual social media platforms that expose adolescents to “perfect” bodies through others’ self-presentation may constitute an important source of such exposure. Previous findings support that being exposed to body ideals, may lead to internalization of these ideals among adolescents [ 25 , 45 , 46 ]. Other findings also report that upward social comparison may be a potential consequence of the exposure to others’ “perfect” appearance related self-presentation [ 24 , 31 , 60 ], leading to body dissatisfaction [ 30 ]. Subsequently, some adolescents may be more preoccupied with eating, weight, body shape, and muscularity. This preoccupation could serve as a mitigation strategy to reduce the discrepancy between the adolescent’s perceived appearance and the ideal body and appearance of the reference person. Thereby reducing the negative body image and negative feelings produced from the upward social comparison.

Another explanation may be that adolescents with disordered eating already are more preoccupied than other adolescents with how they appear to others. Social media is an apt arena to self-present in an appearance-related and desired way, and could elicit wanted feedback from others through likes and comments. This may further reinforce the focus on self-presentation. A third potential explanation for this relationship is perfectionism as a conceivable mediating factor. As perfectionistic self-presentation can be understood as a maladaptive self-presentation style [ 34 ], perfectionism may lead to a strict view of what constitute a good-enough self-presentation. This may as well include the adolescent’s expectations and demands to their own body as thin or muscular, hence increasing the standards of flawlessness in their own appearance-related self-presentation on social media. If these expectations are too rigid, it might for some adolescents be a contributing cause in the development of disordered eating.

In relation to the association between focus on self-presentation on social media and disordered eating we found a stronger association for girls than boys. Hjetland et al. [ 61 ] found significant gender differences in how adolescents related to self-presentation on social media. Girls reported that they invested more time and energy on the content of their own social media posts. They used more filters to look better at least sometimes and reported feeling less satisfied with themselves because of other peoples’ social media posts. Girls also tended to ascribe more importance to the feedback they got on social media than boys. In general, the report showed that social media played a bigger part in the girls’ lives than the boys’, and that the girls placed more importance on what is happening on social media [ 61 ]. Hence, more importance placed on self-presentation on social media among girls, and social media playing a more important role in girls’ lives, may increase the focus on self-presenting in an ideal way, in addition to being stronger underlying causes in development of eating disorders for girls than for boys.

There may as well be other explanations for the gender difference we found. The objectification theory [ 62 ], suggests that women’s bodies are more often looked at, evaluated and potentially sexually objectified. Fredrickson & Roberts [ 62 ] further argue that these views make women internalize the observer’s perspective of themselves, and to some degree also socialize women to treat themselves as objects for the pleasure of others. The emphasis put on girls’ and women’s physical appearance, in particular, is well established in our culture [ 60 ]. Through social media’s feedback mechanisms, girls may be more encouraged than boys to self-present in an objectifying way.

Social comparison theory [ 26 ], and especially upward social comparison, is another possible explanation for the gender difference between focus on self-presentation on social media and disordered eating. Strahan et al. [ 60 ] found that when describing their physical appearance, women used significantly more upward social comparisons than downward social comparisons. Men, on the other hand, made more downward comparisons than upward. This tendency was not seen when women and men described other personal characteristics like social skills. For women, they also found that the more upward social comparison they made, the more negative statements they made about their body [ 60 ]. They proposed that ubiquitous appearance norms, mostly applying to women, disrupted strong self-enhancement behaviors [ 60 ]. Fardouly et al. [ 24 ] also found that women relied on upward social comparisons when comparing their appearances, and that doing this on social media was associated with more body dissatisfaction than in person. A proposed explanation for this is that women may experience a stronger discrepancy between themselves and women they see on social media compared to women they see in person [ 24 ].

