short essay on yoruba culture

Essay on Yoruba Culture

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100 Words Essay on Yoruba Culture

Introduction.

The Yoruba people are an ethnic group from West Africa, mostly Nigeria, Benin, and Togo. They have a rich culture, steeped in history, art, religion, and social customs.

Yoruba religion is a major aspect of their culture. It’s based on the worship of a variety of gods, known as Orishas, each with unique attributes and responsibilities.

Yoruba art is renowned globally. It includes sculptures, masks, and beadwork, often used in religious ceremonies. Art is a way to honor the gods and ancestors.

Social Customs

Yoruba society values respect and good behavior. Elders are revered, and greetings are important social customs.

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250 Words Essay on Yoruba Culture

Introduction to yoruba culture.

The Yoruba people, predominantly found in Southwest Nigeria, Benin, and Togo, have a rich and vibrant culture that has significantly influenced art, religion, and societal norms in the African continent and beyond. Their culture is a complex blend of indigenous traditions and foreign influences.

Artistic Expressions

Yoruba art is renowned globally for its depth and diversity, with masks, sculptures, and textiles as key expressions. Often, these artistic creations serve more than aesthetic purposes; they also hold spiritual and symbolic significance. The Yoruba are also known for their intricate beadwork, used in clothing and royal regalia.

Religion and Spirituality

Yoruba spirituality, deeply woven into their daily lives, revolves around a pantheon of deities known as Orishas. Each Orisha represents a natural element or human endeavor. This traditional belief system has influenced many Afro-Caribbean religions like Santeria and Candomble.

Social Structure

The Yoruba social structure is hierarchical, with a clear distinction between elders and younger ones. Respect for elders is paramount. The society is also organized around large extended families known as ‘Ile’.

Language and Literature

In conclusion, Yoruba culture is a fascinating tapestry of art, religion, social norms, and language. Its global influence underscores its richness and resilience, and studying it provides invaluable insights into African cultural diversity.

500 Words Essay on Yoruba Culture

The Yoruba people, originating from Southwestern Nigeria and Benin, have a rich and vibrant culture that has significantly influenced the global community. With an estimated 44 million Yoruba people worldwide, their culture, which encompasses religion, art, music, language, and philosophy, has left an indelible mark on the world’s cultural landscape.

Religion and Philosophy

Yoruba philosophy, deeply intertwined with their religion, is centered around the concept of ‘Ase’, a life force that enables change. This philosophy influences their worldview, ethics, and social practices. It promotes a balance between the spiritual and physical worlds, emphasizing the importance of community and individual responsibility.

Art and Aesthetics

Yoruba art, renowned for its diversity and sophistication, primarily focuses on human figures and often serves religious purposes. Sculptures, masks, and textiles are used in rituals, ceremonies, and storytelling. The art is not just aesthetically pleasing but also functional, serving as a conduit for spiritual communication.

Music and Dance

The Yoruba language, a Niger-Congo language, is spoken by millions of people. It is tonal, with three basic tones that can change the meaning of words. The Yoruba have a rich oral literature tradition, including folktales, proverbs, and praise poetry, which are often used to teach moral lessons and preserve historical narratives.

The Yoruba culture, with its profound philosophy, intricate art, vibrant music, and rich language, offers a unique perspective on the human experience. Despite the pressures of modernization and globalization, the Yoruba people have managed to preserve their cultural heritage, ensuring that future generations can benefit from their wisdom and creativity. As the world becomes more interconnected, the influence of the Yoruba culture continues to grow, enriching the global cultural tapestry with its depth and diversity.

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DiscoverYoruba.com is your one-stop for embracing Yoruba culture, entertainment, and history unfolding.

• Culture & History

Yoruba Culture and Tradition

• July 6, 2023

Exploring the Rich Cultural Heritage of the Yoruba people.

Introduction

A glimpse of the past in yoruba culture and tradition, origins of the yoruba culture, spiritual beliefs and practices, traditional holidays and festivities, a tapestry of creativity and expression in yoruba art, sculpture and carvings, the art of indigo-dyed textiles, or adire, music and movement, today’s yoruba culture and tradition, values of family and community, conventional wedding rituals, cuisine and delectable dishes, frequently asked questions (faqs).

Yoruba Culture and Tradition: Welcome to the alluring realm of Yoruba culture and customs! This article will transport you on a journey through the vibrant customs, rituals, art, and history of Nigeria’s Yoruba people, who are renowned for their rich heritage. Explore the significance, symbolism, and enduring influence of the Yoruba culture and tradition as we delve into its intriguing aspects.

Originating in the southwestern region of Nigeria, the Yoruba have developed a rich cultural tapestry over centuries. Yoruba culture and tradition are rooted in ancient African customs and convey a profound sense of community, spirituality, and artistic expression.

As far back as 8000 BCE, Yoruba culture can be traced to its beginnings. Archaeological evidence indicates that the Yoruba have inhabited the region for millennia, nurturing a distinctive way of life that is intimately interconnected with nature and spirituality.

A system of spiritual beliefs and practices is intricately interwoven with Yoruba culture. The Yoruba have a pantheon of deities known as Orishas (Read more about the orisha’s here ), which are revered as mediators between humans and Olodumare, the supreme divinity. These gods represent diverse aspects of nature, human essence, and social phenomena.

Yoruba culture is brought to life by its lively festivals and celebrations. These events offer a venue for the community to come together, commemorate their ancestors, and display their rich artistic heritage. This includes the recently celebrated Ojude Oba in Ijebu ode and the colorful “Eyo Festival,” which commemorates the transition of an elder or high-ranking chief to the afterlife.

The culture of the Yoruba has produced a magnificent artistic legacy that includes sculpture, textiles, music, and performance. Not only do the artistic endeavours of the Yoruba reflect their cultural values, but they also serve as a means of communication and narrative.

Yoruba sculptures are renowned for their intricate craftsmanship and symbolic imagery. From wooden sculptures known as “ere ibeji” that honour deceased twins to brass and bronze sculptures depicting monarchs and deities, the spiritual significance of Yoruba artwork captivates.

Adire is a traditional Yoruba textile art that exemplifies the mastery of indigo dyeing techniques. Using resist-dyeing techniques, skilled artisans create dazzling patterns on fabric, resulting in unique and vibrant designs. Yoruba society places cultural and historical significance on Adire textiles, which are also visually alluring.

Yoruba music and dance are integral components of cultural rituals and festivities. The intricate rhythms of traditional Yoruba drumming reverberate through the air, enticing individuals to move in sync with the cadence. Yoruba people’s traditional dances, such as “Bata” and “Sakara,” exhibit their grace, agility, and storytelling prowess.

Yoruba culture and tradition have profound historical roots but continue to thrive and develop in contemporary Nigeria. The Yoruba people proudly preserve their cultural heritage, passing it down through generations and adapting it to contemporary contexts despite the effects of globalization.

The Yoruba culture places a premium on familial and communal bonds. The extended family unit, also known as the “ile,” serves as the basis for social structure and support. Respect for elders, communal duty, and the transmission of traditions are cherished principles that define Yoruba culture.

