causes and effects of social inequality essay

Inequality in Society: Conflict and Functionalism Theories Essay

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Introduction

Conflict and functionalism theories, challenge to social equality.

There is no question that inequality is prevalent in all sorts of human society. No matter the level of human development, inequality seems to be existent. It is even present in simple cultures where there is minimal variation in wealth.

Some individuals in such cultures may have privilege because of their prowess in certain skills such as hunting, medicine or access to ancestral power. In modern societies, inequality manifests in social and economic classes, power, income, access to health facilities, academic, gender and other forms. Social economical classes are the most common in most societies and have attracted attention from many sociologists. Many societies try to address the class issue but with little success.

Even socialist and communist governments that try to eliminate social economic classes fail to achieve equality. In Canada today, inequality is evident in various forms. Social economic classes, income variation, health, academic, ethnic, gender and other forms of inequality are obvious in the country. In the essay, I will join other sociologists in trying to address the persistent question “why inequality exist?”

Inequality, also referred to as social stratification, has been a core subject to sociologists for many years (Macionis and Linda 2010). Sociologists try to understand, explain and prescribe solutions to the issue of inequality. Despite of major sociologists such as Max Weber, Karl Marx and others trying to prescribe solution to inequality, the issue continues to persist. Marx was critical of capitalism and accused it of existence of social classes.

On the other hand, Weber agreed with Marx that economic interests led to social classes but viewed social stratification in terms of class, prestige and power. There are mainly two schools of thought to the issue of inequality: conflict and functional theories. To understand why inequality exists, it is helpful to review the divergent positions presented by the two theories and try to come up with a reconciling position.

Conflict and functionalism theories are the main theories trying to provide answers to why inequality exists in the society. The two theories take fundamentally different approaches to explain the issue. Functionalism theory views inequality as unavoidable and important to the society while conflict theory considers inequality to result from conflict and coercion in the social system (Andersen and Taylor 2006).

To functionalism sociologists, society is a system of parts with each part having useful contribution to the system. According to the theory, society can be compared to human body where various parts such as lungs, hands, heart, and eyes contribute to functionality of the body as a whole.

The way the social system maintains itself is of more interest to functionalist sociologists than specific interactions between the different parts of the system. To functionalists, inequality is unavoidable and leads to some good to the society. The theory assumes that any pattern in social system has its good purposes. Considering occupations, functionalists justify inequality in rewards by asserting that the rewards reflect the importance of the different occupations to the system.

For instance, functionalists would explain the high rewards and respect given to some occupations such as doctors, scientists and judges as compared to other occupations such farming and garbage collections, by saying that the former occupations are more important to the society as a whole. In addition, they would claim that such occupations require much talent, effort and education. Therefore, the high reward is meant to encourage individuals to take the pain to occupy such important positions.

Conflict theory provides the other extreme explanation to inequality in society. Unlike functionalism theory, conflict theory compares society to war. Conflict theory sociologists consider the society to be held together by conflict and coercion among members of the society.

According to Ridney (2001), conflict theory likens society to battlefield where members compete for control of limited resources and power. Unlike functionalists that stratify the society to functional parts that cooperate for the good of the society, conflict theory views society as consisting of competing parts (Rigney 2001).

The theorists, led by Karl Marx, consider social classes to result from blocked opportunities rather than talent and effort. While functionalists justify unequal rewards for different occupations as a way to utilize important talents and abilities, conflict theorists consider stratification in the society to limit utilization of talents from lower class. To conflict theorists, stratification in the society does not have positive contribution to the society.

Conflict and functionality theories on inequality shed light into causes of social stratification but do not completely explain the situation. The society can be viewed both as functional parts and as competing parts. Doctors, lawyers, scientists, carpenters, farmers, garbage collectors, cooks and other occupations are important to the society.

As functionalists argue, some occupations such as medicine require more effort and many years of preparation. It is therefore reasonable to reward doctors, judges and other such occupations highly to motivate individuals to occupy them. It is also natural to give respect and honor to individuals with unique and important skills. For instance, if a country has a single neurosurgeon, the surgeon would be valued and respected without asking for it.

However, it should be appreciated that other occupations that are considered less important, such as farming, are vital to sustainability of a society. Functionalism therefore makes sense when the society is considered as a system without deep consideration of individual members of the system. For instance, the theory cannot provide a convincing explanation to why some individual strive for wealth and power, since amassing wealth and power is not always good for the society.

Conflict theory provides a more practical explanation to inequality. Competition is a central thing in the society. Individuals compete for scarce resource, recognition, power and prestige (Macionis 2001). Considering scenario of a school, students compete for attention from their teacher, to be included in their school’s base-ball team, to top their class academically, to win scholarship for high education and many other things.

At individual lever, a student chooses an occupation mostly not by its contribution to the society but by reward and prestige that would come with it. In business, an individual is mostly motivated by the power and prestige that go along with wealth rather than importance of their service to the society. Conflict theory can explain competition in school, business, politics, and other occupation and social stratification that result. Bottom-line to stratified society, in fact, is the human propensity to gain dominion over others.

Attaining social equality is a major objective for human right bodies across the globe. However, that objective is not easy to achieve considering various manifestation of inequality in the world. In Canada, despite of various steps taken to ensure equality in various forms, inequality persists.

Social equality implies all people in a society having equal status. At minimum social equality implies equal rights to all individual in a society. The state however is not easy to achieve mostly because of historic inequality that already exist. For instance, although Canadian constitution guarantees equal rights to quality health and education, there is evident inequality in health and education.

Individuals in upper social economic classes have resources to access high standard of health services and afford quality education for themselves and for their children. Limited interaction between individuals from different social class makes it hard to achieve equality.

Individuals in upper social class tend to relate more with individuals in the same social class while individuals in other social classes do the same. Therefore, there is little chance for an individual to cross over from on social class to another (Horowitz 1997). In addition, individuals in privileged social class have resources, power and influence to maintain the status quo of inequality.

Division of labor has high contribution to inequality. Different occupations attract varying rewards and therefore contribute to inequality. Occupations such as medicine, engineering and law tend to attract high rewards as compared to other occupations as gardening. Even in occupations requiring relatively equal years of training, rewards seem to vary (Loseke 1999).

For example, despite of going through almost equal years of training, a teacher is likely to earn less as compared to an engineer. In addition, division of labor leads to some occupations being considered superior to others therefore promoting social stratification.

Individuals from different social economic classes may understand inequality differently. A wealthy individual can consider social inequality proportional to creativity and effort that an individual exerts in his endeavors. The rich may consider their fortune to result from their hard work and consider poverty to result from laziness and lack of initiative. On the other hand, a poor person can view social stratification to result from social injustice.

In conclusion, there is no obvious answer to why inequality exists in society. Inequality continues to exist even in countries with high level of human development as Canada. Functionalism and conflict theories can however help understand social stratification. To functionalists, social stratification is not necessarily evil but serves an important function in the society. On the other hand, conflict theory explains inequality to result from competition in society.

Without regard to how inequality comes about, it is obvious that high level of inequality is dehumanizing and can lead to social evils such as crime. It is therefore important to minimize inequality as much as possible. To promote social equality, an enabling environment that exposes all individuals to equal opportunities is necessary.

