essay on struggle for freedom

Essay on Freedom Struggle

India’s freedom struggle is a tale of courage, sacrifice, and determination that spanned decades and eventually led to the country’s independence from British rule. In this essay, I will argue why the freedom struggle in India is a significant and inspiring chapter in history, supported by evidence, examples, and expert opinions.

Colonial Rule in India

To understand the freedom struggle, it’s essential to recognize the context. India was under British colonial rule for nearly 200 years, starting in the mid-18th century. The British Empire controlled India, exploiting its resources and people for their own gain.

Early Movements and Leaders

The freedom struggle began with the voices of early leaders like Raja Ram Mohan Roy, who advocated for social reforms, and Dadabhai Naoroji, who stressed economic self-sufficiency for India. These leaders laid the foundation for the larger movement.

Non-Cooperation Movement

Mahatma Gandhi, often called the Father of the Nation, played a pivotal role in the freedom struggle. His non-cooperation movement urged Indians to boycott British goods and institutions, sparking a sense of unity and defiance among the people.

Civil Disobedience and Salt March

Gandhi’s civil disobedience campaign involved acts of peaceful protest, such as the famous Salt March. This movement showcased the power of nonviolence and stirred the world’s attention to India’s plight.

World War II and Quit India Movement

During World War II, India’s support was sought by the British, but the Indian National Congress, under Gandhi’s leadership, demanded immediate independence in exchange for cooperation. The Quit India Movement of 1942 intensified the call for freedom.

Impact of World War II

The global context also played a role in India’s freedom struggle. The weakening of the British Empire after World War II made it increasingly challenging to maintain control over India.

Partition and Independence

As the struggle for freedom continued, a difficult decision was made to partition India into two independent nations, India and Pakistan, in 1947. India finally gained its long-awaited independence on August 15, 1947.

Legacy of the Freedom Struggle

The legacy of India’s freedom struggle is profound. It not only secured India’s independence but also inspired other nations in their quests for freedom. Leaders like Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru became symbols of peaceful resistance and nation-building.

Expert Opinions

Historians worldwide acknowledge the significance of India’s freedom struggle. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., a renowned civil rights leader in the United States, drew inspiration from Gandhi’s nonviolent methods in his own fight for equality and justice.

Conclusion of Essay on Freedom Struggle

In conclusion, India’s freedom struggle was a monumental journey that culminated in the end of colonial rule and the birth of an independent nation. The courage and determination of leaders like Mahatma Gandhi, the sacrifices made by countless Indians, and the eventual triumph of nonviolent resistance make this struggle an inspiring chapter in history. India’s path to freedom serves as a reminder that, even in the face of seemingly insurmountable challenges, the pursuit of justice, liberty, and self-determination can lead to remarkable achievements. The legacy of the freedom struggle continues to shape India’s identity and inspire movements for justice and equality worldwide. It is a testament to the power of unity, perseverance, and the unwavering belief in the principles of freedom and justice.

Also Check: Simple Guide on How To Write An Essay

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India’s Struggle for Independence: Indian Freedom Movement

Last updated on July 23, 2024 by ClearIAS Team

In the  6-part framework to study modern Indian History , we have so far covered:

• India in 1750 .
• British Expansion .
• The changes introduced by the British .
• Popular Uprisings and Revolts against the British
• Socio-religious movements in India .

In this article (6th part), we discuss the emergence of Indian nationalism and India’s struggle for independence.

Table of Contents

Indian Nationalism

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India has been unified under many empires in its history like the Mauryan Empire and Mughal empire. A sense of oneness has been there for ages – even though most of the centralised administration in India didn’t last long.

With the end of Mughal rule, India broke into hundreds of princely states.  The British – which were instrumental in the fall of the Mughal Empire – held control over the princely states and created the British Indian Empire .

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However, most Indians were extremely dissatisfied with the exploitative foreign rule.

The educated Indians realised that the British always gave priority to their colonial interests and treated India only as a market.

They advocated for the political independence of India.

Foundation of Indian National Congress (INC) in 1885

The late nineteenth century witnessed the emergence of many political organisations in British India.

Indian National Congress (also known as Congress Party) founded in 1885 was the most prominent one.

Initially, its aim was to create a platform for civic and political dialogue between Indians and the British Raj and thus obtain a greater share of government for educated Indians.

Later, under the leaders like Mahatma Gandhi , Jawarhal Nehru , Subhas Chandra Bose , and Sardar Vallabhai Patel , the Congress party played a central role in organising mass movements against the British.

Partition of Bengal (1905)

Indian nationalism was gaining in strength and Bengal was the nerve centre of Indian nationalism in the early 1900s.

Lord Curzon, the Viceroy (1899-1905), attempted to ‘dethrone Calcutta’ from its position as the centre from which the Congress Party manipulated throughout Bengal, and indeed, the whole of India.

The decision to partition Bengal into two was in the air from December 1903.

Congress party – from 1903 to mid-1905 – tried moderate techniques of petitions, memoranda, speeches, public meetings and press campaigns. The objective was to turn to public opinion in India and England against the partition.

However, Viceroy Curzon 1905 formally announced the British Government’s decision for the partition of Bengal on 19 July 1905. The partition took effect on 16 October 1905.

The partition was meant to foster another kind of division – on the basis of religion. The aim was to place Muslim communalists as a counter to the Congress. Curzon promised to make Dacca the new capital.

This resulted in a lot of discontent among the Indians. Many considered this as a policy of ‘Divide and Rule’ by the British.

This triggered a self-sufficiency movement popularly known as the Swadeshi movement.

Also read: Dr. Rajendra Prasad: Architect of the Indian Republic

The Swadeshi Movement (1905-1908)

From conservative moderation to political extremism, from terrorism to incipient socialism, from petitioning and public speeches to passive resistance and boycott, all had their origins in the movement.

Swadeshi is a conjunction of two Sanskrit words: swa (“self”) and desh (“country”).

The movement popularised the use and consumption of indigenous products. Indians started ditching British goods for Indian products.

Women, students, and a large section of the urban and rural population of Bengal and other parts of India became actively involved in politics for the first time with Swadeshi Movement.

The message of Swadeshi and the boycott of foreign goods soon spread to the rest of the country.

The militant nationalists led by Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Bipin Chandra Pal, Lajpat Rai and Aurobindo Ghosh were in favour of extending the movement to the rest of India and carrying it beyond the programme of just Swadeshi and boycott to a full-fledged political mass struggle. For them, the aim was Swaraj.

In 1906, the Indian National Congress at its Calcutta Session presided over by Dadabhai Naoroji, declared that the goal of the Indian National Congress was ‘self-government or Swaraj like that of the United Kingdom or the Colonies.

There were differences in the ideologies of the congressmen who were popularly known by the names Moderates and the Extremists. They had differences of opinion regarding the pace of the movement and the techniques of struggle to be adopted. This came to a head in the 1907 Surat session of the Congress where the party split (the two factions re-joined later).

This period also saw a breakthrough in Indian art, literature, music, science and industry.

It was, perhaps, in the cultural sphere that the impact of the Swadeshi Movement was most marked. The songs composed at that time by Rabindranath Tagore, Rajani Kanta Sen etc became the moving spirit for nationalists of all hues.

In art, this was the period when Abanindranath Tagore broke the domination of Victorian naturalism over Indian art and sought inspiration from the rich indigenous traditions of Mughal, Rajput and Ajanta paintings.

In science, Jagdish Chandra Bose, Prafulla Chandra Ray, and others pioneered original research that was praised the world over.

The Swadeshi period also saw the creative use of traditional popular festivals and melas as a means of reaching out to the masses. The Ganapati and Shivaji festivals, popularized by Tilak, became a medium for Swadeshi propaganda not only in Western India but also in Bengal.

Another important aspect of the Swadeshi Movement was the great emphasis given to self-reliance or ‘Atmasakti’in various fields meant the re-asserting of national dignity, honour and confidence.

Self-reliance also meant an effort to set up Swadeshi or indigenous enterprises. The period saw a mushrooming of Swadeshi textile mills, soap and match factories etc.

One of the major features of the programme of self-reliance was Swadeshi or National Education. In 1906, the National Council of Education was established. The vernacular medium was given stress from the primary to university level.

Corps of volunteers (or samitis as they were called) were another major form of mass mobilization widely used by the Swadeshi Movement. The Swadesh Bandhab Samiti set up by Ashwini Kumar Dutt was the most well-known volunteer organization of them all.