Weddings in the Yoruba culture are grand affairs replete with joy, symbolism, and intricate rituals. The ceremonies frequently span several days and include the exchange of gifts, the honors of both families, and the celebration of love and unity. Honouring their cultural roots, the couple embarks on a voyage dressed in vibrant traditional garb. Learn more about how the Yoruba marriage is done here

Yoruba cuisine tantalizes the palate with its diverse flavors and ingredients. Traditional Yoruba meals are composed primarily of staples such as mashed yam, amala, and egusi broth. These delectable dishes reflect the region’s agricultural bounty and the ingenuity of Yoruba chefs in preparing delectable meals. If you would like to view such dishes, check this previous post here

• What are the most important Yoruba festivals? The principal Yoruba celebrations include Osun-Osog, Olojo, Egungun, and Sango. These festivities highlight the spiritual significance and cultural vitality of Yoruba traditions.
• Is the Yoruba culture exclusive to Nigeria? Yoruba culture extends beyond the borders of Nigeria. Due to the transatlantic slave trade, it has influenced numerous Afro-Caribbean cultures, particularly in countries such as Cuba, Brazil, Trinidad and Tobago, and Haiti.
• What are the traditional greetings in Yoruba? Traditional Yoruba greetings frequently involve prostration or kneeling to demonstrate respect. ” káàb” (pronounced “eh-kaa-boh”), which means “welcome” or “hello” in English, is the most common greeting.
• Are there any celebrated Yoruba musicians? Yes, a number of renowned Yoruba musicians have attained international renown. Artists such as Fela Kuti, King Sunny Ade, and Asa have captivated audiences all over the world with their unique blend of Yoruba musical traditions and modern approaches. Asake, Burna boy, Tems, Adekunle Gold, Simiso, and many others have recently contributed to the cultural beauty by singing Yoruba melodies.
• What is the significance of gele in Yoruba culture?  Gele is a headdress worn by Yoruba women on special occasions and during celebrations. Different knotting designs represent a variety of connotations, including elegance, cultural pride, and social status.
• What influence does Yoruba culture have on fashion and design? Fashion designers are inspired by Yoruba culture to incorporate traditional motifs, patterns, and fabrics into their designs. Yoruba art’s bold and vibrant aesthetics are frequently reflected in contemporary fashion, contributing to the worldwide prevalence of Yoruba-inspired designs. Conclusion

Yoruba culture and tradition are evidence of the people’s rich heritage and enduring character. The Yoruba community exemplifies the beauty and strength of cultural diversity and tradition, from their ancient origins to their vibrant artistic expressions. As we celebrate the richness of Yoruba culture, let us take to heart the lessons it teaches us about unity, creativity, and the profound ties that unite us all.

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A long view sheds fresh light on the history of the Yoruba people in West Africa

Chancellor’s Professor, and Professor of Africana Studies, Anthropology & History, University of North Carolina – Charlotte

Disclosure statement

Akinwumi Ogundiran receives funding from the National Humanities Center, National Endowment for the Humanities, Wenner-Gren Foundation, American Philosophical Society, Dumbarton Oaks, and Yip Fellowship (Magdalene College, University of Cambridge).

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The Yoruba are among the most storied groups in Africa. Their ancestral homeland cuts across present-day southwest Nigeria, Benin Republic and Togo in West Africa. They number between 35 and 40 million. Their dynamic culture, philosophy, arts, language, sociology and history have attracted numerous studies .

What has been missing in this rich literature is a deep history that benefits from a diverse range of disciplines and sources. Scholars have long recognised the value of combining different methods and sources, beyond documentary and oral traditions, to study pre-colonial African history.

I wrote The Yoruba: A New History to fill this gap. The book is a product of the studies I have carried out in different parts of Yoruba region over the past 30 years as an archaeologist, anthropologist, and historian .

By providing insights from different disciplines I have been able to uncover new themes in Yoruba history.

I provide a 2,000 year account of cultural changes and continuities, how local and global processes have affected social transformations, the meanings people made out of their experiences, and how these affected actions, and what the consequences were.

I weave multifaceted stories about ups and downs, successes and failures, coping with risks and opportunities and solving existential crises. These have ranged from climate change to shifting global political economies, and the impact on the ideas of gender, class, and power, among others.

The history

In the first half of the book, I account for how the Yoruba community evolved on the western side of the Niger-Benue Confluence in present-day Nigeria about 4000 years ago and the dramatic changes that stimulated their rapid geographical expansion between 300 BC and AD 300 .

The climate change that commenced in the last quarter of the first millennium BC, known as the Big Dry , sparked this expansion process. Extreme droughts pushed families and social groups to look for new water corridors and resources. The early centuries of this ecological crisis were also a period of new technological innovations, especially the adoption of iron metallurgy .

By the time the Big Dry ended and optimum wet conditions returned in the 3rd AD, the Yoruba had expanded from the Niger-Benue Confluence as far as the Atlantic coast . The second half of the first millennium AD was a period of rapid socio-political innovations . The idea of divine kingship alongside a unique system of urbanism evolved in multiple places and became the basis of social order .

Between the 12th and 14th centuries, Ile-Ife was the centre of the Yoruba world. It was an emporium and holy city. Its economy was based on a novel technology of glass manufacture mainly devoted to making beads, the primary currency of power, authority and wealth in the region.

Ile-Ife remains the only place in sub-Saharan Africa known as an industrial centre for primary glass production .

Ile-Ife used its technological and economic advantages to restructure the ideology of divine kingship. It also used this advantage to standardise the Yoruba religious system (Orisa pantheon) and make itself (literally) the beginning and end of time. It brought vast territories, as far as the River Niger and the Atlantic coast, under its political control and cultural influence. These included even non-Yoruba-speaking peoples .

For these and other reasons, I concluded that Ile-Ife built the first empire in the Yoruba world during the 13th and 14th centuries.

Collapse and rebirth

The Ife Empire came to an end by 1420 due to several colliding factors . These included long spells of drought that kicked off around 1380 across West and East Africa (the equivalent of the Little Ice Age in the northern hemisphere), political disturbances in Western Sudan (for example, the collapse of the Mali Empire), and internal crisis within the Ife Empire.

Conflict, war, disease, famine, and dynastic changes rocked most of the Yoruba world and other parts of West Africa.

It was not until the late 16th century that the region began to recover, thanks to regional cooperation notably championed by Oyo . By then, the political landscape had been permanently changed. Some of the minor kingdoms of the Classical period were now in control (for example, Oyo), and several new states emerged from the rubbles of the old ones.

This was also the beginning of the integration of the Yoruba into a newly emerging global political economy that focused on the Americas and the European maritime might.

The book explores how the commercial revolution of this early modern period, especially the Atlantic slave trade , shaped Yoruba political landscape, culture, and society starting from the early seventeenth century through the mid-nineteenth century.

During this time, the Yoruba economy became far more monetised than before . There was an overall increase in productivity due to economic specialisation. The cowrie currency that powered this economy was imported while the external trade of the region was driven by a dependency on imported addictive commodity – tobacco . Both cowries and tobacco exports were exchanged for human cargo in the Bight of Benin, where almost a million Yoruba entered the Middle Passage, mostly between 1775 and 1840.

The second half of the book focuses on the effects of this new experience on social valuation, the theory of rights, privileges, and power, as well as gender and class relations.

I bring it to a close with the collapse of the Oyo Empire , the second empire in Yoruba history, and its aftermath in the mid-nineteenth century.

In the concluding chapter, I reflected on what this 2000-year history means for the present.

The book tells the story about the unique gifts that the Yoruba people gave to the world in social organisation, resilience, technology, arts, philosophy, religion, and ethics.

From time to time, many scholars, including me , have lamented how African historical experience rarely informs public policies in contemporary Africa, mainly because policymakers have a poor understanding of that history.

An awareness of the challenges faced by ancestral Yoruba and how they solved those problems for more than 2000 years is as important as understanding why they came short in some instances.

In searching for solutions that address contemporary challenges, it would help to pay more attention to African history.

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The Yoruba in Transition: History, values, and modernity, edited by Toyin Falola and Ann Genova

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Olufemi Vaughan, The Yoruba in Transition: History, values, and modernity, edited by Toyin Falola and Ann Genova, African Affairs , Volume 107, Issue 429, October 2008, Pages 667–668, https://doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adn055

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This edited volume is a comprehensive collection of essays on the modern history of the Yoruba people of south-western Nigeria. Edited by the distinguished Africanist, Toyin Falola, and the promising young historian, Ann Genova, the book explores a wide range of themes that have shaped the transformation of Yoruba society since the imposition of colonialism in the late nineteenth century. Following a concise introduction, the book is broadly structured in three parts that interrogate major themes at the intersection of Yoruba and Nigerian histories.

Four chapters in Part 1 (by Táíwò Olúnládé, ashimuneze heanacho, Hakeem Tijani, and Lateef Adetona) analyse modern constructions of Yoruba ethno-national histories. Specifically, Olúnládé provides a historical overview of the role of newspapers in Yoruba towns from the missionary impact of the nineteenth century to the beginning of the twenty-first century; heanacho presents a critical exploration of the celebrated Action Group government's education policy; Tijani discusses the significance of party politics, ethnic violence, and charismatic personage in the emergence of Mushin, an important frontier community in suburban Lagos; and Adetona analyses the changing status of a conservative Muslim group – the Bamidele movement – in the twentieth century.

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On the Yoruba Tradition’s Complex Philosophical Heritage

Minna salami on myth, religion, and creative expression.