Andersen, Margaret and Howard Taylor. 2006. Sociology: the essentials . New York: Cengage Learning.

Horowitz, Ruth.1997. “Barriers and Bridges to Class Mobility and Formation: Ethnographies of Stratification”. Sociological Methods and Research 25 (1):495-538.

Loseke, Donileen. 1999. Thinking about Social Problems: An Introduction to Constructionist Perspectives . New York: Aldine de Gruyter.

Macionis, John and Linda Gerber. 2010. Sociology, 7 th Canadian edition. Toronto: Pearson Education Canada.

Macionis, John. 2001. Sociology , 8 th edition. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall.

Rigney, Daniel. 2001. The Metaphorical Society: An Invitation to Social Theory . Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield.

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IvyPanda . "Inequality in Society: Conflict and Functionalism Theories." December 27, 2018. https://ivypanda.com/essays/inequality-in-society/.

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Causes and Consequences of Income Inequality – An Overview

Rising income inequality is one of the greatest challenges facing advanced economies today. Income inequality is multifaceted and is not the inevitable outcome of irresistible structural forces such as globalisation or technological development. Instead, this review shows that inequality has largely been driven by a multitude of political choices. The embrace of neoliberalism since the 1980s has provided the key catalyst for political and policy changes in the realms of union regulation, executive pay, the welfare state and tax progressivity, which have been the key drivers of inequality. These preventable causes have led to demonstrable harmful outcomes that are not explicable solely by material deprivation. This review also shows that inequality has been linked on the economic front with reduced growth, investment and innovation, and on the social front with reduced health and social mobility, and greater violent crime.

1 Introduction

Income inequality has recently come to be viewed as one of the greatest challenges facing the world today. In recent years, the topic has dominated the agenda of the World Economic Forum (WEF), where the world’s top political and business leaders attend. Their global risks report, drawn from over 700 experts in attendance, pronounced inequality to be the greatest threat to the world economy in 2017 ( Elliott 2017 ). Likewise, the past decade has seen leading global figures such as former American President Barack Obama, Pope Francis, Chinese President Xi Jinping, and the former head of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), Christine Lagarde, all undertake speeches on the gravity of income inequality and the need to address its rise. This is because, as this research note shows, income inequality engenders harmful consequences that are not explicable solely by material deprivation.

The general dynamics of income inequality include a tendency to rise slowly and fluctuate over time. For instance, Japan had one of the highest rates in the world prior to the Second World War and the United States (US) one of the lowest, which has since completely reversed for both. The United Kingdom (UK) was also the second most equitable large European country in the 1970s but is now the most inequitable ( Dorling 2018 : 27–28).

High rates of inequality are rarely sustained for long periods because they tend to lead to or become punctuated by man-made disasters that lead to a levelling out. Scheidel (2017) posits that there in fact exists a violent ‘Four Horseman of Leveling’ (mass mobilisation warfare, transformation revolutions, state collapse, and lethal pandemics) for inequality, which have at times dramatically reduced inequalities because they can lead to the alteration of existing power structures or wipe out the wealth of elites and redistribute their resources. For instance, the pronounced shocks of the two world wars led to the ‘Great Compression’ of income throughout the West in the post-war years. There is already some evidence that the current global pandemic caused by the novel Coronavirus, has led to greater aversion to income inequality ( Asaria, Costa-Font, and Cowell 2021 ; Wiwad et al. 2021 ).

Thus, greater aversion to inequality has been able to reduce inequality in the past, this is because, as this review also shows, income inequality does not result exclusively from efficient market forces but arises out of a set of rules that is shaped by those with political power. Inequality’s rise is not inevitable, nor beyond the control of governments and policymakers, as they can affect distributional outcomes and inequality through public policy.

It is the purpose of this review to outline the causes and consequences of income inequality. The paper begins with an analysis of the key structural and institutional determinants of inequality, followed by an examination into the harmful outcomes of inequality. It then concludes with a discussion of what policymakers can do to arrest the rise of inequality.

2 Causes of Income Inequality

Broadly speaking, explanations for the increase in income inequality have largely been classified as either structural or institutional. Historically, economists emphasised structural causes of increasing income inequality, with globalisation and technological change at the forefront. However, in recent years opinion has shifted to emphasise more institutional political factors to do with the adoption of neoliberal reforms such as privatisation, deregulation and tax and welfare reductions since the early 1980s. They were first embraced and most heavily championed by the UK and US, spreading globally later, and which provide the crucial catalysts of rising income inequality ( Atkinson 2015 ; Brown 2017 ; Piketty 2020 ; Stiglitz 2013 ). I discuss each of these key factors in turn.

2.1 Globalisation

One of the earliest, and most prominent explanations for the rise of income inequality emphasised the role of globalisation ( Borjas, Freeman, and Katz 1992 ; Revenga 1992 ). Globalisation has led to the offshoring of many goods and services that used to be produced or completed domestically in the West, which has created downward pressures on the wages of lower skilled workers. According to the ‘market forces hypothesis,’ increasing inequality is a response to the rising demand for skills at the top, in which the spread of globalisation and technological progress have been facilitated through reduced barriers to trade and movement.

Proponents of globalisation as the leading cause of inequality have argued that globalisation has constrained domestic state choices and left governments collectively powerless to address inequality. Detractors admit that globalisation has indeed had deep structural effects on Western economies but its impact on the degree of agency available to domestic governments has been mediated by individual policy choices ( Thomas 2016 : 346). A key problem with attributing the cause of inequality to globalisation, is that the extent of the inequality increase has varied considerably across countries, even though they have all been exposed to the same effects of globalisation. The US also has the highest inequality amongst rich countries, but it is less reliant on international trade than most other developed countries ( Brown 2017 : 56). Moreover, a recent meta-analysis by Heimberger (2020) found that globalisation has a “small-to-moderate” inequality-increasing effect, with financial globalisation displaying the largest impact.

2.2 Technology

A related explanation for inequality draws attention to the impact of technology specifically. The advent of the digital age has placed a higher premium on the skills needed for non-routine work and reduced the value placed on lower skilled routine work, as it has enabled machines to replace jobs that could be routinised. This skill-biased technological change (SBTC) has led to major changes in the organisation of work, as many full-time permanent jobs with benefits have given way to part-time flexible work without benefits, that are often centred around the completion of short ‘gigs’ such as a car journey or food delivery. For instance, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) estimated in 2015 that since the 1990s, roughly 60% of all job creation has been in the form of non-standard work due to technological changes and that those employed in such jobs are more likely to be poor ( Brown 2017 : 60).

Relatedly, a prevailing doctrine in economics is ‘marginal productivity theory,’ which holds that people with greater productivity levels will earn higher incomes. This is due to the belief that a person’s productivity is equated to their societal contribution ( Stiglitz 2013 : 37). Since technology is a leading determinant in the productivity of different skills and SBTC has led to increased productivity, it has also become a justification for inequality. However, it is very difficult to separate any one person’s contribution to society from that of others, as even the most successful businessperson owes their success to the rule of law, good infrastructure, and a state educated workforce ( Stiglitz 2013 : 97–98).