Previous research on self-presentation behaviors has primarily focused on appearance-related self-presentation and upward social comparison [e.g. 24 ] and associated risk among girls, such as body dissatisfaction [ 13 , 14 , 30 ], thin ideal internalization and disordered eating behavior [ 25 , 44 ]. However, it is important to recognize that boys may also be affected by these issues, and a study showed that body dissatisfaction affected boys’ risk of engaging in disordered eating behaviors [ 63 ]. The current body ideals for boys emphasize muscularity [ 64 ], and Eisenberg et al. [ 65 ] found that muscle-enhancing behaviors are common among American adolescents, including both boys and girls. This were behaviors like dieting, exercising, and taking protein supplements or steroids, with the aim of increasing muscle size or tone. However, most of the behaviors measured were significantly more common among boys [ 65 ], and Compte et al.’s [ 64 ] investigation of muscle dysmorphia among young adult men indicated a prevalence of almost 7%. Hence, another explanation for the gender difference we found, may be that the EDS-5-questionnaire does not identify symptoms of drive for muscularity or muscle dysmorphia. In fact, muscle dysmorphia seems to be more of a concern than thinness and weight loss among boys [ 64 ]. The EDS-5 measures of symptoms of disordered eating are linked to preoccupation about weight loss, body shape and drive for thinness [ 55 ], and may therefore not fully capture the range of body image concerns among boys.

Implications

The present results demonstrate the need to address focus on self-presentation and upward social comparison on social media as potentially important factors for adolescents’ mental health. As such, promoting a healthy use of social media could be established through a focus on increasing adolescents’ ability to reflect on and think critically about self-presentation and upward social comparison on social media. Our results indicate a need for targeted interventions to promote healthy social media use and enhance adolescents’ critical thinking about self-presentation and underscores the urgency of public health initiatives. One public health approach would be to equip adolescents with critical thinking skills to navigate social media mindfully. In relation to appearance-related ideals, educational programs should address the unrealistic standards perpetuated online, while fostering resilience and promoting positive self-image. Educational programs and social media literacy programs in school have been suggested to increase adolescents’ reflections about their own and others social media use [ 42 , 66 , 67 ]. Gordon et al. [ 42 , 67 ] introduced a four-lesson social media literacy program in a junior high school that aimed to decrease body dissatisfaction, dietary restraints and focus on increased muscles among young adolescents. They found only a small effect of the intervention. The intervention did not focus on self-presentation and based on results from this study and previous research [e.g. 12 , 27 ], this would be an important topic to address for future interventions. Also, previous results suggest that interventions led by individuals who already have an established relationship with the adolescents and are familiar with their needs help facilitate discussions among the adolescents [ 42 ], and improve intervention outcomes. Teachers could therefore be considered effective social media educators, especially if social media literacy could be integrated in existing school subjects.

A study of university students showed that women who had a higher internalization of the thin-ideal, were more vulnerable to disordered body image and hence to appearance exposure in media [ 68 ]. They also found that body appreciation protected women from negative effects of the exposure [ 68 ]. Thus, developing social media literacy programs specifically focusing on the effects of self-presentation and upward social comparison could be an important target for interventions, and possibly reduce focus on self-presentation. Research [ 69 ] also suggest that increasing self-compassion is a useful strategy to prevent perfectionistic self-presentation on social media. As perfectionistic self-presentation is related to lower subjective well-being [ 35 ], this may also be a topic to address in an intervention aiming to reduce focus on self-presentation and upward social comparison on social media.

While our study adds to the knowledge base, future research should investigate the concept of self-presentation on social media more closely. It will be important to examine if different ways of self-presentation vary from each other. Previous research has investigated how people self-present, especially through the use of selfies [e.g. 70 , 71 ], and further research should investigate if taking pictures of oneself and posting them is dissimilar from other ways of self-presentation on social media when considering its association to mental health among adolescents. SPAUSCIS consist of only one item asking about specific ways of self-presenting (“I retouch images of myself to look better before I post them on social media”), thus future research on other ways of self-presenting behaviors should include self-presentation for example through pictures of other aspect of the adolescents’ life, like friends or hobbies, or through text only. Investigating focus on self-presentation on social media, perfectionism and disordered eating among younger adolescents than we included in our study will be important as the use of social media starts early and as disordered eating often emerges in adolescence [ 72 ]. Understanding at what age focus on self-presentation becomes more prominent for adolescents’ and potential gender differences regarding this, may also be important to pinpoint intervention opportunities.