African knowledge systems have long provided a treasure trove of narrative for informing feminist ideas of knowledge. With the oldest civilizations in the world, Africa also has some of the oldest patriarchies, and so it is in the African continent that we find some of the oldest protofeminist narratives.

Women in traditional African society were not domesticated wives. They were traders, politicians, farmers, artists, and shamans. They were goddesses, witches, prophetesses, queen mothers, rain queens, pharaohs, and spirit mediums.

In African creation myths, there is no overarching supreme male god. If anything, there are traces of history that suggest that all Africans once worshipped a mother-goddess. That is not to say that there is always gender harmony among the pantheon of deities. Hardly! The gods get into kerfuffles concerning gender, as humans do, precisely so that they can show what happens when we don’t at least strive for harmony.

Moreover, the underpinning myths are egalitarian with respect to nature and species. The Yoruba gods, like many of their counterparts in other African religious systems (the earth goddess Asase Yaa in Ghana, Dzivaguru in Zimbabwe, Mamlambo in South Africa), are anthropomorphic representations of nature elements. A person invested in African spiritualities, therefore, treats nature with compassion. Similarly, animals are not viewed as inferior to humans because we all depend on life in an equal manner. Animals in African myths are companions who can even occasionally marry humans and produce children who are both human and animal.

Animals are also teachers, each with a specific lesson to teach. The tortoise, for example, shows how to watch out for dishonest and mischievous behavior by itself being guilty of that. Anansi the Spider in the eponymous Ghanaian tale similarly teaches about mischief by getting into mischief. It is not only in myths that Africans cohabit with animals. The Maasai people, who very rarely eat meat, have lived together with wildlife— giraffes, zebras, lions, leopards, and hyenas—for centuries and are not afraid of them. Unlike Europatriarchal Knowledge, historical African knowledge systems—like other indigenous ones— emphasize the value of harmony not only with other humans but also with nature and other sentient beings. African philosophy is a philosophy of interbeing.

Unlike some organized religions, African spiritual philosophies have no heaven or hell because, at large, they do not believe that there is such a thing as death. The souls of the departed are not punished for their sins in hell by a Manichean devil. In African spiritualities, the dead are supposed to “live” in transmigrated form or on nonphysical planes of the cosmos. According to Yoruba culture, the human spirit is triple layered—force or breath, shadow, and spirit ( emi, ojiji, and ori ). The Zulu have a similar triad— idlozi (guardian spirit), umoya (breath), and isithunzi (shadow)—and to the Igbo the human spirit is made up of uwa (visible world) and ani mmo (spiritual world). To ancient Egyptians, ba, ka, and akh were components of the soul that respectively represented the life force, the spirit force, and the unity of the two, which transcended this world and reached into the next. As a consequence, knowledge is not something that one must acquire and hoard during life, for wisdom and existence are infinite and eternal.

Significantly, African philosophies encourage creative expression (art, dance, ritual, sculpture, and so forth) as the highest form of knowledge. Ritual is reflective not only of spirituality but also of knowledge sharing. Deities are not simply divine energies, they are also representations of philosophy. Each god is a literation of a concept. For example, Shango, the spiritual embodiment of thunder, is also a historical reading of an African philosophy of social justice. Oya, goddess of tornadoes and protector of women, provides an interpretation of feminism in ancient Africa.

In her last book, Socrates and Orunmila: Two Patron Saints of Classical Philosophy (2014), the late Nigerian feminist philosopher Professor Sophie Bosede Oluwole offered a groundbreaking comparison between Socrates, the founder of Western philosophy, and Orunmila, the author of the Yoruba compendium of knowledge known as Ifa. The corpus of Ifa, which now also exists widely in written format, is a geomantic system consisting of 256 figures to which thousands of verses are attached. It has been stored through memory for millennia by traditional Yoruba philosophers known as Mamalawos and Babalawos (mothers and fathers of esoteric knowledge, respectively), who must study Ifa for fourteen years before being allowed to share its wisdom.

Oluwole wondered why Socrates, who did not produce any written work, can be considered the father of Western philosophy when Orunmila, who also transmitted his ideas to his disciples without writing them down, could not. Where Socrates famously said, “An unexamined life is not worth living,” Orunmila said, “A proverb is a conceptual tool of analysis.” Where Socrates said, “The highest truth is that which is eternal and unchangeable,” Orunmila noted, “Truth is the word that can never be corrupted.”

Where Socrates said, “Only God is wise,” Orunmila too addressed the limits of human knowledge in his statement “No knowledgeable person knows the number of sands.” Oluwole urged Africans to reclaim their philosophical heritage, contending that the body of knowledge she found in the Yoruba tradition was as rich and complex as any found in the West.

__________________________________

From Sensuous Knowledge by Minna Salami. Reprinted with the permission of the publisher Amistad, an imprint of HarperCollins. Copyright © 2020 by Minna Salami.

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Notes on Aspect of Yoruba Cultural Practices Over Time

2020, Published in Toyin Falola and Dipo Olubomehin, eds., The Yoruba Nation and Politics Since the Nineteenth Century: Essays in Honor of Professor J. A. Atanda. Austin, TX: Pan-African University Press.

The Yoruba Identity has become an identity to be reckoned with in the 21 st century, especially in relation to their cultural and societal practises. This has been possible due to several reasons, such as the preservation and innovations in the 19 th century during the slave trade era and the practises of the Yoruba in diaspora, especially in the present globalised world. This has played a role in the spread of Yoruba cultural practises to the most distant parts of the earth. This work therefore aims at examining the changing dynamic over time of Yoruba cultural and societal practises. The paper also explores issues like how the Yoruba spread to the diaspora, followed by how and why peculiarity was given to the preservation of Yoruba culture in a globalised world. The paper will also examine some countries where these cultures are practised, mainly focusing on Brazil and Cuba. The paper also concludes that globalization and popular culture have impacted negatively on Yoruba social cultural practises, and questions if indeed the Yoruba cultural values can stand the test of globalisation and popular culture in a changing world.

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In a story from the Yoruba oral tradition , a boy moves farther and farther away from home. With the assistance of a fantasy character, a fox, the boy is able to meet the challenges set by ominous oba (kings) in three kingdoms, each a greater distance from the boy’s home. The fox becomes the storyteller’s means of revealing the developing wisdom of the boy, who steadily loses his innocence and moves to manhood. This oral tale is the framework for the best-known work in Yoruba and the most significant contribution of the Yoruba language to fiction: D.O. Fagunwa ’s Ogboju ode ninu igbo irunmale (1938; The Forest of a Thousand Daemons ), which contains fantasy and realistic images along with religious didacticism and Bunyanesque allegory , all placed within a frame story that echoes that of The Thousand and One Nights . The novel very effectively combines the literary and oral forces at work among Yoruba artists of the time. Its central character is Akara-ogun. He moves into a forest three times, each time confronting fantasy characters and each time involved in a difficult task. In the end, he and his followers go to a wise man who reveals to them the accumulated wisdom of their adventures. The work was successful and was followed by others, all written in a similar way: Igbo olodumare (1949; “The Jungle of the Almighty”), Ireke-Onibudo (1949), and Irinkerindo ninu Igbo Elegbeje (1954; “Irinkerindo the Hunter in the Town of Igbo Elegbeje”; Eng. trans. Expedition to the Mount of Thought ), all rich combinations of Yoruba and Western images and influences. Fagunwa’s final novel, Adiitu olodumare (1961; “God’s Mystery-Knot”), placed a more contemporary story into the familiar fantasy framework: so as to help his poverty-stricken parents, the central character, Adiitu, journeys into a forest, struggles with creatures of the forest, and finds his parents dead when he returns home. He moves into heaven in a dream, where he encounters his parents. He falls in love with Iyunade, and they are marooned on an island, where he saves her. When they get to their home, a friend of Adiitu attempts to destroy the relationship, but in the end they are married. Realism is faced with fantasy in the structure of the story, in the characters, and in the events. This combination of a folktale with a realistic frame revealed new possibilities to Yoruba writers.