Further criticisms of the SBTC explanation, are that there was still substantial SBTC when inequality first fell dramatically and then stabilised in the period from 1930 to 1980, and it has failed to explain the perpetuation of both the gender and racial wage gap, “or the dramatic rise in education-related wage gaps for younger versus older workers” ( Brown 2017 : 67). Although it is difficult to decouple globalisation and technology, as they each have compounding tendencies, it is most likely that globalisation and technology are important explanatory factors for inequality, but predominantly facilitate and underlie the following more determinant institutional factors that happen to be already present, such as reduced tax progressivity, rising executive pay, and union decline. It is to these factors that I now turn.

2.3 Tax Policy

Taxes overwhelmingly comprise the primary source of revenue that governments can use for redistribution, which is fundamental to alleviating income inequality. Redistribution is defended on economic grounds because the marginal utility of money declines as income rises, meaning that the benefit derived from extra income is much higher for the poor than the rich. However, since the late 1970s, a major rethinking surrounding redistributive policy occurred. This precipitated ‘trickle-down economics’ theory achieving prominence amongst American and British policymakers, whereby the benefits from tax cuts on the wealthy would trickle-down to everyone. Subsequently, expert opinion has determined that tax cuts do not actually spur economic growth ( CBPP 2017 ).

Personal income tax progressivity has declined sharply in the West, as the average top income tax rate for OECD members fell from 62% in 1981 to 35% in 2015 ( IMF 2017 : 11). However, the decline has been most pronounced in the UK and the US, which had top rates of around 90% in the 1960s and 1970s. Corporate tax rates have also plummeted by roughly one half across the OECD since 1980 ( Shaxson 2015 : 4). Recent International Monetary Fund (IMF) research found that between 1985 and 1995, redistribution through the tax system had offset 60% of the increase in market inequality but has since failed to respond to the continuing increase in inequality ( IMF 2017 ). Moreover, in a sample of 18 OECD countries encompassing 50 years, Hope and Limberg (2020) found that tax reforms even significantly increased pre-tax income inequality, while having no significant effect on economic growth.

This decline in tax progressivity has been a leading cause of rising income inequality, which has been compounded by the growing problem of tax avoidance. A complex global web of shell corporations has been constructed by international brokers in offshore tax havens that is able to keep wealth hidden from tax collectors. The total hidden amount in tax havens is estimated to be $7.6 trillion US dollars and rising, or roughly 8% of total global household wealth ( Zucman 2015 : 36). Recent research has revealed that tax havens are overwhelmingly used by the immensely rich ( Alstadsæter, Johannesen, and Zucman 2019 ), thus taxing this wealth would substantially reduce income inequality and increase revenue available for redistribution. The massive reduction in income tax progressivity in the Anglo world, after it had been amongst its leaders in the post-war years, also “probably explains much of the increase in the very highest earned incomes” since 1980 ( Piketty 2014 : 495–496).

2.4 Executive Pay

The enormous rising pay of executives since the 1980s, has also fuelled income inequality and more specifically the gap between executives and their employees. For example, the gap between Chief Executive Officers (CEO) and their workers at the 500 leading US companies in 2016, was 335 times, which is nearly 10 times larger than in 1980. It is a similar story in the UK, with a pay ratio of 131 for large British firms, which has also risen markedly since 1980 ( Dorling 2017 ).

Piketty (2014 : 335) posits that the dramatic reduction in top income tax has had an amplifying effect on top executives pay since it provides them with much greater incentive to seek larger remuneration, as far less is then taken in tax. It is difficult to objectively measure an individual’s contribution to a company and with the onset of trickle-down economics and accompanying business-friendly climate since the 1980s, top executives have found it relatively easy to convince boards of their monetary worth ( Gabaix and Landier 2008 ).

The rise in executive pay in both the UK and US, is far larger than the rest of the OECD. This may partially be explained by the English-speaking ‘superstar’ theory, whereby the global market demand for top CEOs is much higher for native English speakers due to English being the prime language of the global economy ( Deaton 2013 : 210). Saez and Veall (2005) provide support for the theory in a study of the top 1% of earners from the Canadian province of Quebec, which showed that English speakers were able to increase their income share over twice as much as their French-speaking counterparts from 1980 to 2000. This upsurge of income at the top of the labour market has been accompanied by stagnation or diminishing returns for the middle and lower parts of the labour market, which has been affected by the dramatic decline of union influence throughout the West.

2.5 Union Decline

Trade unions have typically been viewed as an important force for moderating income inequality. They “contribute to wage compression by restricting wage decline among low-wage earners” and restrain wage surges among high-wage earners ( Checchi and Visser 2009 : 249). The mere presence of unions can also drive up the wages of non-union employees in similar industries, as employers tend to give in to wage demands to keep unions out. Union density has also been proven to be strongly associated with higher redistribution both directly and indirectly, through its influence on left party governments ( Haddow 2013 : 403).

There had broadly existed a ‘social contract’ between labour and business, whereby collective bargaining establishes a wage structure in many industries. However, this contract was abandoned by corporate America in the mid-1970s when large-scale corporate donations influenced policymakers to oppose pro-union reform of labour law, leading to political defeats for unions ( Hacker and Pierson 2010 : 58–59). The crackdown of strikes culminating in the momentous Air Traffic Controllers’ strike (1981) in the US and coal miner’s strike (1984–85) in the UK, caused labour to become de-politicised, which was self-reinforcing, because as their political power dispersed, policymakers had fewer incentives to protect or strengthen union regulations ( Rosenfeld and Western 2011 ). Consequently, US union density has plummeted from around a third of the workforce in 1960, down to 11.9% last decade, with the steepest decline occurring in the 1980s ( Stiglitz 2013 : 81).

Although the decline in union density is not as steep cross-nationally, the pattern is still similar. Baccaro and Howell (2011 : 529) found that on average the unionisation rate decreased by 0.39% a year since 1974 for the 15 OECD members they surveyed. Increasingly, the decline in the fortunes of labour is being linked with the increase in inequality and the sharpest increases in income inequality have occurred in the two countries with the largest falls in union density – the UK and US. Recent studies have found that the weakening of organised unions accounts for between a third and a fifth of the total rise in income inequality in the US ( Rosenfeld and Western 2011 ), and nearly one half of the increase in both the Gini rate and the top 10%’s income share amongst OECD members ( Jaumotte and Buitron 2015 ).

To illustrate the changing relationship between inequality and unionisation, Figure 1 displays a local polynomial smoother scatter plot of union density by income inequality, for 23 OECD countries, 1980–2018. They are negatively correlated, as countries with higher union density have much lower levels of income inequality. Figure 2 further plots the time trends of both. Income inequality (as measured via the Gini coefficient) has climbed over 0.02 percentage points on average in these countries since 1980, which is roughly a one-tenth rise. Whereas union density has fallen on average from 44 to 35 percentage points, which is over one-fifth.

Gini coefficient by union density, OECD 1980–2018. Data on Gini coefficients from SWIID ( Solt 2020 ); data on union density from ICTWSS Database ( Visser 2019 ).

Gini coefficient by union density, 1980–2018. Data on Gini coefficients from SWIID ( Solt 2020 ); data on union density from ICTWSS Database ( Visser 2019 ).