Reasons for the failure of the Swadeshi Movement

• The main drawback of the Swadeshi Movement was that it was not able to garner the support of the mass. The British use of communalism to turn the Muslims against the Swadeshi Movement was to a large extent responsible for this.
• During the Swadeshi phase, the peasantry was not organized around peasant demands. The movement was able to mobilize the peasantry only in a limited way.
• By mid-1908 repression took the form of controls and bans on public meetings, processions and the press.
• The internal squabbles, and especially, the split in the Congress (1907), the apex all-India organization, weakened the movement.
• The Swadeshi Movement lacked an effective organization and party structure.
• Lastly, the movement declined because of the very logic of mass movements itself — they cannot be sustained endlessly.

However, the movement made a major contribution in taking the idea of nationalism, in a truly creative fashion, to many sections of the people. The peasant participation in the Swadeshi Movement even though less, marked the very beginnings of modern mass politics in India.

Also read: Ghadar Party

The Split in the Congress (1907)

The main public leaders of the two wings, Tilak (of the Extremists) and Gokhale (of the Moderates) were aware of the dangers of disunity in the nationalist ranks.

A split was avoided in 1906 by choosing Dadabhai Naoroji as president of INC in the Calcutta session. Also, four compromise resolutions on the Swadeshi, Boycott, National Education, and Self-Government demands were passed. However, the hope of a united Congress was short-lived.

The Extremists wanted to extend the Swadeshi and the Boycott Movement from Bengal to the rest of the country but the Moderators opposed it.

The Extremists were fumed by the rumours that the Moderates wanted to scuttle the four Calcutta resolutions. This created friction among them which led to the split at the Congress session was held on 26 December 1907 at Surat, on the banks of the river Tapti.

The Indian National Congress split in December 1907. By 1907, the Moderate nationalists had exhausted their historical role. They failed to meet the demands of the new stage of the national movement and even failed to attract the younger generation.

Almost at the same time, revolutionary terrorism made its appearance in Bengal.

Britain’s policy towards  INC

• The British had been suspicious of the National Congress from its inception but they were not overtly hostile either.
• In 1888 Viceroy Dufferin ridiculed INC as representing only the elite — ‘a microscopic minority’.
• Lord Curzon said: “The Congress is tottering to its fall, and one of my greatest ambitions while in India is to assist it to a peaceful demise.”
• The intimidating policies of the British towards INC changed once the Swadeshi and Boycott Movement began. The strengthening of the militant nationalist trend alarmed the British.
• A new policy, known as the policy of the carrot and the stick was invoked. It was three-pronged. It was described as a policy of r epression-conciliation-suppression .
• The Extremists were repressed, though mildly in the first stage. The purpose is to frighten the Moderates. The British also tried to pacify Moderates through some concessions and promises if they disassociated themselves from the Extremists. However, the British always wanted to suppress Extremists.

Minto-Morley constitutional reforms (1909)

The Government of India which was headed by Lord Minto as Viceroy and John Morley as the Secretary of State offered fresh reforms in the Legislative Councils. They began discussions with Moderates within Indian National Congress regarding this. However, when the decision was taken, not just Moderates but the country as a whole were disappointed.

Major Provisions:

• The Indian Councils Act of 1909 increased the number of elected members (but most of them were still indirectly elected) in the Imperial Legislative Council and the provincial legislative councils.
• An Indian was to be appointed a member of the Governor-General’s Executive Council.
• The Act permitted members to introduce resolutions; it also increased their power to ask questions.
• Voting on separate budget items was allowed.

The real purpose of the Morley-Minto Reforms was to divide the nationalist ranks and encourage the growth of Muslim communalism. For the latter, they introduced the system of separate electorates under which Muslims could only vote for Muslim candidates in constituencies specially reserved for them.

The Ghadar Movement (1914)

The outbreak of the First World War in 1914 gave impetus to the nationalist feelings of Indians. The Home Rule League by Lokmanya Tilak and Annie Besant were formed during First World War.

At the same time, a revolutionary movement gained popularity – The Ghadar Movement. (Note: The word Ghadar means ‘revolt’)

The Ghadar Movement was an international political movement founded by expatriate Indians to overthrow British rule in India.

The early membership was composed mostly of Punjabi Indians who lived and worked on the West Coast of the United States and Canada. The movement later spread to India and Indian diasporic communities around the world.

The main leader initially was Bhagwan Singh, a Sikh priest who had worked in Hong Kong and the Malay States.

Later Har Dayal took leadership and played a crucial role in the Ghadar movement. He issued a Yugantar Circular praising the attack on the Viceroy. He urged Indians in the USA not to fight against the US but use their freedom in the US to fight the British.

The Ghadar militants toured extensively, visiting mills and farms where most of the Punjabi immigrant labour worked. The Yugantar Ashram became the home and headquarters and refuge of these political workers.

Komagatamaru Incident

• The Komagata Maru incident involved the Japanese steamship Komagata Maru, on which a group of people from British India attempted to immigrate to Canada in April 1914. Most of the ship passengers were denied entry and forced to return to Calcutta (present-day Kolkata). There, the Indian Imperial Police attempted to arrest the group leaders. A riot ensued, and they were fired upon by the police, resulting in the deaths of 22 people.
• British Government passed orders that no passenger be allowed to disembark anywhere on the way — not even at the places from where they had joined the ship — but only at Calcutta.
• It triggered off a wave of resentment and anger among the Indian community and became the occasion for anti-British mobilization.
• A number of Ghadar leaders, like Barkatullah and Tarak Nath Das, used the inflammatory passions surrounding the  Komagata Maru incident as a rallying point and successfully brought many disaffected Indians in North America into the party’s fold.

Ghadar’s weakness

• Ghadar leaders completely underestimated the extent of preparation needed at every level — organizational, ideological, strategic, tactical, and financial — that was necessary before an armed revolt could be organized.
• An almost non-existent organizational structure; the Ghadar Movement was sustained more by the enthusiasm of the militants than by their effective organization.
• The movement failed to generate an effective and sustained leadership that was capable of integrating the various aspects of the movement. Har Dayal’s ideas did not form a structured vision but remained a shifting amalgam of various theories that attracted him from time to time.
• Lacking a mass base, despite the remarkable heroism of the individual revolutionaries who operated in small secret groups, the movement could not withstand suppression by the strong colonial state.
• The Ghadar Movement came to an abrupt end with the arrest of Har Dayal.

The Home Rule Movement (1916-1918)

The Home Rule Movement under the leadership of Annie Besant and Bal Gangadhar Tilak was an important political movement that set the stage for India’s struggle for independence.

Annie Besant, who was a proponent of Free Thought, Radicalism, Fabianism and Theosophy, had come to India in 1893 to work for the Theosophical Society.

In 1914, she decided to enlarge the sphere of her activities. She started a movement for Home Rule on the lines of the Irish Home Rule League.

She realized that she needs the cooperation of both Moderates and Extremists. In the annual session of the Congress 1915, it was decided that the Extremists be allowed to rejoin the Congress along with the Moderates.

Tilak set up the Home Rule League in the Bombay Province.

The two leagues worked in different areas.

Tilak promoted the Home Rule campaign which linked the question of Swaraj with the demand for the formation of linguistic states and education in the vernacular medium.

Members of Gokhale’s Servants of India Society, though not permitted to become members of the League, encouraged the demand for Home Rule by undertaking lecture tours and publishing pamphlets.

During the Lucknow session of the Congress in December 1916, the famous Congress-League Pact was declared. Both Tilak and Annie Besant had played a role in bringing about this agreement between the Congress and the League, much against the wishes of many important leaders, including Madan Mohan Malaviya. This pact is popularly known as the Lucknow Pact where separate electorates for Muslims were accepted.

The turning point in the home rule movement came with the decision of the Government of Madras in 1917 to place Mrs Besant and her associates, B.P. Wadia and George Arundale, under arrest.

Montague Declaration was introduced by the British government as a sign of a conciliatory effort. Henceforth, Home Rule or self-government movement was not treated as a seditious activity. However, this did not mean that the British were ready to grant self-government.

In 1920 All India Home Rule League changed its name to Swarajya Sabha.

The main achievement of the Home Rule Movement was that it created a generation of ardent nationalists who formed the backbone of the national movement. In the later years, under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi , the Indian freedom struggle entered its truly mass phase.

Champaran movement in Bihar (1917)

Mahatma Gandhi, after his struggle against apartheid in South Africa (racial discrimination against blacks) for almost twenty years, returned to India in 1915.  On Gokhale’s advice, he spent a year travelling around British India to understand the problems of Indians.