There are two competing strands in Yoruba literature , one influenced by the rich Yoruba oral tradition, the other receiving its impetus from the West. The history of Yoruba literature moves between these forces. The earliest literary works were translations of Bunyan’s Pilgrim’s Progress , published as Ilosiwaju ero-mimo in 1866, and of the Bible, published as Bibeli mimo in 1900. There was an early series of Yoruba school readers, Iwe kika Yoruba (1909–15), containing prose and poetry . The first written poetry, by such poets as J. Sobowale Sowande and A. Kolawole Ajisafe, dealt with personal and historical experiences. These poems combined traditional poetic structures and contemporary events as well as religious influences. At about the same time, Denrele Adetimkan Obasa published, in 1927, a volume of materials from the Yoruba oral tradition (other volumes followed in 1934 and 1945).

A realistic treatment of the Yoruba past was attempted by Adekanmi Oyedele, whose novel Aiye re! (1947; “What People Do!”) deals with traditional Yoruba life. Isaac Oluwole Delano’s Aiye d’aiye oyinbo (1955; “Changing Times: The White Man Among Us”) is another novel in this realistic vein; it deals with the coming of the Europeans. His second novel, Lojo ojo un (1963; “In Olden Times”), is also a historical novel . Joseph Folahan Odunjo also wrote two novels, Omo oku orun (1964; “The Deceased Woman’s Daughter”) and Kuye (1964), the latter about a Cinderella -type boy who moves from misery to happiness.

Other works, perhaps influenced by Fagunwa, melded fantasy and realism: Olorun esan (1952; “God’s Vengeance”), by Gabriel Ibitoye Ojo, and Ogun Kiriji (1961; “The Kiriji War”), by Olaiya Fagbamigbe, also have oral roots. J. Ogunsina Ogundele wrote novels, including Ibu-Olokun (1956; “The Deeps of Olokun”) and Ejigbede lona isalu-orun (1956; “Ejigbede Going to Heaven”), that move characters into realms of fantasy. D.J. Fatanmi wrote K’orimale ninu igbo Adimula (1967; “Korimale in the Forest of Adimula”), which also shows the influence of Fagunwa. Femi Jeboda wrote Olowolaiyemo (1964), a realistic novel having to do with life in a Yoruba city. Adebayo Faleti’s works, such as the short novel Ogun awitele (1965; “A War Foreseen”) and the narrative poem Eda ko l’aropin (1956; “Don’t Underrate”), display fantasy roots. Faleti also published a historical novel, Omo olokun-esin (1970; “Son of the Horse’s Master”). Afolabi Olabimtan wrote a realistic novel, Kekere ekun (1967; “Leopard Boy”), a heavily Christian work. Akinwunmi Isola wrote O le ku (1974; “Fearful Incidents”), a realistic novel.

Drama was also being developed in the middle of the 20th century. Olanipekun Esan’s plays based on Greek tragedies were produced in 1965 and 1966. Other significant playwrights include Faleti, Olabimtan, Hubert Ogunde , and Duro Ladipo .

Like most other African literatures, Zulu literature of the 19th and early 20th centuries falls into two distinct categories, one concerned with traditional (Zulu) life and customs, the other with Christianity. These two broad areas of early literary activity combined in the 1930s in an imaginative literature that focused on a conflict that profoundly preoccupied southern African writers for decades—the conflict between the urban, Christian, Westernized milieu and the traditional, largely rural African past.

There were early translations of the Christian scriptures in the mid-19th century. Bunyan’s Pilgrim’s Progress was also translated and published in two parts (1868 and 1895). Magema kaMagwaza Fuze’s Abantu abamnyama lapha bavela ngakhona (“Where the Black People Came From”) was published in 1922. Written works on Zulu customs also appeared, including Petros Lamula’s Isabelo sikaZulu (1936; “Zulu Heritage”) and T.Z. Masondo’s Amasiko esiZulu (1940; “Zulu Customs”). R.H. Thembu’s story uMamazane (1947) includes references to Zulu tradition. Cyril Lincoln Sibusiso Nyembezi and Otty Ezrom Howard Mandlakayise Nxumalo compiled Zulu customs, as did Leonhard L.J. Mncwango, Moses John Ngcobo, and M.A. Xaba. Violet Dube’s Woza nazo (1935; “Come with Stories”), Alan Hamilton S. Mbata and Garland Clement S. Mdhladhla’s uChakijana bogcololo umphephethi wezinduku zabafo (1927; “Chakijana the Clever One, the Medicator of the Men’s Fighting Sticks”), and F.L.A. Ntuli’s Izinganekwane nezindaba ezindala (1939; “Oral Narratives and Ancient Traditions”) are compilations of oral stories. Nyembezi gathered and annotated Zulu and Swati heroic poems in Izibongo zamakhosi (1958; “Heroic Poems of the Chiefs”), and E.I.S. Mdhladhla’s uMgcogcoma (1947; “Here and There”) contains Zulu narratives.

These early Zulu writers were amassing the raw materials with which the modern Zulu novel would be built. Christian influence from abroad would combine with the techniques of traditional Zulu oral traditions to create this new form. There would also be one additional ingredient: the events that constituted Zulu history. Two outstanding early writers dealt with historical figures and events. One, John Langalibalele Dube , became the first Zulu to write a novel in his native language with Insila kaShaka (1933; “Shaka’s Servant”; Eng. trans. Jeqe, the Bodyservant of King Shaka ). The second, R.R.R. Dhlomo , published a popular series of five novels on Zulu kings: uDingane (1936), uShaka (1937), uMpande (1938), uCetshwayo (1952), and uDinuzulu (1968). Other historical novels include Lamula’s uZulu kaMalandela (1924). S.B.L. Mbatha’s Nawe Mbopha kaSithayi (1971; “You Too, Mbopha, Son of Sithayi”) is built on the drama of Shaka’s assassination, as is Elliot Zondi’s drama Ukufa kukaShaka (1966; “The Death of Shaka”); and Benedict Wallet Vilakazi ’s uDingiswayo kaJobe (1939; “Dingiswayo, Son of Jobe”) is a study of Shaka’s mentor , the Mtetwa leader Dingiswayo . Among other written works based on Zulu history are Muntu ’s uSimpofu (1969); L.S. Luthango’s uMohlomi (1938), a biography of Mohlomi, the adviser of the Sotho chief Moshoeshoe; and Imithi ephundliwe (1968; “Barked Trees”), an imaginative work by Moses Hlela and Christopher Nkosi based on the Zulu War . The historical trickster Chakijana, who became famous during the Bambatha Rebellion, is depicted in A.Z. Zungu’s uSukabekhuluma (1933), and Bethuel Blose Ndelu composed a drama, Mageba lazihlonza (1962; “I Swear by Mageba, the Dream Has Materialized”), set during the reign of the Zulu king Cetshwayo .

At the heart of Zulu literature of the 20th century is oral tradition. The magical aura of the oral is present but disguised in the written tradition of the Zulu people. The movement from the oral to the written was achieved without difficulty: in the beginning, some Zulu authors utilized written forms as venues for sermonizing; others simply reproduced the oral in writing. But more adventurous and creative writers quickly saw the connections between the two and fashioned written works using the looms of the oral. Zulu literature owes something to influences from the West, but the indigenous oral tradition is dominant. Stories of the contemporary world are constructed over the old oral stories; the space of the eternal, an aspect of the ancient tradition, gives way to the space of the immediate, and the values expressed in the oral stories continue to influence the written ones.

In a number of novels, Zulu writers contend with the conflict between tradition and Christianity. In James N. Gumbi’s Baba ngixolele (1966; “Father, Forgive Me”), a girl, Fikile, struggles with what she perceives as a gap between those two worlds. S.V.H. Mdluli explores the same theme in uBhekizwe namadodana akhe (1966; “Bhekizwe and His Young Sons”): a good son retains his ties with his parents (i.e., tradition) and becomes a successful teacher. A bad son goes wrong and is on the edge of destruction until he recovers his roots. J.M. Zama’s novel Nigabe ngani? (1948; “On What Do You Pride Yourself?”) is similarly constructed around positive and negative characters. A stepmother, Mamathunjwa, spoils her own children, Simangaliso and Nomacala, but despises her two stepchildren, Msweli and Hluphekile. Christianity is not the villain; instead it is the relaxation of Zulu values that is the problem. Msweli and Hluphekile succeed, while the pampered children die in shame. This insistence on retaining a connection with the African past produced a literature interwoven with Negritude , or black consciousness , a theme that would become a dominant one in South African politics in the 1960s and ’70s.