In sum, income inequality is multifaceted and is not the inevitable outcome of irresistible structural forces such as globalisation or technological development. Instead, it has largely been driven by a multitude of political choices. Tridico (2018) finds that the increases in inequality from 1990 to 2013 in 26 OECD countries, was largely owing to increased financialisation, deepening labour flexibility, the weakening of trade unions and welfare state retrenchment. While Huber, Huo, and Stephens (2019) recently reveals that top income shares are unrelated to economic growth and knowledge-intensive production but is closely related to political and policy changes surrounding union density, government partisanship, top income tax rates, and educational investment. Lastly, Hager’s (2020) recent meta-analysis concludes that the “empirical record consistently shows that government policy plays a pivotal role” in shaping income inequality.

These preventable causes that have given rise to inequality have created socio-economic challenges, due to the demonstrably negative outcomes that inequality engenders. What follows is a detailed analysis of the significant mechanisms that income inequality induces, which lead to harmful outcomes.

3 Consequences of Income Inequality

Escalating income inequality has been linked with numerous negative outcomes. On the economic front, negative results transpire beyond the obvious poverty and material deprivation that is often associated with low incomes. Income inequality has also been shown to reduce growth, innovation, and investment. On the social front, Wilkinson and Pickett’s ground-breaking The Spirit Level ( 2009 ), found that societies that are more unequal have worse social outcomes on average than more egalitarian societies. They summarised an extensive body of research from the previous 30 years to create an Index of Health and Social Problems, which revealed a host of different health and social problems (measuring life expectancy, infant mortality, obesity, trust, imprisonment, homicide, drug abuse, mental health, social mobility, childhood education, and teenage pregnancy) as being positively correlated with the level of income inequality across rich nations and across states within the US. Figure 3 displays the cross-national findings via a sample of 21 OECD countries.

Index of health and social problems by Gini coefficient. Data on health and social problems index from The Equality Trust (2018) ; data on Gini coefficients from OECD (2020) .

3.1 Economic

Income inequality is predominantly an economic subject. Therefore, it is understandable that it can engender pervasive economic outcomes. Foremost economically speaking, it has been linked with reduced growth, investment and innovation. Leading international organisations such as the IMF, World Bank and OECD, pushed for neoliberal reforms beginning in the 1980s, although they have recently started to substantially temper their views due to their own research into inequality. A 2016 study by IMF economists, noted that neoliberal policies have delivered benefits through the expansion of global trade and transfers of technology, but the resulting increases in inequality “itself undercut growth, the very thing that the neo-liberal agenda is intent on boosting” ( Ostry, Loungani, and Furceri 2016 : 41). Cingano’s (2014) OECD cross-national study, found that once a country’s income inequality reaches a certain level it reduces growth. The growth rate in these countries would have been one-fifth higher had income inequality not increased, while the greater equality of the other countries included in the study helped to increase their growth rates.

Consumer spending is good for economic growth but rising income inequality shifts more money to the top of the income distribution, where higher income individuals have a much smaller propensity to consume than lower-income individuals. The wealthy save roughly 15–25% of their income, whereas low income individuals spend their entire income on consumer goods and services ( Stiglitz 2013 : 106). Therefore, greater inequality reduces demand in an economy and is a major contributor to the ‘secular stagnation’ (persistent insufficient demand relative to aggregate private savings) that the largest Western economies have been experiencing since the financial crisis. Inequality also increases the level of debt, as lower-income individuals borrow more to maintain their standard of living, especially in a climate of low interest rates. Combined with deregulation, greater debt increases instability and “was a major contributor to, if not the underlying cause of, the 2008 financial crash” ( Brown 2017 : 35–36).

Another key economic effect of income inequality is that it leads to reduced welfare spending and public investment. Since a greater share of the income distribution is earned by the very wealthy, governments have less income available to fund education, public amenities, and other services that the poor rely heavily on. This creates social separation, whereby the wealthy opt out in publicly funding services because their private equivalents are of better quality. This causes a cycle of increasing income inequality that is likely to eventually lead to a situation of “private affluence and public squalor” ( Marmot 2015 : 39).

Lastly, it has been proven that economic instability is a by-product of increasing inequality, which harms innovation. Both countries and American states with the highest inequality have been found to be the least innovative in terms of the amount of Intellectual Property (IP) patents they produce ( Dorling 2018 : 129–130). Although income inequality is predominantly an economic subject, its effects are so pervasive that it has also been linked to a host of negative health and societal outcomes.

Wilkinson and Pickett found key associations between income inequality for both physical and mental health. For example, they discovered that on average the life expectancy gap is more than four years between the least and most equitable richest nations (Japan and the US). Since their revelations, overall life expectancy has been reported to be declining in the US ( Case and Deaton 2020 ). It has held or declined every year since 2014, which has led to a cumulative drop of 1.13 years ( Andrasfay and Goldman 2021 ). Marmot (2015) has provided evidence that there exists a social gradient whereby differences in affluence translate into increasing health inequalities, which can be shown even down to the neighbourhood level, as more affluent areas have higher life expectancy on average than deprived areas, and a clear gradient appears where life expectancy increases in line with affluence.

Moreover, Marmot’s famous Whitehall studies, which are large-scale longitudinal studies of Whitehall employees of UK central government, found an inverse-relationship between salary grade and ill-health, whereby low-grade workers were four times as likely as high-grade workers to suffer from ill-health ( 2015 : 11). Health steadily improves with rank and the correlation is little affected by lifestyle controls such as tobacco and alcohol usage. However, the leading factor that seems to make the most difference in ill-health is job stress and a person’s sense of control over their work, including the variety of work and the use and development of skills ( Schrecker and Bambra 2015 : 54–55).

‘Psychosocial stresses,’ like those appearing in the Whitehall studies, have been found to be more common and frequent amongst low-income individuals, beyond just the workplace ( Jensen and van Kersbergen 2017 : 24). Wilkinson and Pickett (2019) posit that greater income inequality engenders low self-esteem, chronic stress and depression, stemming from status anxiety. This occurs because more importance is placed on where people fit in a hierarchy with greater inequality. For evidence, they outline a clear relationship of a much higher percentage of the population suffering from mental illness in more unequal countries. Meticulous research has shown that huge inequalities in income result in the poor having feelings of shame across a range of environments. Furthermore, Dickerson and Kemeny’s (2004) meta-analysis of 208 studies found that stress-hormone (cortisol) levels were raised particularly “when people felt that others were making negative judgements about them” ( Rowlingson 2011 : 24).

These effects on both mental and physical health can be best illustrated via the ‘absolute income’ and ‘relative income’ hypotheses ( Daly, Boyce, and Wood 2015 ). The relative income hypothesis posits that when an individual’s income is held constant, the relative income of others can affect a person’s health depending on how they view themselves in comparison to those above them ( Wilkinson 1996 ). This pattern also holds when income inequality increases at the societal level, because if such changes lead to increases in chronic stress, it can increase ill-health nationally. Whereas the absolute income hypothesis predicts that health gains from an extra unit of income diminish as an individual’s income rises ( Kawachi, Adler, and Dow 2010 ). A mean preserving transfer from a richer to poorer individual raises the health of the poorer individual more than it lowers the health of the richer person. This occurs because there is an optimum threshold of income required to maintain good health. Thus, when holding total income constant, a more equal distribution of income should improve overall population health. This pattern also applies at the country-wide level, as the “effect of income on health appears substantial as countries move from about $15,000 to 25,000 US dollars per capita,” but appears non-existent beyond that point ( Leigh, Jencks, and Smeeding 2009 : 386–387).