He initially maintained a distance from political affairs, including the Home Rule Movement that was gathering momentum at this time.

Mahatma Gandhi began his experiments with Satyagraha against the oppressive European indigo planters at Champaran in Bihar in 1917.

Champaran issue had actually begun in the early 19th century when European planters made agreements with Indian farmers that forced them to cultivate indigo on the 3/20th of their holdings (known as the Tinkathia system).

Resistance kept surfacing within planters and cultivators, because of the exploitation measures adopted by the British behind the indigo cultivation.

In 1908 Raj Kumar Shukla, a local man persuaded Gandhiji to come to Champaran to investigate the problem. Gandhi reached Champaran but faced resistance from the Commissioner who ordered him to immediately leave the district. Gandhiji refused. He preferred to take the punishment for his defiance of the law. This step was unusual because even Home Rule leaders used to obey the Government.

The British Indian government didn’t want to create a controversy and ordered the local Government to retreat. They allowed Gandhiji to proceed with his enquiry and even nominated him as one of the enquiry members of the Government.

Meanwhile, Gandhiji started investigating the grievances of peasants along with Brij Kishore, Rajendra Prasad and other members of the Bihar intelligentsia. J.B. Kripalani toured the villages and recorded the statements of peasants.

Gandhiji had little difficulty in convincing the Commission that the Tinkathia system needed to be abolished and that the peasants should be compensated for the illegal enhancement of their dues. The Commission founder planters guilty of exploitation.

The commission of enquiry decided to make refunds to the peasants. Gandhi asked for 50%. But the representative of planters offered to refund to the extent of 25%. In order to break the deadlock, Gandhiji agreed to a 25 per cent refund to the farmers. For Gandhi, it was not the money but the principles that were of utmost importance. In his belief, the submission of British landlords was more significant than the percentage of refunds.

Ahmedabad Satyagraha in Gujarat (1918)

In Ahmedabad, a dispute was brewing between workers and mill owners over the question of a ‘plague bonus’.

The employers wanted to withdraw the bonus once the epidemic had passed but the workers insisted it stay.

The British Collector asked Gandhiji to work out a compromise. Gandhiji persuaded the mill owners and the workers to agree to arbitration.

The workers demanded a 50% wage hike while the mill owners offered only a twenty per cent wage hike. They threatened to dismiss all workers who did not accept it.

Gandhiji advised the workers to go on strike. He himself started fasting for workers.

Gandhiji was peculiar in that workers should get at least a thirty-five per cent increase in wages.

Finally, the strike was withdrawn after mill owners agreed to a thirty-five per cent increase the workers had demanded.

Anasuya Behn was one of the main lieutenants of Gandhiji in this struggle.

Kheda Satyagraha in Gujarat (1918)

The Kheda district of Gujarat was on the verge of famine owing to the failure of the crops.

The yield had been so low that the cultivators were unable to pay the revenue. But the government insisted that the cultivators should pay the tax.

Gandhi saw the justice of the cause of the cultivators. Enquiries by members of the Servants of India Society and Vithalbhai Patel too confirmed the genuineness of the peasants’ case.

Gandhiji advised the withholding of tax payments, and asked the peasants to ‘fight unto death against such a spirit of vindictiveness and tyranny’.

The peasants of Kheda, already deprived because of plague, high prices and drought, were showing signs of weakness when Gandhiji came to know that the Government had issued secret instructions directing that revenue should be recovered only from those peasants who could pay.

The Government said that if well-to-do cultivators paid up the poorer section would be granted suspension. This was agreed to and the campaign ended.

The Kheda Satyagraha marked the beginning of an awakening among the peasants of Gujarat, the beginning of their true political education. In addition, it gave the educated public workers the chance to establish contact with the actual life of the peasants.

Rowlatt Satyagraha (1919)

During the First World War of 1914-18, the British instituted censorship of the press and permitted detention without trial.

The Anarchical and Revolutionary Crimes Act of 1919, popularly known as the Rowlatt Act, was passed by the Imperial Legislative Council in Delhi on 18 March 1919, indefinitely extending the emergency measures of preventive indefinite detention, incarceration without trial and judicial review enacted in the Defence of India Act 1915 during the First World War.

It was enacted in light of a perceived threat from revolutionary nationalists to organisations of re-engaging in similar conspiracies as during the war which the Government felt the lapse of the Defence of India Act would enable.

This act was passed on the recommendations of the Sedition Committee chaired by Sir Sidney Rowlatt.

Gandhiji launched Satyagraha against the inhuman Rowlatt Act.

The protests were particularly intense in the Punjab Gandhiji was detained while proceeding there.

Jallianwala Bagh massacre (1919)

The passage of the Rowlatt Act in 1919 resulted in large-scale political unrest throughout India.

A large peaceful crowd had gathered at the Jallianwala Bagh in Amritsar, Punjab to protest against the arrest of pro-Indian independence leaders Dr. Saifuddin Kitchlew and Dr. Satya Pal.

In response to the public gathering, the British Brigadier-General R. E. H. Dyer surrounded the Bagh with his soldiers.

General Dyer ordered his troops to open fire on the nationalist meeting killing hundreds. The brutality at Jallianwala Bagh stunned the entire nation.

This event caused many moderate Indians to abandon their previous loyalty to the British and become nationalists distrustful of British rule.

Non-cooperation Movement (1920)

Gandhiji called for a campaign of “non-cooperation” with British rule. Indians who wished colonialism to end were asked to stop attending schools, colleges, and law courts. They were asked to not pay taxes. In sum, they were asked to adhere to a “renunciation of all voluntary association with the British Government”.

Gandhiji said that if non-cooperation was effectively carried out India would win swaraj within a year.

When Congress met for its annual session at Nagpur, C.R. Das moved the main resolution on non-cooperation. Many groups of revolutionary terrorists, especially in Bengal, also pledged support to the movement.

The goal of the Congress, by this time, changed from the attainment of self-government by constitutional means to the attainment of Swaraj by peaceful means.

Khilafat Movement (1919-24)

The Khilafat movement was a political protest campaign launched by Muslims of British India to restore the caliph of the Ottoman Caliphate, who was considered the leader of the Muslims.

To further broaden the Indian freedom struggle, Gandhiji joined hands with the Khilafat Movement.

The movement collapsed by late 1922 when Turkey gained a more favourable diplomatic position and moved towards Nationalism. By 1924, Turkey abolished the role of the caliph.

However, the tremendous participation of Muslims in the Non-Cooperation Movement and the maintenance of communal unity, despite the Malabar developments, was in itself no mean achievement.

Chauri Chaura incident (1922)

On 4 February 1922, at Chauri Chaura (a place in modern Uttar Pradesh), the British police opened fire at a large group of people who were participating in the Non-cooperation movement.

In retaliation, the demonstrators attacked and set fire to a police station, killing all of its occupants. The incident led to the death of three civilians and 22 policemen.

Mahatma Gandhi, who was strictly against violence, halted the non-cooperation movement on the national level on 12 February 1922, as a direct result of the Chauri Chaura incident.

In spite of Gandhi’s decision, 19 arrested demonstrators were sentenced to death and 14 to imprisonment for life by the British colonial authorities.

Motilal Nehru, C.R. Das, Jawaharlal Nehru, Subhas Bose, and many others recorded their disagreement on Gandhiji’s views.

Bardoli Satyagraha in Gujarat (1928)

In January 1926, the officer charged with the duty of reassessment of the land revenue demand of the taluq had recommended a 30% increase over the existing assessment.

The Congress leaders were quick to protest against the increase and set up the Bardoli Inquiry Committee to go into the issue.

In July 1927, the Government reduced the enhancement to 21.97 per cent. But the concessions were too meagre and came too late to satisfy anybody.

The constitutionalist leaders now began to advise the peasants to resist by paying only the current amount and withholding the enhanced amount.

Gradually as the limitations of constitutional leadership became more apparent, Vallabhbhai Patel was invited to lead the campaign.

The government ignored Vallabhai’s request which resulted in the start of Bardoli Satyagraha.

The no-tax movement was launched in Bardoli taluq of Surat district in Gujarat in 1928.

The main mobilization was done through extensive propaganda via meetings, speeches, pamphlets, and door-to-door persuasion. Special emphasis was placed on the mobilization of women and many women activists were recruited for the purpose.

Members of the Bombay Legislative Council like K.M. Munshi and Lalji Naranji, the representatives of the Indian Merchants Chamber, resigned their seats.