Dhlomo’s novel Indlela yababi (1946; “The Bad Path”) investigates the polarity between urbanized life and traditional practices and concludes that the former is unstable. A similar theme is developed in a novel by Jordan Kush Ngubane , Uvalo lwezinhlonzi (1956; “Fear of Authority”). Gumbi’s novel Wayesezofika ekhaya (1966; “He Was About to Go Home”) shows a country boy turning to crime as a result of urbanization. There is much of the Zulu oral tradition and of Pilgrim’s Progress in such novels, both in content and in form. The influence of Jordan’s The Wrath of the Ancestors can be seen in Kenneth Bhengu’s Umbuso weZembe nenkinga kaBhekifa (1959; “The Government of Zembe and Bhekifa’s Problem”): a chief and his wife, both educated in schools influenced by the West, come into conflict with Zulu tradition. A city trickster cons country people out of their savings in Nyembezi’s Inkinsela yaseMgungundlovu (1961; “The Man from Mgungundlovu”). That theme persists in Nyembezi’s most successful novel, Mntanami! Mntanami! (1950; “My Child! My Child!”; Eng. trans. Mntanami! Mntanami! ): the character Jabulani loves the city, but, unprepared to deal with it, he becomes a criminal. In Nxumalo’s Ngisinga empumalanga (1969; “I Look to the East”), a man loses his children when Zulu tradition is compromised. In Ikusasa alaziwa (1961; “Tomorrow Is Not Known”), Nxumalo shows that the urban environment need not be fatal and that Christianity and Zulu values can together act as guides.

Zulu poetry varies widely, from imitating ancient Zulu poetic forms to analyzing the system of apartheid that dominated life in South Africa during the 20th century. Some of the finest Zulu poetry can be found in two collections by Nxumalo, Ikhwezi (1965; “The Morning Star”) and Umzwangedwa (1968; Self-Consciousness ). In Hayani maZulu (1969; “Sing, Zulu People”), P. Myeni sought to adapt ancient forms to modern literary Zulu. Other Zulu poets who wrote during the second half of the 20th century include Deuteronomy Bhekinkosi Z. Ntuli ( Amangwevu [1969; “Uppercuts”]), J.C. Dlamini ( Inzululwane [1957; “Giddiness”; Eng. trans. Inzululwane ]), N.J. Makhaye ( Isoka lakwaZulu [1972; “The Young Man of kwaZulu”]), M.T. Mazibuko ( Ithongwane [1969; “Snuffbox”]), and Elliot Alphas Nsizwane kaTimothy Mkize ( Kuyokoma Amathe [1970; “Until the Mouth Dries Up”]).

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• > D. A. Ọbasa (1879–1945): a Yoruba poet, culture activist...

Article contents

Introduction, the poet and his background, the social value of ọbasa's poetry, d. a. ọbasa (1879–1945): a yoruba poet, culture activist and local intellectual in colonial nigeria.

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 January 2017

• Supplementary materials

This article examines the works of one of the earliest Yoruba poets, Denrele Adetimikan Ọbasa (1879–1945), a member of the local intelligentsia in colonial Nigeria. In my assessment of the poet as a culture activist and local intellectual, I draw on biographical information, extensive archival research and relevant textual illustration. The central argument of the article is that Ọbasa exploits Yoruba communal oral resources for ideas, themes and other linguistic influences in his poetry. Therefore, the essay explores the creative ability of Ọbasa to preserve different forms of oral literary material in his poetic composition and how he uses the folkloric materials as instruments for raising the social consciousness of his readers. At this level, the article argues, Ọbasa transforms oral traditions into metaphorical and symbolic language that best articulates his political or philosophical positions. Thus, orality is not static, but dynamic, flexible and adaptable to change. The main article offers translations of excerpts from Ọbasa's poetry, while the online supplementary material offers more complete samples of Ọbasa's poems.

Cet article examine l’œuvre de l'un des tout premiers poètes yoruba, Denrele Adetimikan Ọbasa (1879–1945), membre de l'intelligentsia locale du Nigeria colonial. Dans son évaluation de ce poète en tant qu'activiste de la culture et intellectuel local, l'auteur s'appuie sur des données biographiques, de nombreux travaux d'archives et des illustrations de texte pertinentes. L'argument central de l'article est le fait qu’Ọbasa exploite les ressources orales communales yoruba pour inspirer les idées, les thèmes et autres influences linguistiques de sa poésie. L'essai explore donc la capacité créatrice d’Ọbasa à préserver différentes formes de matériel littéraire oral dans sa composition poétique et la manière dont il instrumentalise le matériel folklorique pour éveiller la conscience sociale de ses lecteurs. L'article soutient qu’à ce niveau, Ọbasa transforme les traditions orales en langage métaphorique et symbolique qui exprime au mieux ses positions politiques ou philosophiques. L'oralité n'est donc pas statique mais dynamique, flexible et adaptable au changement. L'article principal propose des traductions d'extraits de la poésie d’Ọbasa, tandis que le matériel supplémentaire en ligne offre des exemples plus complets des poèmes d’Ọbasa.

One of the results of colonialism in Nigeria has been the evolution of a group of local intelligentsia with a discrete social identity. The nationalist and political activities of the group have received the attention of scholars. However, with a few notable exceptions (see Ọlabimtan Reference Ọlabimtan 1974a ; Ogunṣina Reference Ogunṣina 1992 ), the same cannot be said of their contributions to the growth of literary tradition in Nigerian indigenous languages. This essay helps to fill that vacuum. The article hopes to contribute to the growing literature on local intellectuals in Africa. It examines the trilogy of a Yoruba poet, Denrele Adetimikan Ọbasa, a member of the local intelligentsia in Ibadan, Nigeria ( Figures 1a and 1b ).

Figure 1 Denrele Adetimikan Ọbasa.

I begin with an overview of Ọbasa's biography and those factors that combined to shape him as a poet and local intellectual, because a meaningful discussion of his poetry demands such an examination. Then, the essay proceeds to discuss the social value in the poetry of Ọbasa, which, as revealed in the article, is based on the Yoruba world view and philosophical thought enshrined in the folkloric material that formed the basis of his poetry. The approach adopted in this study is multidisciplinary, combining historical analysis with sociological, cultural and philosophical perspectives.

Denrele Adetimikan Ọbasa was born a prince of the Giẹsi ruling house of Ile-Ifẹ in 1879 to Prince Awolẹ Ọbasa and his wife Fọlawiyọ, who were working in Lagos at the time of their son's birth. After his elementary (primary) school education (1886–90), the young Ọbasa gained admission into the Baptist Academy in Lagos in January 1891, and successfully completed his high school education in December 1896. Due to his parent's limited financial resources, Ọbasa could not travel overseas for his post-secondary education, like some of his contemporaries from wealthy families. During this time, there were no post-secondary institutions in Nigeria: the first ones to be established came fifty years later, with the foundation of Yaba Higher College (now Yaba College of Technology) in Lagos in 1947 and the University College Ibadan (now the University of Ibadan) in 1948. So, Ọbasa decided to apply for positions with companies based in Lagos. But, while he waited for a job offer, Ọbasa's parents advised him to learn some form of trade. Ọbasa agreed, and he signed up as an apprentice with a local printing press and a furniture maker in Lagos. Although Ọbasa successfully completed his training in both, he loved the printing press more; that probably accounted for his decision to establish a printing press later in life.

Ọbasa learned the art of editing, printing and publishing in Lagos under a Sierra Leonean Yoruba ex-slave returnee, Mr G. A. Williams. Ọbasa dedicated a substantial section of the poem Ìkíni (‘Homage’ or ‘Greetings’) in his first book of poetry to the role Mr Williams played in his training as an editor and printer:

Ọbasa was nearing the end of his training in printing and carpentry when he received his first job offer in December 1899 as a sales manager with Paterson Zochonis (PZ) in Lagos, a British-owned company and manufacturer of healthcare products and consumer goods founded in 1879. Ọbasa was later transferred to Ibadan in December 1901 as the store manager for the newly opened branch office of the company. He remained in the Ibadan branch office until December 1919, when he resigned after twenty years of unbroken service, to establish his Ilarẹ Printing Press ( Figure 2 ).