Income inequality also impacts happiness and wellbeing, as the happiest nations are routinely the ones with low inequality, such as Denmark and Norway. Happiness has been proven to be affected by the law of diminishing returns in economics. It states that higher income incrementally improves happiness but only up to a certain point, as any individual income earned beyond roughly $70,000 US dollars, does not bring about greater happiness ( Deaton 2013 : 53). The negative physical and mental health outcomes that income inequality provoke, also impact key societal areas such as crime, social mobility and education.

Rates of violent crime are lower in more equal countries ( Hsieh and Pugh 1993 ; Whitworth 2012 ). This is largely because more equal countries have less poverty, which leads to less people being desperate about their situation, as lower-income individuals have been shown to commit more crime. Relatedly, according to strain theory, more unequal societies place higher social value in achieving economic success, while providing lower means to achieve it ( Merton 1938 ). This generates strain, which may lead more individuals to pursue crime as a means of attaining financial success. At the opposite end of the income spectrum, the wealthy in more equal countries are also less likely to exploit others and commit fraud or exhibit other anti-social behaviour, partly because they feel less of a need to cut corners to get ahead, or to make money ( Dorling 2017 : 152–153). Homicides also tend to rise with inequality. Daly (2016) reveals that inequality predicts homicide rates better than any other variable and accounts for around half of the variance in murder rates between countries and American states. Roughly 90% of American homicides are committed by men, and since the majority of homicides occur over status, inequality raises the stakes of disputes over status amongst men.

Studies have also shown that there is a marked negative relationship between income inequality and social mobility. Utilising Intergenerational Earnings Elasticity data from Blanden, Gregg, and Machin (2005) , Wilkinson and Pickett (2009) first outline this relationship cross-nationally for eight OECD countries. Corak (2013) famously expanded on this with his ‘Great Gatsby Curve’ for 22 countries using the same measure. I update and expand on these studies in Figure 4 to include all 36 OECD members, utilising the WEF’s inaugural 2020 Social Mobility Index. It clearly shows that social mobility is much lower on average in more unequal countries across the entire OECD.

Index of social mobility by Gini coefficient. Data on social mobility index from World Economic Forum (2020) ; data on Gini coefficients from SWIID ( Solt 2020 ).

A primary driver for the negative relationship between inequality and social mobility, derives from the availability of resources during early childhood. Life chances have been shown to be determined in early childhood to a disproportionately large extent ( Jensen and van Kersbergen 2017 : 29). Children in more equitable regions such as Scandinavia, have better access to resources, as they go to similar schools, receive similar educational opportunities, and have access to a wider range of career options. Whereas in the UK and US, a greater number of jobs at the top are closed off to those at the bottom and affluent parents are far more likely to send their children to private schools and fund other ‘child enrichment’ goods and services ( Dorling 2017 : 26). Therefore, as income inequality rises, there is a greater disparity in the resources that rich and poor parents can invest in their children’s education, which has been shown to substantially affect “cognitive development and school achievement” ( Brown 2017 : 33–34).

4 Conclusions

The causes and consequences of income inequality are multifaceted. Income inequality is not the inevitable outcome of irresistible structural forces such as globalisation or technological development. Instead, it has largely been driven by a multitude of institutional political choices. These preventable causes that have given rise to inequality have created socio-economic challenges, due to the demonstrably negative outcomes that inequality engenders.

The neoliberal political consensus poses challenges for policymakers to arrest the rise of income inequality. However, there are many proven solutions that policymakers can enact if the appropriate will can be summoned. Restoring higher levels of labour protections would aid in reversing the declining trend of labour wage share. Similarly, government promotion and support for new corporate governance models that give trade unions and workers a seat at the table in ownership decisions through board memberships, would somewhat redress the increasing power imbalance between capital and labour that is generating more inequality. Greater regulation aimed at limiting the now dominant shareholder principle of maximising value through share buy-backs and instead offering greater incentives to pursue maximisation of stakeholder value, long-term financial stability and investment, can reduce inequality. Most importantly, tax policy can be harnessed to redress income inequality. Such policies include restoring higher marginal income and corporate tax rates, setting higher corporate tax rates for firms with higher ratios of CEO-to-worker pay, and establishing luxury taxes on spiralling compensation packages. Finally, a move away from austerity, which has gripped the West since the financial crisis, and a move towards much greater government investment and welfare state spending, would also lift growth and low-wages.

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Annual Review of Sociology

Volume 33, 2007, review article, inequality: causes and consequences.

• Kathryn M. Neckerman 1 , and Florencia Torche 2
• View Affiliations Hide Affiliations Affiliations: 1 Institute for Social and Economic Research and Policy, Columbia University, New York, New York 10025; email: [email protected] 2 Department of Sociology, New York University, New York, New York 10012; email: [email protected]
• Vol. 33:335-357 (Volume publication date August 2007) https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev.soc.33.040406.131755
• © Annual Reviews

The increase in economic disparities over the past 30 years has prompted extensive research on the causes and consequences of inequality both in the United States and, more recently, globally. This review provides an update of research on the patterns and causes of economic inequality in the United States, including inequality of earnings, wealth, and opportunity. We also explore the social and political consequences of inequality, particularly in the areas of health, education, crime, social capital, and political power. Finally, we spotlight an emerging literature on world inequality, which examines inequality trends within as well as across nations. Sociologists can advance research on inequality by bringing discipline-based expertise to bear on the organization and political economy of firms and labor markets, the pathways through which inequality has an effect, and the social, political, and cultural contingencies that might modify this effect.

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Causes and measures of poverty, inequality, and social exclusion: a review.

Graphical Abstract

1. Introduction

2. literature review: poverty, inequality, and social exclusion.

‘It is the poor person, the “ aporos ”, who is an irritation, even to his own family. The poor relative is considered a source of shame it is best not to bring to light, while it is a pleasure to boast of a triumphant relation well situated in the academy, politics, art, or business. It is a phobia toward the poor that leads us to reject individuals, races, and ethnic groups that in general lack resources and that therefore cannot—or appear unable to—offer anything’. ( Cortina 2022 )

2.1. Poverty

2.1.1. monetary poverty, 2.1.2. multidimensional poverty, 2.2. inequality, 2.2.1. types of inequality.

‘The nation-state is still the right level at which to modernize any number of social and fiscal policies and to develop new forms of governance and shared ownership intermediate between public and private ownership, which is one of the major challenges for the century ahead. But only regional political integration can lead to effective regulation of the globalized patrimonial capitalism of the twenty-first century’. ( Piketty 2014 )

2.2.2. Measuring Inequality

2.3. is the middle class disappearing, 2.4. social exclusion: what is going on with aporophobia, 2.5. the sdgs overview, 3. discussion and future directions, 4. policy implications and conclusions.