Strengths and limitations

A major strength of the present study is that it is the first study to investigate the relationship between focus on self-presentation on social media, perfectionism and disordered eating. So far, the research on this has focused on self-presentation behaviors [e.g. 13 , 14 , 30 , 45 ] in addition to being exposed to others ’ (perfect) self-presentations and the prevailing body ideals [e.g. 24 , 25 , 43 ]. To our knowledge no previous study has examined the association between focus on self-presentation and perfectionism and disordered eating. In addition, the scales used in this study are well-established [ 55 , 54 , 56 ]. Also, the items of SPAUSCIS were derived from focus-group interviews with adolescents [ 23 ], which make them relevant for adolescents’ experiences related to self-presentation and social comparison on social media. Some limitations are also worth mentioning. The study is cross-sectional, thus we cannot determine causality between the investigated factors and mental health. Despite the sample being large, it is limited to high schools in Bergen, Norway. Consequently, the results may not be generalizable to other countries or cultures. Also, the participation rate was moderate (53% and 35%), which may impact the validity of our findings. However, associations are less vulnerable to bias caused by low participation rates than prevalence estimates [ 73 ]. Another limitation is that SPAUSCIS in this study does not differentiate between various methods of self-presentation. Consequently, we cannot conclude from this study whether specific types of self-presentation, such as taking selfies versus posting pictures of hobbies, have the same impact on perfectionism, eating disorders or disordered eating. Also, the use of self-reported amount of social media use has been shown to be biased in previous research and is not likely to be an accurate measure of actual use [ 74 ]. This may have impacted our ability to effectively account for the confounding effect of social media use. And finally, although EDS-5 is a well-established and validated measurement, the questionnaire does not cover specific symptoms of drive for muscularity and muscle dysmorphia.

While previous studies have focused on self-presentation behaviors, this study found that focus on self-presentation and upward social comparison on social media is positively associated with both perfectionism and disordered eating, as well as self-reported eating disorders among adolescents. As such, promoting a healthy use of social media could be established through increasing adolescents’ ability to reflect on and think critically about self-presentation and upward social comparison on social media. Our results underscore the importance of targeted public health interventions to promote awareness and healthy social media use among adolescents, emphasizing the need for educational programs that address focus on self-presentation, unrealistic appearance-related ideals and foster resilience and positive self-image.

Data availability

Explicit consent from the participant is required by the Norwegian Health research legislation and the Norwegian Ethics committees in order to transfer health research data outside of Norway. Ethics approval for this was also dependent on storing the research data on secure storage facilities located at the Norwegian Institute of Public Health, which prevent the authors from providing the data as supplementary information. Request to access these datasets should be directed to [email protected].

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Acknowledgements

We are grateful to Bergen municipality and Vestland County Council for their collaboration on this study. The present study is linked to a larger innovation-project lead by Bergen municipality in Western Norway related to the use of social media and mental health and well-being. The innovation-project is funded by a program initiated by the Norwegian Directorate of Health and aims to explore social media as platforms for health promotion among adolescents. Above all, we are very thankful for the pupils who participated in this study.

The work of GJH was supported by Dam Foundation (grant number 2021/FO347287) while the work of JCS, AIOA, and TRF was supported by The Research Council of Norway (grant number 319845).

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Hilde Einarsdatter Danielsen, Turi Reiten Finserås, Amanda Iselin Olesen Andersen, Gunnhild Johnsen Hjetland & Jens Christoffer Skogen

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JCS analyzed the participants’ data regarding the LifeOnSoMe-study. All authors contributed to interpretation of the results. HED and JCS wrote the first draft of the manuscript. Additional contributions and revisions to the manuscript were made by TRF, AIOA, GJH, VW, JCS, and HED. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.

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The study was conducted in accordance to the guidelines of the Declaration of Helsinki, and approved by the Regional Ethical Committee (REK) in Norway (REK#65611). All participants gave informed consent prior to participation, and was informed about the general purpose of the study and the opportunity to withdraw from the study at any point. As all the adolescents invited were 16 years or older, they were considered competent to consent on their own behalf, and additional consent from parents or guardians was not prerequisite.

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Danielsen, H.E., Finserås, T.R., Andersen, A.I.O. et al. Mirror, mirror on my screen: Focus on self-presentation on social media is associated with perfectionism and disordered eating among adolescents. Results from the “LifeOnSoMe”-study. BMC Public Health 24 , 2466 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-024-19317-9

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