Figure 2 Ọbasa and his workers and apprentices at Ilarẹ Printing Press.

Ọbasa's choice of Ibadan as the location of his printing press was strategic – none of the other printing press companies already in existence in Nigeria had an office in Ibadan. They were all based in Lagos and Abẹokuta. So, with the opening of Ilarẹ Printing Press in Ibadan, Ọbasa was able to draw patronage from Ibadan and other major Yoruba cities. The press flourished and became well known, because of Ọbasa's multidisciplinary qualities as creative writer, public intellectual, businessman, news editor, advertiser, and above all artisan. All this affected his popularity as a writer and the success of his printing business. Later, other printing press companies were founded: for example, Lisabi Press in Ibadan in 1930 and Tanimẹhin-Ọla Press in Oṣogbo in 1935. It was in the midst of the competition from other printing companies and deteriorating health that Ọbasa died on 16 May 1945.

What are those aspects of Ọbasa's biography that make him an outstanding Yoruba poet and local intellectual? One can say that the greatest influence on Ọbasa by far was his love for, and interest in, Yoruba language and cultural practices. Ọbasa perceives his task as ‘that of “writing culture”, writing the oral traditions and the language of his people to recover an art and knowledge that he felt to be endangered’ (Nnodim Reference Nnodim 2006 : 158). For that singular act, this essay recognizes Ọbasa as a public intellectual within the colonial Yoruba cultural environment because he strategically chose to write in Yoruba instead of English, as he wanted to address his immediate local audience.

Although Ọbasa was championing the cause of Yoruba language and the preservation of oral traditions, he was, however, doing so in print, which meant that he had to find ways of connecting with an audience that was not co-present. According to Nnodim ( Reference Nnodim 2006 : 154):

the issue of turning towards, giving shape to, and addressing audiences was particularly pertinent at those pivotal historic trajectories, when the introduction of writing, print technology and electronic mass media enabled verbal artists (and early writers) to go beyond the local towards conceptualizing and addressing potentially unlimited, unknown audiences (and readers) through print expression and through a new kind of mass-mediated secondary orality.

Thus, in the case of Ọbasa, the delivery of his poems in print did not engender hegemony of the written word and did not displace the oral as an obsolete mode of literary expression; rather, it opened up possibilities for numerous creative forms of coexistence and interfaces of the oral and the written. Therefore, Ọbasa, through print technology, was able to connect with his audience through a form of poetic expression that is semi-oral and semi-written, a type of genre that oscillates between the written and the oral.

Because Ọbasa's poetry is situated at the intersection of writing and orality, the audience he addresses in some of his poems is a thoroughly local one, interpolated in his poems through a proliferation of local terms of greeting:

In this excerpt, the encounter between Ọbasa and his audience is ‘metaphorically imagined as “knocking on people's doors”, as seeking for permission to enter’ (Nnodim Reference Nnodim 2006 : 159). He addresses an imaginary audience directly with his interpolation of face-to-face greetings directed at different sets of people in society. In other instances, however, he envisions a larger audience, seeking his audience not only among the different sub-groups or dialects of the Yoruba with whom he inhabits the shared space called Yorubaland, but among other languages whose speakers are found in that same society.

Here, Ọbasa is trying out numerous ways of addressing an imagined audience, in numerous languages and dialects. This demonstrates not only a wish to connect directly with a large audience of readers in a quasi-oral fashion, but also a recognition that his own language and language variant (Ọyọ or Ibadan Yoruba) was among many: a cosmopolitan perspective. And Ọbasa shows off his cosmopolitan credentials and linguistic proficiency by presenting greetings in all of them, with great expertise too.

Ọbasa's choice of Yoruba language for his writing assisted him in connecting with the generality of the people in his locality, and he became very popular. That popularity paid off when his books were included in the reading list for public elementary schools in the Yoruba-speaking region of south-western Nigeria. Ọbasa's books fit well into the early childhood education curriculum because, as a poet, the writer was concerned with instilling moral values in children and young adults, using his poems to instruct and correct, with the ultimate aim of promoting acceptable good conduct in society.

Because of Ọbasa's commitment to Yoruba culture and tradition, he made a clear case in the prologue ( Ìjúbà ) to the first collection in his trilogy for the study of the oral artistic traditions of the Yoruba people, which he claimed were comparable to the works of renowned authors such as Homer (the Greek poet), Longfellow (the American poet) and Shakespeare (the British poet and playwright):

Púpọ̀ nínú wọn (ohùn ẹnu Yorùbá) li ó farajọ ti awọn àròfọ̀ àwọn ọ̀jọ̀gbọ́n ti ìlú òìbó tí a ń kọ́ni ní àwọn ilé-ẹ̀kọ́ wa: gẹ́gẹ́ bíi “Homer,” “Longfellow,” “Shakespeare” àti àwọn mi bẹ́bẹ́ lọ. Ó sì dáni lójú pé kíkọ tí wọ́n kọ nwọ́n sílẹ̀ ni a fi ńlè rántí àwọn ọ̀rọ̀ iyebíye wọnnì: àti pé, kò sí ohun tí ó yẹ wá bí orílẹ̀-èdè bíi pé kí a kọ tiwa náà sílẹ̀ fún àǹfàní àwọn ènìà wa àti ìran tí mbọ̀. Footnote 4

Many Yoruba oral genres are similar to the ones we read in school such as the works of Homer, Longfellow, Shakespeare, etc. There is no doubt that it was because they were written down that these invaluable compositions can be remembered. Therefore, nothing befits us as a nation other than for us to document our own [oral] literature for the coming generations.

Earlier, in 1896, Ọbasa had embarked on the systematic collection of Yoruba folkloric materials. As he stated in the same prologue cited above:

Ó di ọdún mọ́kànlélọ́gbọ̀n nísisìyí (AD 1896) tí mo ti bẹ̀rẹ̀ sí ṣaáyan kíkójọ àwọn ọ̀rọ̀ ọgbọ́n àtaiyébáiyé ti àwọn baba ńlá wa, tíí máa hàn jáde nínú orin, ègè, rárà, ìjálá, ìpẹ̀sà, àròfọ̀, oríkì, ìlù, fèrè àti àgbékà ọ̀rọ̀ wọn. Footnote 5

For the past thirty-one years (1896–1927) I have been documenting Yoruba traditional sayings which embody the wisdom of our forefathers. These sayings are found in songs, and in various forms of Yoruba poetry, ègè, rárà, ìjálá, ìpẹ̀sà, àròfọ̀, oríkì , and in the drum language and the flute.

But Ọbasa's greatness as a poet is not restricted only to the collection and publication of traditional sayings, which embody the traditional wisdom of the Yoruba people, although, in Ọbasa's time, this would have stood as a singular achievement on its own. As is well known, several authors were doing just that: Agbebi had collected and published Yoruba riddles in 1885; Lijadu had collected and published Ifá divination verses in 1897 and 1908 and had helped publish the poems of two Ẹgba-Yoruba bards, Aribiloṣo and Ṣobọwale Ṣowande (better known as Ṣobọ Arobiodu) in 1902 and 1906 respectively; while, in 1911, Akinyẹle had published his own valuable book, Ìwé ìtàn Ìbàdàn, Ìwó, Ìkìrun, àti Òṣogbo , which contained many personal and lineage oríkì . However, none of these earlier writers had made use of as many forms of Yoruba oral poetry in their works as Ọbasa. Even so, Ọbasa declares in his poem Ìkíni that his role is more than that of a scribe recording traditional sayings; he is also a poet in his own right:

With this self-imagination as a poet, Ọbasa appeals to a figure that was paradigmatic for the local intellectuals of his day who sought to transpose into writing the oral art of their people. But he also perceives himself as a performing poet located on a continuum between the oral and the written – chanting, writing and printing. Therefore, Ọbasa's greatness as a poet lies in his use of Yoruba oral poetic features and style to produce written poetry at a time when many writers of Yoruba poetry were being influenced by English poetic styles. Footnote 7 As rightly noted by Babalọla and Gerard ( Reference Babalọla and Gerard 1971 : 121), it was Ọbasa who provided the ‘link between traditional beliefs and writing in the modern vein’ and therein lies his greatness as a poet and local intellectual.