The government was forced to conduct an inquiry. The inquiry was done by a judicial officer, Broomfield, and a revenue officer, Maxwell. They came to the conclusion that the increase had been unjustified. The government later reduced the enhancement to 6.03 per cent.

The boycott of the Simon Commission (1927)

On 8 November 1927, an all-white, Simon Commission was appointed to recommend whether India was ready for further constitutional reforms.

Indian National Congress boycott Simon Commission because no Indian was present in the commission. There were protests in many places.

In Lahore, Lala Lajpat Rai, the hero of the extremist days and the most revered leader of Punjab was hit. He succumbed to the injuries in November 1928.

Bhagat Singh and his comrades sought to avenge the death of Lala Lajpat Rai. They killed the white police official, Saunders, in December 1928.

Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhas Bose emerged as the leaders during the Simon Commission boycott movement.

Nehru Report (1928) and the attempt to draft the Indian Constitution

Britain did not acknowledge the right of Indians to frame their own constitution.

British policy, until almost the end of the Raj, was that the timing and nature of Indian constitutional development were to be decided exclusively by the British Parliament, but it was assumed that Indians would be consulted as appropriate.

In December 1927, at its Madras session, the Indian National Congress took two major decisions in response to the setting up the Simon Commission: first, it decided to not cooperate with the Commission; second, it set up an All Parties Conference to draft a Constitution for India.

The committee of the All Parties Conference to draft the Constitution was chaired by Motilal Nehru  with his son  Jawaharlal Nehru acting as a secretary. There were nine other members in this committee.

The report submitted by the committee in 1928 was called the Nehru Report – which was actually a memorandum to appeal for dominion status and a federal set-up of government for the constitution of India.

The Nehru Report also rejected the principle of separate communal electorates on which previous constitutional reforms had been based. Seats would be reserved for Muslims at the Centre and in provinces in which they were in a minority, but not in those where they had a numerical majority.

The Nehru Report also recommended universal adult suffrage, equal rights for women, freedom to form unions, and dissociation of the state from religion in any form.

However, Jinnah withdrew his support to the report and proposed his ‘Fourteen Points’ which were basically a reiteration of his objections to the Nehru Report.

Young and radical nationalists led by Jawaharlal Nehru had objections to the Nehru Report of Motilal Nehru. Their slogan was ‘Complete Independence.’

Purna Swaraj or Complete Independence Campaign (1929)

In the Lahore session in 1929, Jawaharlal Nehru was made the President of INC. He declared ‘Purna Swaraj’ or Complete Independence as the only honourable goal Indians could strive for.

On the banks of the river Ravi, at midnight on 31 December 1929, the tricolour flag of Indian independence was hosted.

The first task that the Congress set itself in the new year was that of organizing all over the country public meetings at which the Independence Pledge would be read out and collectively affirmed on 26 January.

Civil Disobedience Movement and Dandi March (1930)

The Lahore Session of Congress (1929) authorized the Working Committee to launch a programme of civil disobedience including non-payment of taxes.

Gandhi’s ultimatum to Lord Irwin, stating the minimum demands in the form of 11 points, had been ignored, and there was now only one way out: civil disobedience. Gandhi selected salt as his main tool of disobedience.

In every Indian household, salt was indispensable; yet people were forbidden from making salt even for domestic use, compelling them to buy it from shops at a high price. The state monopoly over salt was deeply unpopular. By making salt his target, Gandhiji hoped to mobilise a wider discontent against British rule.

Gandhi, along with a band of seventy-eight members of the Sabarmati Ashram started to march from Ahmedabad to the coast at Dandi. There he broke the salt laws by collecting salt from the beach.

On 6 April 1930, by picking up a handful of salt, Gandhi inaugurated the Civil Disobedience Movement – a movement that was to remain unsurpassed in the history of the Indian national movement for the country-wide mass participation it unleashed.

Like other parts of India, the civil disobedience movement was also launched in North-West Frontier Province (Khyber–Pakhtoonkhwa). The local Congress sought help from the Khudai Khidmatgars, the most popular socio-political organization in the province.

Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan’s Khudai Khidmatgars, popularly known as the Red Shirts,  played an extremely active role in the Civil Disobedience Movement.

The city came under the control of the masses for at least a week and the soldiers of the Garhwali regiment refused to fire at the unarmed crowds of Peshwar demonstrations.

Nehru’s arrest on 14th April was followed by public protests in Madras, Calcutta and Karachi.

The Salt March was notable for at least three reasons:

• It was this event that first brought Mahatma Gandhi to world attention.
• It was the first nationalist activity in which women participated in large numbers. Kamaladevi Chattopadhyay had persuaded Gandhi for this issue.
• It was the Salt March that forced upon the British the realisation that their Raj would not last forever, and that they would have to devolve some power to the Indians.

Gandhi-Irwin Pact (1931) and the Round Table Conferences (1930-32)

British convened a series of “Round Table Conferences” in London to discuss constitutional reforms in India.

The first meeting was held in November 1930. However, without the pre-eminent political leader in India, it was an exercise in futility.

Gandhi was released from jail in January 1931. In the following month, he had several long meetings with the Viceroy. These culminated in what was called the “Gandhi-Irwin Pact’.

The terms of the agreement included the immediate release of all political prisoners not convicted for violence, the remission of all fines not yet collected, the return of confiscated lands not yet sold to third parties, and lenient treatment for those government employees who had resigned. The Government also conceded the right to make salt for consumption to villages along the coast. They also gave the right to peaceful and non-aggressive picketing.

The Congress’s demand for a public inquiry into police excesses was not accepted, but Gandhiji’s insistent request for an inquiry was recorded in the agreement.

Congress, on its part, agreed to discontinue the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM).

A second Round Table Conference was held in London in the latter part of 1931. Here, Gandhiji represented the Congress. Gandhi opposed the demand for separate electorates for “lower castes”. For him, separate electorates to the “Untouchables” will ensure their bondage in perpetuity. He thought this would prevent their integration into mainstream society and permanently segregate them from other caste Hindus.

But Ambedkar was in favour of separate electorates for depressed classes. He believed it is the only path for a community so handicapped to succeed in the struggle for life against the organised tyranny of higher castes.

During the second Round Table Conference in London, Winston Churchill, leader of the right wing, strongly objected to the British Government negotiating on terms of equality with the ‘seditious fakir’. He demanded a strong government in India.

The discussions with Gandhi failed as the British Government refused to concede the basic Indian demand for freedom. Gandhiji resumed Civil Disobedience after reaching back

The government launched its strike against the national movement by arresting Gandhi. British government promulgated ordinances that gave the authorities unlimited power – the ‘Civil Martial Law.’ Civil liberties no longer existed and the authorities could seize people and property at will.

In 1934 the inevitable decision to withdraw Civil Disobedience Movement was taken by Gandhi.

However, many political activists were not in favour of stopping the movement. They included Jawaharlal Nehru who was critical of Gandhiji’s decisions regarding the timing of the withdrawal of CDM.

The support that the movement had garnered from the poor and the illiterate, both in the town and in the country, was remarkable indeed.

Nevertheless, the participation of Muslims in the Civil Disobedience Movement was certainly nowhere near that of the Non-cooperation movement 1920-22.

For Indian women, the movement was the most liberating experience to date and can truly be said to have marked their entry into the public space.

The Communal Award (1932)

After the Third Round Table Conference, in November 1932, the then Prime Minister of Britain Ramsay McDonald gave an order which is known as the Communal Award.

It was part of Britain’s policy of ‘Divide and Rule.

The award granted separate electorates in British India for the Forward Caste, Lower Caste, Muslims, Buddhists, Sikhs, Indian Christians, Anglo-Indians, Europeans and Untouchables (Dalits) etc.

The Congress Party was unhappy at the extension of communal representation but became particularly outraged at the British offer of separate-electorate seats for “depressed classes”.

Gandhi viewed the McDonald Award as a nefarious British plot to wean more than 50 million Hindus away from their higher-caste brothers and sisters.

The idea of a separate electorate for Muslims had been accepted by Congress as far back as 1916 as a part of the compromise with the Muslim League. Hence, Congress took the position it was opposed to separate electorates but not in favour of changing the Award without the consent of the minorities.

Gandhi demanded that the representatives of the Depressed Classes should be elected if possible by the universal, common franchise. At the same time, he did not object to the demand for a larger number of reserved seats for the Depressed Classes. He went on a fast unto death on 20 September 1932 to enforce his demand.