• In order to diminish social exclusion and aporophobia, further utilization of poverty and inequality indices for the most needed target groups is necessary.
• Discrepancies between indicators provided by institutions (i.e., the World Bank and the UN) ought to be adjusted in order to have a unique poverty indicator.
• More focus on how to cover Maslow’s hierarchy of needs should be given from governments and international institutions, as it provides a framework for basic needs necessary for a decent life and is in tandem with the proposed indices of World Bank and the UN.
• The diversification of the SDGs not only in their targets, but also in their sub-targets, ought to be conducted.
• There is not a common rule on the acceptance and implementation of a specific poverty or inequality index: the application of two or more indices and their comparison might lead to better interpretation of the extent and depth of poverty or inequalities.
• It is also suggested that inequality measures should be further compared with polarization, as the former measures focus on the tails of a population distribution and the latter polarization index delves into the disappearance of the middle class.

Author Contributions

Informed consent statement, data availability statement, conflicts of interest.

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Share and Cite

Halkos, G.E.; Aslanidis, P.-S.C. Causes and Measures of Poverty, Inequality, and Social Exclusion: A Review. Economies 2023 , 11 , 110. https://doi.org/10.3390/economies11040110

Halkos GE, Aslanidis P-SC. Causes and Measures of Poverty, Inequality, and Social Exclusion: A Review. Economies . 2023; 11(4):110. https://doi.org/10.3390/economies11040110

Halkos, George E., and Panagiotis-Stavros C. Aslanidis. 2023. "Causes and Measures of Poverty, Inequality, and Social Exclusion: A Review" Economies 11, no. 4: 110. https://doi.org/10.3390/economies11040110

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Income Inequality 101: Causes, Facts, Examples, Ways to Take Action

Billionaires are increasing their fortunes by $2.7 billion every day . Meanwhile, at least 1.7 billion workers live in areas where inflation is higher than wages. Income inequality is a global problem. It has several consequences, including financial crises, fragile economies, high inflation, poorer health outcomes, and violence. In this article, we’ll explore what causes income inequality, what it looks like, the most important facts everyone should know, and how to address it.

Income inequality is a global issue with several causes, including historical racism, unequal land distribution, high inflation, and stagnant wages. As gaps increase thanks to crises like COVID-19, the world needs to take action in education, labor market policies, tax reforms, and higher wages.

What is income inequality?

When some people in society earn significantly more than others, it creates inequality. Inequality is more than just about the paychecks we take home, however. There’s also wealth inequality, which refers to uneven distributions of wealth. This includes the value of assets and possessions like stocks, property, boats, and so on. Someone may earn a lower income than a neighbor, but because they own stocks and land, they’re wealthier.

Income inequality is measured with factors like gender, ethnicity, location, historical income, and occupation. When identifying a country’s income inequality, there are measurements like the Gini index , which is also called the Gini coefficient. A score of 0 on the index means there’s no deviation; everyone is perfectly equal. A score of 100 means total inequality; a single person has all the country’s wealth. The index isn’t perfect . As Amanda Shendruck points out, Greece, Israel, Thailand, and the UK got the same score in 2015. However, poverty in these countries looks very different. The World Inequality Database avoids the index altogether. On its own, the Gini index may not be especially useful, but it can provide a quick snapshot that encourages more investigation.

The causes of income inequality: two case studies

There are global and country-specific factors that drive income inequality. To get a clearer idea of the causes, let’s look at two countries as examples: South Africa and the United States.

South Africa: The long shadow of apartheid and land ownership

Based on the Gini index, South Africa has the world’s highest income inequality at 63.0 . Apartheid is a big reason why. For almost 50 years, this formalized racial segregation restricted the activities and movements of Black South Africans, who made up most of the population. Black Africans couldn’t marry white people, travel without passbooks, or start businesses in white areas. Society was structured to uplift white people while trampling Black South Africans. When apartheid ended in the 1990s, inequality remained baked into the country’s foundation. South Africa has struggled to make progress on ending inequality. According to a 2022 World Bank report , the top 10% of South Africa’s population holds 71% of all income. Living in or near cities increases job opportunities, but South Africa’s growth has stalled and failed to create enough jobs. High unemployment is a significant driver of inequality, especially for young people.

Gender, race, and land ownership are three other main causes. In South Africa, women earn 38% less than men even when they have similar education levels. When race gets added to inequality analyses, it contributes 41% to income inequality. The World Bank report also studied land ownership, which is vital for addressing inequality among poor people in rural areas. Because of apartheid, there’s a long history of unequal land distribution which hasn’t been remedied yet. COVID-19 made all these factors worse.

The United States: The legacy of slavery and stagnant wages

The United States isn’t among the top most unequal countries in the world, but it has a much higher Gini coefficient when compared to similar economies. According to Statista , the top 10% of earners in the United States (in the third quarter of 2022) held 68% of the country’s total wealth. The lowest 50% held just 3.3.%. Like South Africa, the United States’ history of racial segregation plays a big role. Slavery made it impossible for Black people to build wealth, but even after emancipation, Jim Crow laws severely restricted economic opportunities. The effects resonate to this day. A 2018 analysis of incomes and wealth found that over the past 70 years, there’s been no progress in reducing income and wealth inequalities between Black and white households.

Inequality is also driven by the fact that wages haven’t kept pace with inflation. In June 2022, consumer prices hit 9.1% higher than the year before. This made it the largest annual increase since 1981. Wages have been going up, but they’ve been consistently at 4.5%. The federal minimum wage hasn’t increased since 2009: it’s just $7.25. A study found that in 91% of U.S. counties, a full-time minimum wage worker doesn’t make enough to afford a one-bedroom apartment rental.

What are the five main facts everyone should know about income equality?

There’s a lot to sift through when it comes to income and wealth inequality, but here are five of the most important facts to know:

#1. Inequalities within countries are getting worse

While global inequalities between countries are lowering, the gaps within countries are increasing. According to the World Inequality Database’s 2022 report , the gap between the average incomes of the bottom 50% and the top 10% of individuals has nearly doubled in the past two decades. The World Inequality Database frames it this way: “global inequalities seem to be about as great today as they were at the peak of Western imperialism in the early 20th century.”

#2. COVID-19 is erasing progress

According to groups like the IMF , COVID-19 is worsening inequalities within countries (the poor were hit harder than the rich), but also between countries. Wealthier countries had more resources to deal with the pandemic and could recover faster. According to the World Bank , progress was set back by about a decade.

#3. Inequality hits already-disenfranchised people the hardest

Income inequality is an intersectional issue. It affects disenfranchised groups like women, young people, informal industry workers, the elderly, and disabled people the most. As income inequality worsened in the UK , the disposable income for the poorest ⅕ of the population dropped by 3.8%. The average income for retired households also went down from £26,300 to £25,900.

#4. Over the last decade, the world’s richest 1% have gotten 54% of new wealth – and they’re getting richer

According to an Oxfam report , the world’s richest 1% captured $42 trillion of the new wealth created between December 2019-December 2021. $16 trillion got distributed to the bottom 99%. While the pandemic hit the poor the hardest, the world’s richest actually gained wealth. There was a slight dip in 2022, but in 2023, their wealth is increasing yet again.

#5. Income inequality is linked to climate change

Every year, humans emit around 6.6 tonnes of carbon dioxide equivalent per capita. However, the top 10% of emitters are releasing around 50% of all emissions. The bottom 50% are producing just 12%. Why does this matter to income inequality? The world’s biggest emitters are rich. While many of the world’s poorest countries emit significantly less CO2 , they’re enduring the worst climate change effects. Even within rich countries, the poorest half of the population have already met (or are close to meeting) the 2030 climate targets set by their nations. It’s the rich who need to change.