Ọlabimtan ( Reference Ọlabimtan and Abimbọla 1974b : 1034) identifies three broad categories for Ọbasa's poems: (1) those which have Ọbasa's original composition joined to strings of traditional sayings; (2) those which are Ọbasa's original compositions on select, traditional sayings; and (3) those which are strings of traditional sayings selected from oral materials with little or no addition from Ọbasa. For example, in the poem Ìkà-Èké (‘Treachery and Wickedness’) in Book One, there are seven proverbs in the first twenty-five lines; while lines 40–43 sound more like ìjálá chant; and lines 36–39 and 61–64 are utterances traditionally beaten out on dùndún talking drums. With a poem like this, Footnote 8 one may feel that Ọbasa is no more than a mere collector of ‘traditional Yoruba sayings of proverbial type’ (Babalọla and Gerard Reference Babalọla and Gerard 1971 : 121). Even so, Ọbasa deserves credit for looking for oral materials appropriate to the title of the poem and for arranging them in a way that creates a poetic flow with the language.

While the poem Ìkà-Èké is representative of Ọbasa's early poems that are strings of traditional sayings, a number of his other poems, mostly in Books Two and Three, include the poet's personal compositions, evidence of his development as an original artist with a voice of his own. These are of two types: those in which Ọbasa's original composition is mixed with strings of traditional sayings; and those that are entirely Ọbasa's original compositions. Examples of the first type are the poems Ìkíni in Book One and Ìkíni Akéwì II Footnote 9 (‘The Poet's Greetings II’) in Book Two, while the poems Àǹtí Onílà (‘The Lady with Facial Scarification’) and Ìlù Sọ́jà (‘The Rhythm of the Military Parade Band’) Footnote 10 in Book Two and Aláṣejù (‘One Who Acts in Excess’) Footnote 11 in Book One are clear examples of the second type.

The poem Aláṣejù is one of the most fascinating poems, in which Ọbasa exhibits his creativity as a poet with a voice of his own, and a unique style of writing that relies minimally on oral material. Ọbasa not only shows off his originality as a poet in the poem, but he also exhibits his awareness of addressing a larger audience. For example, for most of the poem, Ọbasa concentrates on two major political issues – the power tussle between the British and German leaders in Europe, and the civil disobedience or religious war led by Shaykh Sai'd Hayyat, a Mahdiyya follower in Northern Nigeria (see Saeed Reference Saeed 1992 ).

Ọbasa's success as a local intellectual and poet was enhanced and consolidated by several special factors: (1) his membership of the socio-cultural group Ẹgbẹ́ Àgbà ò Tán (Elders Still Exist Society), formed in Ibadan in 1909; (2) the establishment of Ilarẹ Printing Press; and (3) the publication of the weekly Yoruba newspaper Yoruba News .

From the late nineteenth century onwards, some Yoruba culture activists founded a number of socio-cultural organizations, including Ẹgbẹ́ Àgbà ò Tán, which played a major role in establishing in the collective psyche of the people a sense of their own importance in the colonial system. Footnote 12 These culture activists thus assumed the role of community leaders or elders who acted as cultural brokers between indigenous socio-political paradigms and the novel creations of the colonial state. As a social group, this local intelligentsia had a distinct lifestyle that embraced Western ways and values in addition to their own Yoruba heritage. Therefore, the organizations they formed were also positive agencies of internal development and served to uphold the morale of the community during the experience of colonial rule.

Ọbasa, having relocated from Lagos in 1901, was a founding member of the Ẹgbẹ́ Àgbà ò Tán at its inauguration in 1909 in Ibadan (Ọlabimtan Reference Ọlabimtan 1974a : 30). The association was concerned particularly with the promotion of a literary culture through periodic public lectures on issues relating to Yoruba history and culture. For several years, Ọbasa read excerpts from his poems at the association's monthly meetings. The association's publication committee encouraged Ọbasa to publish his poems, but he had a different plan: to publish the first Yoruba weekly newspaper in Ibadan and to include excerpts of his poems in the newspaper (Akinyẹmi Reference Akinyẹmi 1987 : 62).

Thus, on 15 January 1924, Ọbasa published the first issue of Yoruba News , a weekly newspaper that reported local developments in Yorubaland. On 12 February 1924, he started what became a regular feature in Yoruba News : the publication of excerpts of his poems in the column ‘Àwọn Akéwì or Yoruba Philosophy’ ( Figure 3 ). The table below reveals that Ọbasa published in Yoruba News all but two of the twenty-nine poems in Ìwé Kìíní Ti Àwọn Akéwì ( Yorùbá Philosophy ) between 25 March 1924 and 10 August 1926, several months before the publication of the book of poetry itself in 1927.

Figure 3 Ọbasa's first published poem in the Yoruba News of 12 February 1924, entitled Ikú (‘Death’).

On 4 November 1924, Ọbasa began an aggressive weekly ad campaign to promote his first book of poetry in Yoruba News ( Figure 4 ). Some of the marketing strategies Ọbasa adopted to promote his yet-to-be published book of poetry included: (1) the adoption of the heading of the column ‘Àwọn Akéwì or Yoruba Philosophy’, under which he published excerpts of his poems in Yoruba News , as the title of the book; (2) the addition of his position as editor of the Yoruba News to his name as the author; and (3) the listing of the publisher as his Ilarẹ Printing Press, Ibadan. Thus, by ‘signing his autograph’ on the cover page of his poetry book as ‘Denrele Adetimikan Ọbasa, Editor of the “ Yoruba News ,” Ibadan; Published by Ilarẹ Press, Ibadan’, Ọbasa created a link between his book of poetry and the diverse identities he already asserted in society. Drawing on a multiplicity of roles – poet, culture activist, newspaper columnist, printer, publisher, newspaper editor and reporting journalist – enabled Ọbasa to exhibit the diverse identities that he constructed for himself and to assert his prominence within the circle of the local intellectuals in Yorubaland at that time. These strategies contributed in no small way to the publicity surrounding the book and its acceptability among local readers of the Yoruba News .

Figure 4 The first advert for Book One of Ọbasa's trilogy in the Yoruba News of 4 November 1924.

Ọbasa deserves credit for popularizing a vision of poetry that assigns it definite social value, especially in its utility in instructing, correcting and influencing conduct. This implies that Ọbasa is placed on an elevated moral platform that enables him to use his poetry to inform, correct and educate his readers. This is exemplified by unique didactic precepts from Yoruba oral literature inscribed in many of Ọbasa's compositions.

One major issue given prominence in Ọbasa's poetry is the value that the Yoruba attach to children. The child is presented in a number of Ọbasa's poems as the axis around which the entire life of the Yoruba rotates. This is especially evident in the poems Ọmọ (‘The Child’) and Ọ̀lẹ (‘Laziness’) in Book One; Ẹrú (‘Slaves’), Àkẹ́jù (‘The Spoilt Child’), Òmùgọ̀ (‘The Stupid One’), Ọmọ, Apá Kejì (‘The Child, Part 2’) and Ìwà (‘Character’), all in Book Two.

Yoruba traditional education is entirely invested in character building. According to Awoniyi ( Reference Awoniyi and Abimbọla 1975 : 375), ‘nothing mortifies a Yoruba more than to say that her or his child is “ àbíìkọ́ ” [a child who is born but not taught]. A child is better “ àkọ́ọ̀gbà ” [a child who is taught but who does not learn], where the responsibility is that of the child and not her or his parents.’ Ọbasa ( Reference Ọbasa 1934 : 39–40) reiterates this point in the poem Àìgbọ́n (‘Stupidity’) in Book Two:

Different types of oral poetry or songs with themes designed to deter children from bad habits are employed in Yoruba society as effective means of encouraging good behaviour in children. Several of these qualities are addressed in a number of Ọbasa's poems. For example, while counselling his readers to be kind to others in the poem Oore (‘Kindness’), Ọbasa ( Reference Ọbasa 1927 : 6) projects the Yoruba philosophy that says ‘ Towó-tọmọ níí yalé olóore ’ (‘All good things come the way of those who show kindness to others’) and ‘ Kòni gbàgbé loore é jẹ́ ’ (‘No one forgets any kindness shown to him or her’). Similarly, the poem Baba (‘Father, First Among Equals’) refers to the value placed on seniority or primacy by the Yoruba. In the poem, Ọbasa ( Reference Ọbasa 1934 : 26) recalls the popular saying ‘ Ẹ̀mí àbàtà níí mu odò ṣàn, ọláa baba ọmọ níí mu ọmọ yan ’ (‘The stream relies on the surrounding wetlands for its survival; every child benefits from his or her father's reputation’). Footnote 13 In the poem Mọ́kánjúọlá (‘Patience’), Ọbasa ( Reference Ọbasa 1927 : 14) counsels his readers not to be in too much of a hurry; instead, they are encouraged to wait on God: ‘ Atọrọ ohun gbogbo lọ́wọ́ Ọlọ́run kì í kánjú ’ (‘Those who wait on God are never in a hurry’). Also, in Elétò-ètò (‘Doing the Right Thing’), Ọbasa ( ibid. : 52) admonished his readers to be conscious of their individual limitations, using the restrictions in the scope of the circumciser and butcher as metaphors to drive home his point: ‘ Oníkọlà kì í k’àfín; kò s’álápatà tíí pa'gun ’ (‘No circumciser circumcises an albino; no butcher attempts to kill the vulture’). Footnote 14 And, in the poem Pẹ̀lẹ́pẹ̀lẹ́ (‘Gently, with Care’), Ọbasa ( ibid. : 13) encourages his readers to handle every issue with patience and extra care: ‘ Ohun a fẹ̀sọ̀ mú kì í bàjẹ́; ohun a f'agbára mú koko-ko ní í le! ’ (‘Whatever we handle with great care ends well; but whatever we mishandle becomes a difficult task to achieve’). Footnote 15

In a similar vein, Ọbasa identifies many social vices in his work, which he condemns in several of his poems while admonishing his readers to avoid such negative attitudes. For instance, in Book One, Ọbasa condemns disobedience to constituted authorities in the poem Aláṣejù , envy in Ìlara , guile in Ète , deceit in Ìtànjẹ , treachery and wickedness in Ìkà-Èké , Footnote 16 callousness in Ayé Ọ̀dájú , and adultery in the poem Àlágbèrè . In Book Two, he also counsels his readers not to pay lip service to friends in the poem Ìfẹ́ Ètè , not to disrespect others in Àfojúdi , not to tell lies in Irọ́ , not to backbite in Ọ̀rọ̀ Ẹ̀hìn , and to avoid doubletalk in the poem Ẹlẹ́nu Méjì . Thus, one can use Ọbasa's poems to discover the value the Yoruba attach to the things they desire or the things they wish to avoid.

This article has examined one of the ways in which oral poetic forms were employed by early Yoruba writers. This implies a determination on the part of writers such as Ọbasa to sustain the communicativeness of oral literature in the written medium, thereby transferring the oral material beyond the limitations of its written quality to speak as the oral text does to the audience. As revealed in the above discussion, the revitalization of oral traditions, particularly through the poetry of Ọbasa, does not arise from a nostalgic longing for local folkloric colour. Rather, it reintroduces the Yoruba oral literary form to create a popular poetic language that can be shared with the generations yet unborn.

Writing from his ethnic base, Ọbasa exploited communal oral resources for ideas, themes and other linguistic influences. In so doing, he participated in the global literary trend of intertextuality, which Abrams ( Reference Abrams 1981 : 200) defines as a creative means used to

signify the multiple ways in which any one literary text echoes, or is inescapably linked to other texts, whether by open or covert citations and allusions, or by the assimilation of the feature of an earlier text by a later text, or simply by participation in a common stock of literary codes and conventions.

Thus, in his poems, Ọbasa transformed oral traditions into metaphorical and symbolic language that best articulated his political or philosophical positions. This suggests that orality is not static but dynamic, flexible, and adaptable to change. As such, oral traditions must be viewed as an integrative, and even innovative, force allowing for new forms of expression. In short, the phenomenon of orality – and its corresponding modes of communication – was effectively modernized by Ọbasa, reflecting the attainment of sophisticated levels of signification and synthesis. This development of fresh mechanics for modern literature is relevant, valuable, and a major part of the achievement of the literary creations of contemporary writers.

Acknowledgements

To the two anonymous peer reviewers who provided insightful comments and helpful recommendations in their reports on the early version of this article, I offer my deep gratitude. I also wish to express my appreciation to two of Ọbasa's grandchildren – Mr Samuel Babatunde Ọbasa and Mr Alfred Adekanmi Ọbasa – for providing the three photographs of Ọbasa included in this article.

Supplementary material

Supplementary material is available with the online version of this article at < https://doi.org/10.1017/S0001972016000668 >. This includes nine poems by D. A. Ọbasa with English translations introduced and annotated by Akintunde Akinyẹmi.

1 Ọbasa ( Reference Ọbasa 1927 : 3). See ‘Two Poems by D. A. Ọbasa’ below.

2 Ọbasa ( ibid .: 1). See ‘Two Poems by D. A. Ọbasa’ below.

3 Ọbasa ( ibid .: 1–2). See ‘Two Poems by D. A. Ọbasa’ below.

4 Ọbasa ( ibid .: 1).

5 Ọbasa ( ibid .: 1).

6 Ọbasa ( ibid .: 2). See ‘Two Poems by D. A. Ọbasa’ below.

7 This group of poets (A. K. Ajisafẹ, Afọlabi Johnson and others) uses the English poetic style to compose Yoruba poems. They were not necessarily translating English poems into Yoruba. Rather, they concentrated more on the rhythm of the poems than on the principal characteristic features of Yoruba oral poetry, such as tonal counterpoint, parallelism, repetition, metaphor and figurative expressions (Ọlatunji Reference Ọlatunji 1984 : 17–58).

8 For this poem and three others of the same type, see sections A 1–4 in the supplementary material published with this article: ‘Nine poems by D. A. Ọbasa, with English translations by Akintunde Akinyẹmi’, < https://doi.org/10.1017/S0001972016000668 >.

9 For this poem, see section B 6 in the supplementary material.

10 For these two poems, see sections C 7 and C 8 in the supplementary material.

11 See ‘Two Poems by D. A. Ọbasa’ below.

12 Others are Ẹgbẹ́ Olùfẹ́ Ilẹ̀ Ìbí Wọn (Society for the Lovers of their Birth Place), formed in Abẹokuta in 1883, and Ẹgbẹ́ Onífẹ̀ẹ́ Ilẹ̀ Yorùbá (Society for the Lovers of Yorubaland), formed in Lagos in 1907.

13 For this poem, see section A 4 in the supplementary material.

14 For this poem, see section A 2 in the supplementary material.

15 For this poem, see section A 1 in the supplementary material.

16 For this poem, see section A 3 in the supplementary material.

Nine poems by D. A. Obasa

Two poems by d. a. obasa.

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• Volume 87, Issue 1
• Akintunde Akinyẹmi
• DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/S0001972016000668

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The Yoruba Blog

Ẹ jẹ ki a gbé èdè àti àṣà yorùbá lárugẹ: keeping the yoruba language alive….

Àròkọ ni Èdè Yorùbá – Essay in Yoruba Language

Idi ti a fi bẹ̀rẹ̀ si kọ iwé ni èdè Yorùbá lóri ayélujára ni lati jẹ́ ki ẹnikẹ́ni ti ó fẹ́ mọ̀ nipa èdè àti àṣà Yorùbá ri ìrànlọ́wọ́ lóri ayélujára.

A ò bẹ̀rẹ̀ si kọ àwọn àròkọ ni èdè Yorùbá lati ran àwọn ọmọ ilé-iwé lọ́wọ́ nipa ki kọ àpẹrẹ oriṣiriṣi àròkọ ni èdè Yorùbá àti itumọ̀ rẹ ni èdè Gẹ̀ẹ́si.  A o si tún ka a ni èdè Yorùbá fún ìrànlọ́wọ́ ẹni ti ó fẹ mọ bi ohun ti lè ka a, ṣùgbọ́n kò wà fún àdàkọ.

ENGLISH TRANSLATION

Why The Yoruba Blog is creating a category for Essay in Yoruba language on the internet is to make available on line such resources for those who may be interested.

We shall begin to publish various samples of essay in Yoruba language in order to assist students, interpreted the essay as well as an audio recording of the essay in Yoruba, however, it is not to be copied.

Originally posted 2018-06-15 19:19:46. Republished by Blog Post Promoter

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