In the end, political leaders succeeded in bringing an agreement, known as the Poona Pact.

In this pact, the idea of separate electorates for the Depressed Classes was abandoned but the seats reserved for them in the provincial legislatures and Central Legislature were increased.

After being released from prison Gandhiji shifted to Satyagraha Ashram at Wardha after abandoning Sabarmati Ashram at Ahmedabad for he had vowed in 1930 not to return to Sabarmati till Swaraj was won.

Government of India Act (1935)

The growing demand for constitutional reforms in India led the British Parliament to enact the Government of India Act 1935.

The Act promised some form of representative government.

The Act provided the establishment of an All-India Federation based on the union of British Indian provinces and the Princely States.

Defence and foreign affairs would remain outside the control of the federal legislature, while the Viceroy would retain special control over other subjects.

Governors, appointed by the British Government, retained special powers. They could veto legislative and administrative measures, especially those concerning minorities, the rights of civil servants, law and order, and British business interests.

The Governor also had the power to take over and indefinitely run the administration of a province.

The Act of 1935 was condemned and unanimously rejected by Congress. The Congress demanded the convening of a Constituent Assembly elected on the basis of adult franchise to frame a constitution for an independent India.

Resignation of Congress ministries (1939)

Congress won the elections to the provincial assemblies held in February 1937. Its election manifesto reaffirmed its total rejection of the 1935 Act.

One of the first acts of the Congress Government was to release thousands of political prisoners and to cancel deportation orders on political workers.

The difference between the Congress provinces and the non-Congress provinces of Bengal and Punjab was most apparent in this realm. In the latter, especially in Bengal, civil liberties continued to be curbed and they never released prisoners.

However, Congress could not attempt a complete overhaul of the agrarian structure by completely eliminating the Zamindari system .

Later the Second World War broke out. Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru promised Congress support to the war effort if the British, in return, promised to grant India independence once hostilities ended. The offer was refused. Gandhi withdrew support to the British in War.

The Congress ministries resigned in October and November 1939, in protest against Viceroy Lord Linlithgow’s action of declaring India to be belligerent in the Second World War without consulting the Indian people.

The resignations brought the Left and the Right in Congress closer because of a common policy on the question of participation in the war.

Crisis at Tripuri (1939)

Subhas Bose had been a unanimous choice as the President of Congress in 1938. In 1939, he decided to stand again — this time as the spokesperson of militant politics and radical groups.

However, with the blessings of Gandhiji, Sardar Patel, Rajendra Prasad, J.B. Kripalani other leaders put up Pattabhi Sitaramayya as a candidate for the post.

Bose accused Patel and other top leaders of Congress as ‘rightists’. He openly accused them of working for a compromise with the Government on the question of the federation. Bose had, therefore, appealed to Congressmen to vote for a leftist and ‘a genuine anti-federationist.’

Nevertheless, in reality, the difference between ‘right’ and ‘left’ was not very vivid within the Congress and most Congressmen were anti-federationist.

Subhas Bose won the election on 29 January on the popularity of his militant politics but only by a narrow margin – 1580 votes against 1377.

But the election of Bose brought the brewing crisis to a head at the Tripuri session of the Congress.

Gandhiji declared that Sitaramayya’s defeat was ‘more mine than his.

Bose argued in his presidential address at Tripuri for a programme of immediately giving the British Government a six-month ultimatum to grant the national demand for independence and of launch a mass civil disobedience movement if it failed to do so.

Subhas Bose believed that the Congress was strong enough to bunch an immediate struggle and that the masses were ready for such a struggle.

However, Gandhi’s perceptions were very different. Gandhi believed the time was not yet ripe for an ultimatum because neither Congress nor the masses were yet ready for struggle.

The internal strife reached its climax at the Tripuri session of the Congress, held from 8 to 12 March 1939.

Bose had completely misjudged his support and the meaning of his majority in the presidential election. Congressmen had voted for him not because they wanted to have him as the supreme leader of the national movement – but mainly because of his policies and militant politics. They were not willing to reject Gandhi’s leadership or his views.

Bose resigned from the presidency. This led to the election of Rajendra Prasad in his place.

Subsequently, Subhas Bose and his followers formed the Forward Bloc as a new party within Congress.

As Bose planned a protest against an AICC resolution, the Working Committee removed Bose from the presidentship of the Bengal Provincial Congress Committee and debarred him from holding any Congress office for three years.

Individual Satyagraha (1940)

Gandhiji decided to initiate a limited satyagraha on an individual basis by a few selected individuals in every locality. The demand of a satyagrahi was for the freedom of speech to preach against participation in the War.

The satyagrahi would beforehand inform the district magistrate of the time and place where he or she was going to make the anti-war speech. If the Government did not arrest a satyagrahi, he or she would not only repeat the performance but move into the villages and start a trek towards Delhi, thus participating in a movement that came to be known as the ‘Delhi Chalo’ (onwards to Delhi) movement.

Vinoba Bhave was to be the first satyagrahi on 17 October 1940 and Jawaharlal Nehru the second.

Individual Satyagraha served a dual purpose — (1) it gave expression to the Indian people’s strong political feelings, (2) it gave the British Government another opportunity to peacefully accept the Indian demands.

Cripps Mission (1942)

The Cripps Mission was a failed attempt in late March 1942 by the British government to secure full Indian cooperation and support for their efforts in World War II.

The mission was headed by a senior minister Sir Stafford Cripps, traditionally sympathetic to Indian self-rule.

However, he was also a member of the coalition War Cabinet led by Prime Minister Winston Churchill, who had long been the leader of the movement to block Indian independence.

Churchill was persuaded to send Sir Stafford Cripps, to India to try and forge a compromise with Gandhiji and the Congress.

The Declaration promised India Dominion Status and a constitution-making body after the War. He proposed that the Constitutional Assembly members would be elected by the provincial assemblies and nominated by the rulers in the case of the princely states.

At that time, the demand for a separate nation for Muslims – Pakistan – also got momentum.

The Pakistan demand was accommodated by the provision that any province which was not prepared to accept the new constitution would have the right to sign a separate agreement with Britain regarding its future status.

Talks broke down, when, Congress objected to the provision for Dominion Status rather than full independence.

Congress insisted that if it was to help the British defend India from the Axis powers, then the Viceroy had first to appoint an Indian as the Defence Member of his Executive Council.

After the failure of the Cripps Mission, Mahatma Gandhi decided to launch the “Quit India” campaign also known as the ‘August Revolution’.

Quit India Movement (1942)

The Quit India Movement was launched at the Bombay session of the All India Congress Committee by  Mahatma Gandhi  on 8 August 1942, during World War II, demanding an end to British rule in India.

In this struggle, the common people of the country demonstrated unparalleled heroism and militancy.

However, the repression that they faced was the most brutal that had ever been used against the national movement.

At the historic August meeting at Gowalia Tank in Bombay, Gandhiji was particular about complete freedom and no more piece-meal approach from the British.

He proclaimed: ‘Do or Die’ – which meant either free India or die in the attempt.

Gandhi asked government servants to openly declare their allegiance to congress and not to resign.

In the meantime, underground networks were consolidated in various parts of the country. The prominent members of underground activities were Achyut Patwardhan, Aruna Asaf Ali, Ram Manohar Lohia, and Sucheta Kripalani.

The pattern of activity of the underground movement was that of organizing the disruption of communications by blowing up bridges, cutting telegraph and telephone wires, and derailing trains.

Congress Radio operated clandestinely from different locations in Bombay city, whose broadcast could be heard as far as Madras. Usha Mehta was an important member of the small group that ran the Congress Radio.

A significant feature of the Quit India Movement was the emergence of what came to be known as parallel governments in some parts of the country. Satara (Maharashtra) emerged as the base of the longest-lasting and most effective parallel government.

A significant feature of peasant activity was its total concentration on attacking symbols of British authority and a total lack of any incidents of anti-zamindar violence.

In February 1943, Gandhiji declared the fast in Aga Khan Palace where he was held in detention, as this was his answer to the Government which had been constantly exhorting him to condemn the violence of the people in the Quit India Movement. Gandhiji not only refused to condemn the people’s resort to violence but unequivocally held the Government responsible for it.

The resignation of the three Indian members of the Viceroy’s Executive Council, M.S. Aney, N.R. Sarkar and H.P. Mody, who never wished Gandhi to suffer, made a severe blow to the British.