How to take action on income inequality

Income inequality is a deeply-entrenched, global problem that will take lots of work. Here are three ways countries can take action:

#1. Pay a living wage

Many countries are raising wages, but they’re not raising them enough to close income gaps. That’s why minimum wages need to be higher. In an article on the World Economic Forum about fair wages , the global director of human rights at Unilver emphasized the need for living wages. These are calculated based on what it takes to afford a decent standard of living. Currently, minimum wages in many countries don’t reflect reality. The United States is an example as its minimum wage won’t cover rent on a one-bedroom apartment.

#2. Invest in good public education

Study after study shows the positive impact of good public education. According to a report from Oxfam , a good education can reduce poverty, increase opportunities, and encourage a more democratic society. Education also improves gender equality, which is key to closing income inequality gaps. To successfully address income inequality, education must be universal, free, and public. If it isn’t, education can make inequalities worse as it divides students by traits like race, gender, and wealth.

#3. Make tax systems more redistributive

According to the IMF , addressing inequality more redistributive tax systems. What is a redistributive tax system ? It’s a system where high-income people pay higher taxes (positive taxes) and lower-income people receive more subsidies. In places like the United States, where legislation has designed tax codes to benefit corporations and the wealthiest individuals , wider inequality has followed. The rich are also allowed to get away with more. In 2014-2016, the IRS – which is famously underfunded – didn’t pursue over 300,000 high-income individuals who failed to file tax returns. If countries want to tackle inequality, their tax systems should be designed to help rather than make things worse. That includes spending more on social sectors like education, health, and social protection.

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About the author, emmaline soken-huberty.

Emmaline Soken-Huberty is a freelance writer based in Portland, Oregon. She started to become interested in human rights while attending college, eventually getting a concentration in human rights and humanitarianism. LGBTQ+ rights, women’s rights, and climate change are of special concern to her. In her spare time, she can be found reading or enjoying Oregon’s natural beauty with her husband and dog.

Inequality in Modern Societies: Causes, Consequences and Challenges

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The theme of inequality has an unequalled prominence in social science. The discovery of the difference between social inequality and natural inequality underpinned the very emergence of the social and cultural sciences in the 18 th century, and the on-going intellectual effort to understand inequality remains at the heart of many of its projects. Indeed, the possibility of drawing a fixed line between naturally ineradicable differences and socially adjustable ones is growing increasingly suspect, in a world in which developments of medical science and bio-technology challenge what was previously considered as a matter of life’s lottery.

We would like to thank Scott McNall, Alexander Ruser, Walter Rothenberger and Dustin Voss for their valuable input to this introduction.

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Machin, A., Stehr, N. (2016). Inequality in Modern Societies: Causes, Consequences and Challenges. In: Machin, A., Stehr, N. (eds) Understanding Inequality: Social Costs and Benefits. zu | schriften der Zeppelin Universität. zwischen Wirtschaft, Kultur und Politik. Springer VS, Wiesbaden. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-11663-7_1

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Recognizing and Overcoming Inequity in Education

About the author, sylvia schmelkes.

Sylvia Schmelkes is Provost of the Universidad Iberoamericana in Mexico City.

22 January 2020 Introduction

I nequity is perhaps the most serious problem in education worldwide. It has multiple causes, and its consequences include differences in access to schooling, retention and, more importantly, learning. Globally, these differences correlate with the level of development of various countries and regions. In individual States, access to school is tied to, among other things, students' overall well-being, their social origins and cultural backgrounds, the language their families speak, whether or not they work outside of the home and, in some countries, their sex. Although the world has made progress in both absolute and relative numbers of enrolled students, the differences between the richest and the poorest, as well as those living in rural and urban areas, have not diminished. 1

These correlations do not occur naturally. They are the result of the lack of policies that consider equity in education as a principal vehicle for achieving more just societies. The pandemic has exacerbated these differences mainly due to the fact that technology, which is the means of access to distance schooling, presents one more layer of inequality, among many others.

The dimension of educational inequity

Around the world, 258 million, or 17 per cent of the world’s children, adolescents and youth, are out of school. The proportion is much larger in developing countries: 31 per cent in sub-Saharan Africa and 21 per cent in Central Asia, vs. 3 per cent in Europe and North America. 2  Learning, which is the purpose of schooling, fares even worse. For example, it would take 15-year-old Brazilian students 75 years, at their current rate of improvement, to reach wealthier countries’ average scores in math, and more than 260 years in reading. 3 Within countries, learning results, as measured through standardized tests, are almost always much lower for those living in poverty. In Mexico, for example, 80 per cent of indigenous children at the end of primary school don’t achieve basic levels in reading and math, scoring far below the average for primary school students. 4

The causes of educational inequity

There are many explanations for educational inequity. In my view, the most important ones are the following:

• Equity and equality are not the same thing. Equality means providing the same resources to everyone. Equity signifies giving more to those most in need. Countries with greater inequity in education results are also those in which governments distribute resources according to the political pressure they experience in providing education. Such pressures come from families in which the parents attended school, that reside in urban areas, belong to cultural majorities and who have a clear appreciation of the benefits of education. Much less pressure comes from rural areas and indigenous populations, or from impoverished urban areas. In these countries, fewer resources, including infrastructure, equipment, teachers, supervision and funding, are allocated to the disadvantaged, the poor and cultural minorities.
• Teachers are key agents for learning. Their training is crucial.  When insufficient priority is given to either initial or in-service teacher training, or to both, one can expect learning deficits. Teachers in poorer areas tend to have less training and to receive less in-service support.
• Most countries are very diverse. When a curriculum is overloaded and is the same for everyone, some students, generally those from rural areas, cultural minorities or living in poverty find little meaning in what is taught. When the language of instruction is different from their native tongue, students learn much less and drop out of school earlier.
• Disadvantaged students frequently encounter unfriendly or overtly offensive attitudes from both teachers and classmates. Such attitudes are derived from prejudices, stereotypes, outright racism and sexism. Students in hostile environments are affected in their disposition to learn, and many drop out early.

It doesn’t have to be like this

When left to inertial decision-making, education systems seem to be doomed to reproduce social and economic inequity. The commitment of both governments and societies to equity in education is both necessary and possible. There are several examples of more equitable educational systems in the world, and there are many subnational examples of successful policies fostering equity in education.

Why is equity in education important?

Education is a basic human right. More than that, it is an enabling right in the sense that, when respected, allows for the fulfillment of other human rights. Education has proven to affect general well-being, productivity, social capital, responsible citizenship and sustainable behaviour. Its equitable distribution allows for the creation of permeable societies and equity. The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development includes Sustainable Development Goal 4, which aims to ensure “inclusive and equitable quality education and promote lifelong learning opportunities for all”. One hundred eighty-four countries are committed to achieving this goal over the next decade. 5  The process of walking this road together has begun and requires impetus to continue, especially now that we must face the devastating consequences of a long-lasting pandemic. Further progress is crucial for humanity.