Finally, the Congress leaders were released to participate in the Simla Conference in June 1945. That marked the end of the phase of confrontation that had existed since August 1942.

Simla Conference (1945) and the Wavell Plan

The Simla Conference of 1945 was a meeting between the Viceroy of India (Lord Wavell) and the major political leaders of British India at the Viceregal Lodge in Simla.

Wavell proposed a separate representation of Muslims within a united India. Talks, however, stalled on the issue of the selection of Muslim representatives. The All-India Muslim League claimed to be the sole representative of Indian Muslims. The Indian National Congress opposed this claim as the Congress had more Muslims in its support than the Muslim League.

This scuttled the conference, and perhaps the last viable opportunity for a united, independent India.

On 14 June 1945 Lord Wavell announced a plan for a new Executive Council in which all members except the Viceroy and the Commander in Chief would be Indians. This executive council was to be a temporary measure until a new permanent constitution could be agreed upon and come into force.

RIN Mutiny (1946)

The Royal Indian Navy (RIN) revolt started in February 1946 at Mumbai when the naval ratings on HMIS Talwar protested against the poor quality of food and racial discrimination by British officers.

From the initial flashpoint in Mumbai, the revolt spread and found support throughout India, from Karachi to Kolkata, and ultimately came to involve over 20,000 sailors in 78 ships and shore establishments.

Karachi was a major centre, second only to Bombay. Sympathetic strikes took place in military establishments in Madras, Vishakhapatnam, Calcutta, Delhi, Cochin, Jamnagar, the Andamans, Bahrain and Aden.

A revolt in the armed forces, even if soon suppressed, had a great liberating effect on the minds of people.

The naval mutiny proved to be the last nail in the coffin of British colonial aspirations in India.

India was seen to be on the brink of a revolution. The mutiny witnessed the demoralization of British officials and the changing loyalties of Indian officials.

However, communal unity evident in the RIN revolt was limited despite the Congress, League and Communist flags being jointly hoisted on the ships’ masts. Muslim ratings went to the League to seek advice on future action for Pakistan.

The  Indian National Congress  and the  Muslim League  condemned the mutiny, while the  Communist Party of India  was the only party that supported the rebellion.

The mutiny was suppressed by British troops and Royal Navy warships.

The revolt was called off following a meeting between the President of the Naval Central Strike Committee (NCSC), M. S. Khan, and Sardar Vallabhai Patel who had been sent to Bombay to settle the crisis.

Mountbatten Plan (1947)

The legislature representatives of the Indian National Congress, the Muslim League, and the Sikh community came to an agreement with Lord Mountbatten on what has come to be known as the 3 June Plan or Mountbatten Plan. This plan was the last plan for independence.

The plan announced by the Viceroy Mountbatten on 3 June 1947 included these principles:

• The principle of the partition of British India was accepted by the British Government.
• Successor governments would be given dominion status.
• Autonomy and sovereignty to both countries.
• The successor governments could make their own constitution
• The Princely States were given the right to join either Pakistan or India, based on two major factors: Geographical contiguity and the people’s wishes.

The Mountbatten plan led to the enactment of the India Independence Act of 1947.

India Independence Act (1947)

The Indian Independence Act of 1947 passed by the Parliament of the United Kingdom divided British India into two new independent dominions; the Dominion of India ( later to become the Republic of India ) and the Dominion of Pakistan ( later to become the Islamic Republic of Pakistan ).

This Act received Royal Assent on 18 July 1947.

India and Pakistan became independent on August 15th, 1947.

India continues to celebrate August 15th as her Independence day, while Pakistan chose to celebrate August 14th as her Independence day as per their cabinet decisions.

Learn more about India’s Struggle for Independence

Hope you liked the mega article on the Indian freedom struggle.

This article on India’s struggle for independence is the 6th part of the article series on Modern Indian History. Click the link to read the  6-part framework to study modern Indian History . This is an easy-to-learn approach to mastering the history of modern India as a story.

Apart from the 6-part approach, we have also published many other articles on  Indian History , which can be accessed from the  ClearIAS Study materials  section.

If you loved this article, please subscribe to ClearIAS and share this post with your friends.

Books referred to prepare this article on India’s Struggle for Independence

• NCERT Books Class 6-12
• History Of Modern India by Bipan Chandra
• India’s struggle for independence by Bipan Chandra
• Modern Indian History by Sonali Bansal and Snehil Tripathi

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Reader Interactions

February 6, 2022 at 9:52 am

Pls allowed to download in pdf form

February 7, 2022 at 11:38 am

@Zizoo – There is a ‘Print PDF’ button that you can use to download the article as a PDF.

July 29, 2023 at 1:02 pm

“India’s Struggle for Independence” on ClearIAS is a comprehensive and enlightening read. The blog beautifully captures the essence of India’s journey towards freedom, providing valuable historical context and key insights. It’s an essential resource for anyone seeking a deeper understanding of India’s rich and inspiring struggle for independence.

December 5, 2023 at 1:49 am

Please provide download option

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267 Freedom Essay Topics & Examples

Need freedom topics for an essay or research paper? Don’t know how to start writing your essay? The concept of freedom is very exciting and worth studying!

📃 Freedom Essay: How to Start Writing

📝 how to write a freedom essay: useful tips, 🏆 freedom essay examples & topic ideas, 🥇 most interesting freedom topics to write about, 🎓 simple topics about freedom, 📌 writing prompts on freedom, 🔎 good research topics about freedom, ❓ research questions about freedom.

The field of study includes personal freedom, freedom of the press, speech, expression, and much more. In this article, we’ve collected a list of great writing ideas and topics about freedom, as well as freedom essay examples and writing tips.

Freedom essays are common essay assignments that discuss acute topics of today’s global society. However, many students find it difficult to choose the right topic for their essay on freedom or do not know how to write the paper.

We have developed some useful tips for writing an excellent paper. But first, you need to choose a good essay topic. Below are some examples of freedom essay topics.

Freedom Essay Topics

• American (Indian, Taiwanese, Scottish) independence
• Freedom and homelessness essay
• The true value of freedom in modern society
• How slavery affects personal freedom
• The problem of human rights and freedoms
• American citizens’ rights and freedoms
• The benefits and disadvantages of unlimited freedom
• The changing definition of freedom

Once you have selected the issue you want to discuss (feel free to get inspiration from the ones we have suggested!), you can start working on your essay. Here are 10 useful tips for writing an outstanding paper:

• Remember that freedom essay titles should state the question you want to discuss clearly. Do not choose a vague and non-descriptive title for your paper.
• Work on the outline of your paper before writing it. Think of what sections you should include and what arguments you want to present. Remember that the essay should be well organized to keep the reader interested. For a short essay, you can include an introduction, three body paragraphs, and a conclusion.
• Do preliminary research. Ask your professor about the sources you can use (for example, course books, peer-reviewed articles, and governmental websites). Avoid using Wikipedia and other similar sources, as they often have unverified information.
• A freedom essay introduction is a significant part of your paper. It outlines the questions you want to discuss in the essay and helps the reader understand your work’s purpose. Remember to state the thesis of your essay at the end of this section.
• A paper on freedom allows you to be personal. It should not focus on the definition of this concept. Make your essay unique by including your perspective on the issue, discussing your experience, and finding examples from your life.
• At the same time, help your reader to understand what freedom is from the perspective of your essay. Include a clear explanation or a definition with examples.
• Check out freedom essay examples online to develop a structure for your paper, analyze the relevance of the topics you want to discuss and find possible freedom essay ideas. Avoid copying the works you will find online.
• Support your claims with evidence. For instance, you can cite the Bill of Rights or the United States Constitution. Make sure that the sources you use are reliable.
• To make your essay outstanding, make sure that you use correct grammar. Grammatical mistakes may make your paper look unprofessional or unreliable. Restructure a sentence if you think that it does not sound right. Check your paper several times before sending it to your professor.
• A short concluding paragraph is a must. Include the summary of all arguments presented in the paper and rephrase the main findings.

Do not forget to find a free sample in our collection and get the best ideas for your essay!