Notes  1 United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization , Inclusive Education. All Means All , Global Education Monitoring Report 2020 (Paris, 2020), p.8. Available at https://en.unesco.org/gem-report/report/2020/inclusion . 2 Ibid., p. 4, 7. 3 World Bank Group, World Development Report 2018: Learning to Realize Education's Promise (Washington, DC, 2018), p. 3. Available at https://www.worldbank.org/en/publication/wdr2018 .  4 Instituto Nacional para la Evaluación de la Educación, "La educación obligatoria en México", Informe 2018 (Ciudad de México, 2018), p. 72. Available online at https://www.inee.edu.mx/wp-content/uploads/2018/12/P1I243.pdf . 5 United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization , “Incheon Declaration and Framework for Action for the implementation of Sustainable Development Goal 4” (2015), p. 23. Available at  https://iite.unesco.org/publications/education-2030-incheon-declaration-framework-action-towards-inclusive-equitable-quality-education-lifelong-learning/   The UN Chronicle  is not an official record. It is privileged to host senior United Nations officials as well as distinguished contributors from outside the United Nations system whose views are not necessarily those of the United Nations. Similarly, the boundaries and names shown, and the designations used, in maps or articles do not necessarily imply endorsement or acceptance by the United Nations.   

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Thankfully, the Government of Timor-Leste, United Nations agencies and civil society organizations all acknowledge the scope of child labour and its deep-rooted causes. This means that there is a great opportunity for different institutions in Timor-Leste to work together towards change.

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A Chronicle Conversation with Pradeep Kurukulasuriya (Part 1)

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Why are rich, developed countries still affected by a range of health and social problems?

Health inequalities are significant and persistent; the health and happiness of populations in rich, developed nations are no longer linked to economic growth. But how do the social and economic structures of society shape wellbeing? Kate Pickett, Professor of Epidemiology in the Department of Health Sciences, and Richard Wilkinson, a Visiting Professor at the University of York, investigated this question.

The research

Professor Pickett and Professor Wilkinson's research, synthesised in  The Spirit Level  (Penguin, 2009) and  The Inner Level  (Penguin, 2018), shows that income inequality - the gap between rich and poor - strongly influences people's health and wellbeing as well as human capital formation and social cohesion.

Their research found that inequality causes a wide range of health and social problems, from reduced life expectancy and higher infant mortality to poor educational attainment, lower social mobility and increased levels of violence and mental illness.

Differences between more and less equal societies are large, and everyone is affected by them. Inequality affects our intimate, personal lives; it psychologically divides us from the status, support and solidarity that keep us well.

Professor Pickett and Professor Wilkinson argue that inequality is a major roadblock to creating sustainable economies that serve to optimise the health and wellbeing of both people and the planet. Because consumerism is about self-enhancement and status competition, it is intensified by inequality. Inequality leads to a societal breakdown in trust, solidarity and social cohesion, it reduces people’s willingness to act for the common good.

The outcome

Professor Pickett and Professsor Wilkinson's work has shifted public debate across the world – at local, national and international level – and shaped political thinking, legislation and policy making. Examples include:

• many local Fairness Commissions
• the UK 2010 Equality Act
• the UN-sponsored New Development Paradigm
• the scientific review of the 17 United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

The researchers co-founded The Equality Trust , an educational and campaigning charity, to raise awareness of the impact of inequality and generate activism to promote greater equality in the UK and worldwide.

Additional information

• The Spirit Level
• The Inner Level

Featured researcher

Kate Pickett

Professor Pickett  is a Fellow of the RSA and the UK Faculty of Public Health. Her research focuses on the social determinants of health and health inequalities, with a particular interest in child development. She is a global Ambassador for the  Wellbeing Economy Alliance.

View profile

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13 Conclusions: Inequality, Impacts, and Policies

• Published: January 2014
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Keeping economic inequality in check is an uphill battle, though countries differ. General drivers seem mediated, moderated, accelerated or perhaps even replaced by demographic, institutions or policy-making changes. Growing inequality is not found robustly linked to worsening social outcomes (health, deprivation, housing, social cohesion, etc.), though better longitudinal data may change this; Social stratification is manifest. Political impacts (e.g. legitimacy) seem stronger, underpinning deep concerns about political influence of the rich, feeding into policies increasing inequality. People on low incomes face effects on health, living conditions, social ties, child development. Redistributing income is imperative so as to alleviate poverty and promote equality of opportunities. Prevention policies cannot replace direct redistribution. The best performing countries have a large welfare state that invests in people, stimulating them to be active and adequately protecting them when everything else fails. This continues to offer the best prospect for rich countries pursuing growth with equality.

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Home / Essay Samples / Sociology / Identity / Social Inequality

Social Inequality Essay Examples

The dynamics of social class: exploring inequality and mobility.

Social class is a fundamental concept that underpins the structure of societies and shapes individuals' life experiences. It refers to the hierarchical divisions of society based on factors such as economic resources, occupation, education, and cultural capital. This essay delves into the complexities of social...

Discussion of Whether Racial Discrimination is Wrong Or Right

What is racial discrimination? And why do people continue to be racist after many things happen, and after many talks about how much the racism is a disgusting thing? When we look at the meaning of racism word in the dictionary, we see and discover...

Canadian Minorities, the Forgotten People: Racial Discrimination in Canada

Canada has always been under exceptionalism in the aspect of discrimination of people of a visible minority. Racism in the country has long been believed to only be persistent in the neighboring southern nation, USA. Multiculturalism in Canada has faced various threats from the legal...

Causes and Solutions to Racial Discrimination in America

Civil rights refer to rights upheld to protect individuals of a particular region from violation of human rights by private individuals, government, and social organization. However, in the United States there are department that act as civil rights justice, although many of the black Americans...

Advantages of Universal Basic Income for the Future Society

Many people have suffered from financial and economic problems throughout the globe. The idea of a universal basic income (UBI) has sparked this trend. The UBI is an actual cash payment for all people (2016), the economist states. Indeed, the idea behind the UBI is...

The Relation of Socioeconomic Status to Health Inequities and Inequalities

People from different backgrounds and social communities living in different countries enjoy health at different levels. In Australia, the level of health enjoyed by its citizens is generally good, however, good health is sometimes not shared equally. There are noticeable differences in the health status...

Socially Disadvantaged Castes and Poverty in India

This paper is composed considering the constraints and in addition positive experiences from prior scholarly endeavours on the issue of inter-social group inequalities and human poverty and destitution and prohibition of socially burdened and disadvantaged groups in Indian culture. The investigation endeavours to embrace a...

Social Inequality in America as a Result of Social Stratification

I believe that over the years or looking at the history of where the social inequality really generates from is very important. As we look back, we might be able to see the real reason members of U. S. society see social inequality as a...

Racial Discrimination and Its Traumatic Impact

It was dreamlike to see the people of colour walking down Oxford Road all accompanied by unarmed British cops. The instinctive frightfulness of George Floyd's public execution under the knee of a Minneapolis cop has sliced through the worldwide cognizance in a manner unheard of...

How Racial Discrimination in the United States Violates Human Rights

Racial discrimination is one of several words used to express the suppression of a race or various races, but more specifically, it refers to the ill-treatment a person or group receives as a result of differences in their culture, color, nationality, ethnic origin or immigrant...

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