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• Freedom Writers: Promoting Good Moral Values The movie portrays a strong and civilized view of the world; it encourages development and use of positive moral values by people in making the world a better place.
• “Long Walk to Freedom” by Nelson Mandela In the fast developing world, advances and progress move countries and nations forward but at the same time, some things are left behind and become a burden for the people and evolution to better life […]
• Human Will & Freedom and Moral Responsibility Their understanding of the definition of human will is based on the debate as to whether the will free or determined.
• Rio (2011) and the Issue of Freedom As a matter of fact, this is the only scene where Blu, Jewel, Linda, Tulio, and the smugglers are present at the same time without being aware of each other’s presence.
• Freedom and equality According to Liliuokalani of Hawaii, the conquest contravened the basic rights and freedoms of the natives and their constitution by undermining the power of their local leaders.
• Freedom and Determinism On the other hand, determinism theory explains that there is an order that leads to occurrences of events in the world and in the universe.
• Personal Understanding of Freedom Freedom is essential for individual growth and development, and it helps individuals to make informed decisions that are in alignment with their values and beliefs.
• Voices of Freedom The history of the country is made up of debates, disagreements and struggles for freedom that have seen the Civil War, and the Cold War which have changed the idea of freedom in the US.
• The Efforts and Activities of the Paparazzi are Protected by the Freedom of the Press Clause of the Constitution The First Amendment of the American constitution protects the paparazzi individually as American citizens through the protection of their freedom of speech and expression and professionally through the freedom of the press clause.
• Fighting for the Right to Choose: Students Should Have the Freedom to Pick the Courses They Want Consequently, students should be allowed to pick the subjects which they are going to study together with the main one. Thus, students should be allowed to choose the subjects they need in accordance with their […]
• Boredom and Freedom: Different Views and Links Boredom is a condition characterized by low levels of arousal as well as wandering attention and is normally a result of the regular performance of monotonous routines.
• Chapters 4-6 of ”From Slavery to Freedom” by Franklin & Higginbotham At the same time, the portion of American-born slaves was on the increase and contributed to the multiracial nature of the population.
• Social Values: Freedom and Justice It is evident that freedom and justice are mutually exclusive, as “the theory of justice signifies its implications in regards to freedom as a key ingredient to happiness”.
• Political Freedom According to Machiavelli and Locke In this chapter, he explains that “It may be answered that one should wish to be both, but, because it is difficult to unite them in one person, is much safer to be feared than […]
• Freedom of Speech, Religion and Religious Tolerance As stipulated in Article 19 of the Universal Human Rights Declaration, the pastor has the right to share ideas and information of all kinds regardless of the periphery involved and in this case, he should […]
• Jean-Paul Sartre’s Views on Freedom For example, to Sartre, a prisoner of war is free, existentially, but this freedom does not exist in the physical realm.
• Nelson Mandela “Freedom in Africa” For example, the struggle for freedom in South Africa is one of the best examples of freedom in Africa so far.
• Freedom of Expression in the Classroom The NEA Code of Ethics establishes a link between this Freedom and a teacher’s responsibilities by requiring instructors to encourage “independent activity in the pursuit of learning,” provide “access to diverse points of view,” and […]
• Human Freedom in Relation to Society Human freedom has to do with the freedom of one’s will, which is the freedom of man to choose and act by following his path through life freely by exercising his ‘freedom’).
• Slavery and Freedom: The American Paradox Jefferson believed that the landless laborers posed a threat to the nation because they were not independent. He believed that if Englishmen ruled over the world, they would be able to extend the effects of […]
• “Gladiator” by Ridley Scott: Freedom and Affection This desire to be free becomes the main motive of the film, as the plot follows Maximus, now enslaved, who tries to avenge his family and the emperor and regain his liberty.
• Rousseau and Kant on their respective accounts of freedom and right The difference in the approaches assumed by Kant and Rousseau regarding the norms of liberty and moral autonomy determine the perspective of their theories of justice.
• Freedom from Poverty as a Human Right and the UN Declaration of Human Rights This reveals the nature of the interrelatedness of the whole boy of human rights and the need to address human rights in that context.
• Personal Freedom in A Doll’s House, A Room of One’s Own, and Diary of a Madman In Chapter Three of Virginia Woolf’s A Room of One’s Own, the protagonist attempts to make sense of the nonsensical elements of female history, namely, how it could be that “in Athena’s city, where women […]
• Black Sexual Freedom and Manhood in “For Colored Girls” Movie Despite the representation of Black sexual freedoms in men and women and Black manhood as a current social achievement, For Colored Girls shows the realities of inequality and injustice, proving womanism’s importance in America.
• 70’s Fashion as a Freedom of Choice However, with the end of the Vietnam War, the public and the media lost interest in the hippie style in the middle of the decade, and began to lean toward the mod subculture. The 70’s […]
• Freedom Definition Revision: Components of Freedom That which creates, sustains, and maintains life in harmony with the natural cycles of this planet, doing no harm to the ecology or people of the Earth- is right.
• Power and Freedom in America Although it is already a given that freedom just like the concept love is not easy to define and the quest to define it can be exhaustive but at the end of the day what […]
• Four Freedoms by President Roosevelt Throughout the discussion we shall elaborate the four freedoms in a broader way for better understating; we shall also describe the several measures that were put in place in order to ensure the four freedoms […]
• Emotion and Freedom in 20th-Century Feminist Literature The author notes that the second layer of the story can be found in the antagonism between the “narrator, author, and the unreliable protagonist”.
• Expansion of Freedom and Slavery in British America The settlement in the city of New Plymouth was founded by the second, and it laid the foundation for the colonies of New England.
• Power, Property, and Freedom: Bitcoin Discourse In the modern world, all people have the right to freedom and property, but not all have the power to decide who may have this freedom and property.
• Freedom in Antebellum America: Civil War and Abolishment of Slavery The American Civil War, which led to the abolishment of slavery, was one of the most important events in the history of the United States.
• Art and Freedom. History and Relationship The implication of this term is that genus art is composed of two species, the fine arts, and the useful arts. This, according to Cavell, is the beauty of art.
• Determinism and Freedom in the movie ‘Donnie Darko’ The term determinism states, the all the processes in the world are determined beforehand, and only chosen may see or determine the future.
• Mandela’s Leadership: Long Walk to Freedom The current paper analyses the effectiveness of leadership with reference to Nelson Mandela, the late former president of South Africa, as depicted in the movie, Mandela: Long Walk to Freedom.
• Fighting for Freedom of American Identity in Literature Loyalty is one of the themes in the story, as the boy is confused on whether to side with the family or the law.
• Concept of Individual Freedom Rousseau and Mill were political philosophers with interest in understanding what entailed individual freedom. This paper compares Rousseau’s idea of individual freedom with Mill’s idea.
• Predetermination and Freedom of Choice We assume that every happens because of a specific reason and that the effects of that event can be traced back to the cause.
• Freedom and Social Justice Through Technology These two remarkable minds have made significant contributions to the debates on technology and how it relates to liberty and social justice.
• Balancing Freedom of Speech and Responsibility in Online Commenting The article made me perceive the position of absolute freedom of speech in the Internet media from a dual perspective. This desire for quick attention is the creation of information noise, distracting from the user […]
• The Effect of Emotional Freedom Techniques on Nurses’ Stress The objectives for each of the three criteria are clearly stated, with the author explaining the aims to the reader well throughout the content in the article’s title, abstract, and introduction.
• The Freedom Summer Project and Black Studies The purpose of this essay is to discuss to which degree the story of the Freedom Summer project illustrates the concepts of politics outlined in Karenga’s book Introduction to black studies.
• Democracy: The Influence of Freedom Democracy is the basis of the political systems of the modern civilized world. Accordingly, the democracy of Athens was direct that is, without the choice of representatives, in contrast to how it is generated nowadays.
• Freedom of Speech as a Basic Human Right Restricting or penalizing freedom of expression is thus a negative issue because it confines the population of truth, as well as rationality, questioning, and the ability of people to think independently and express their thoughts.
• Kantian Ethics and Causal Law for Freedom The theory’s main features are autonomy of the will, categorical imperative, rational beings and thinking capacity, and human dignity. The theory emphasizes not on the actions and the doers but the consequences of their effects […]
• Principles in M. L. King’s Quest for African American Freedom The concept of a nonviolent approach to the struggles for African American freedom was a key strategy in King’s quest for the liberation of his communities from racial and social oppressions.
• Technology Revolutionizing Ethical Aspects of Academic Freedom As part of the solution, the trends in technology are proposed as a potential solution that can provide the necessary support to improve the freedom of expression as one of the ethical issues that affect […]
• The Journey Freedom Tour 2022 Performance Analysis Arnel Pineda at age 55 keeps rocking and hitting the high notes and bringing the entire band very successfully all through their live concert tour.
• Freedom of Speech and Propaganda in School Setting One of the practical solutions to the problem is the development and implementation of a comprehensive policy for balanced free speech in the classroom.
• Twitter and Violations of Freedom of Speech and Censorship The sort of organization that examines restrictions and the opportunities and challenges it encounters in doing so is the center of a widely acknowledged way of thinking about whether it is acceptable to restrict speech.
• Freedom of the Press and National Security Similarly, it concerns the freedom of the press of the media, which are protected in the United States of America by the First Amendment.
• The Views on the Freedom from Fear in the Historical Perspective In this text, fear is considered in the classical sense, corresponding to the interpretation of psychology, that is, as a manifestation of acute anxiety for the inviolability of one’s life.
• Freedom of Speech in Social Networks The recent case of blocking the accounts of former US President Donald Trump on Twitter and Facebook is explained by the violation of the rules and conditions of social platforms.
• Analysis of UK’s Freedom of Information Act 2000 To preserve potentially disruptive data that must not be released to the public, the FOIA integrates several provisions that allow the officials to decline the request for information without suffering possible consequences.
• Fight for Freedom, Love Has No Labels, and Ad Council: Key Statement The most important part of the message, to me, is the fact that the freedoms mentioned in the PSA are not available to every American citizen, despite America being the land of freedom.
• Teachers’ Freedom of Speech in Learning Institutions The judiciary system has not clearly defined the limits of the First Amendment in learning institutions, and it’s a public concern, especially from the teachers.
• Is There Press Freedom in Modern China? There is a large body of literature in the field of freedom of the press investigations, media freedom in China, and press freedom and human rights studies.
• Freedom of the Press in the Context of UAE It gives the people the ability to understand the insight of the government and other crucial activities happening within the country.
• Freedom of the Press in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) According to oztunc & Pierre, the UAE is ranked 119 in the global press freedom data, classifying the country as one of the most suppressive regarding the liberty of expression.
• Review of “Mandela: Long Walk to Freedom” From the youth, Mandela started to handle the unfairness of isolation and racial relations in South Africa. In Mandela: Long Walk to Freedom, Chadwick’s masterful screen memoir of Nelson Mandela passes on the anguish as […]
• Religious Freedom Policy Evaluation Ahmed et al.claim that the creation of the ecosystem can facilitate the change as the members of the community share their experiences and learn how to respond to various situations.
• The Concepts of Freedom and the Great Depression Furthermore, blacks were elected to construct the constitution, and black delegates fought for the rights of freedpeople and all Americans. African-Americans gained the freedom to vote, work, and be elected to government offices during Black […]
• Freedom of Choices for Women in Marriage in “The Story of an Hour” The story describes the sentiments and feelings of Louisa Mallard when she learns the news about her husband. The readers can see the sudden reaction of the person to the demise of her significant other.
• Freedom of Speech in Shouting Fire: Stories From the Edge of Free Speech Even though the First Amendment explicitly prohibits any laws regarding the freedom of speech, Congress continues to make exceptions from it.
• Personal Freedom: The Importance in Modern Society To show my family and friends how important they are to me, I try contacting them more often in the way they prefer.
• Economic Freedom and Its Recent Statements Economic freedom is an important indicator and benchmark for the level of income of companies or individual citizens of a country.
• The Freedom Concept in Plato’s “Republic” This situation shows that the concept of democracy and the freedom that correlates with it refers to a flawed narrative that liberty is the same as equality.
• Freedom of Speech as the Most Appreciated Liberty In the present-day world, the progress of society largely depends on the possibility for people to exercise their fundamental rights. From this perspective, freedom of speech is the key to everyone’s well-being, and, in my […]
• The Wealth of Networks: How Social Production Transforms Markets and Freedom In the introductory part of the book, the author discusses his main theses concerning the link between the development of networks and shifts in the economy and society.
• Freedom of Association for Radical Organizations This assertion is the primary and fundamental argument in the debate on this topic – radical groups should not use freedom of association to harm other people potentially.
• Frederick Douglass’s My Bondage and My Freedom Review He criticizes that in spite of the perceived knowledge he was getting as a slave, this very light in the form of knowledge “had penetrated the moral dungeon”.
• The Essence of Freedom of Contract The legal roots of the notion of freedom of contract are manifested in the ideals of liberalism and theoretical capitalism, where the former values individual freedom and the latter values marker efficiency and effectiveness.
• Why Defamation Laws Must Prioritize Freedom of Speech The body of the essay will involve providing information on the nature of defamation laws in the USA and the UK, the implementation of such laws in the two countries, and the reason why the […]
• Pettit’s Conception of Freedom as Anti-Power According to Savery and Haugaard, the main idea that Pettit highlights in this theory is the notion that the contrary to freedom is never interference as many people claim, but it is slavery and the […]
• Democracy and Freedom: Inclusion of Underrepresented Groups For this reason, the principle of anti-power should be considered as the position that will provide a better understanding of the needs of the target population and the desirable foreign policy to be chosen.
• Freedom or Security: Homeland Issues In many ways, the author sheds light on the overreactions or inadequate responses of the US government, which led to such catastrophes as 9/11 or the war in Iraq.
• War on Terror: Propaganda and Freedom of the Press in the US There was the launching of the “Center for Media and Democracy”, CMD, in the year 1993 in order to create what was the only public interest at that period. There was expansive use of propaganda […]
• The Freedom of Expression and the Freedom of Press It is evident that the evolution of standards that the court has adopted to evaluate the freedom of expression leaves a lot to be desired. The court has attempted to define the role of the […]
• Information and Communication Technology & Economic Freedom in Islamic Middle Eastern Countries This is a unique article as it gives importance to the role ecommerce plays in the life of the educationists and students and urges that the administrators are given training to handle their students in […]
• Is the Good Life Found in Freedom? Example of Malala Yousafzai The story of Malala has shown that freedom is crucial for personal happiness and the ability to live a good life.
• The Path to Freedom of Black People During the Antebellum Period In conclusion, the life of free blacks in 19th century America was riddled with hindrances that were meant to keep them at the bottom of society.
• Civil Rights Movement: Fights for Freedom The Civil Rights Movement introduced the concept of black and white unification in the face of inequality. Music-related to justice and equality became the soundtrack of the social and cultural revolution taking place during the […]
• Voices of Freedom: Lincoln, M. L. King, Kirkaldy He was named after his grandfather Abraham Lincoln, the one man that was popular for owning wide tracks of land and a great farmer of the time.
• Freedom: Malcolm X’s vs. Anna Quindlen’s Views However, in reality, we only have the freedom to think whatever we like, and only as long as we know that this freedom is restricted to thought only.
• Net Neutrality: Freedom of Internet Access In the principle of Net neutrality, every entity is entitled access and interaction with other internet users at the same cost of access.
• The Golden Age of Youth and Freedom However, it is interesting to compare it to the story which took place at the dawn of the cultural and sexual revolution in Chinese society.
• The Literature From Slavery to Freedom Its main theme is slavery but it also exhibits other themes like the fight by Afro-Americans for freedom, the search for the identity of black Americans and the appreciation of the uniqueness of African American […]
• John Stuart Mill on Freedom in Today’s Perspective The basic concept behind this rose because it was frustrating in many cases in the context of the penal system and legislation and it was viewed that anything less than a capital punishment would not […]
• Conformity Versus Freedom at University To the author, this is objectionable on the grounds that such a regimen infringes on the freedom of young adults and that there is much to learn outside the classroom that is invaluable later in […]
• US Citizens and Freedom As an example of freedom and obtaining freedom in the US, the best possible subject would be the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s, particularly during 1963-64, as this would serve as the conceptual and […]
• Social Factors in the US History: Respect for Human Rights, Racial Equality, and Religious Freedom The very first years of the existence of the country were marked by the initiatives of people to provide as much freedom in all aspects of social life as possible.
• Protecting Freedom of Expression on the Campus An annotated version of “Protecting Freedom of Expression on the Campus” by Derek Bok in The Boston Globe.*and these stars are where I have a question or opinion on a statement* For several years, universities […]
• Freedom of Speech and the Internet On the one hand, the freedom of expression on the internet allowed the general public to be informed about the true nature of the certain events, regardless of geographical locations and restrictions.
• Freedom of Information Act in the US History According to the legislation of the United States, official authorities are obliged to disclose information, which is under control of the US government, if it is requested by the public.
• Freedom, Equality & Solidarity by Lucy Parsons In the lecture and article ‘The Principles of Anarchism’ she outlines her vision of Anarchy as the answer to the labor question and how powerful governments and companies worked for hand in hand to stifle […]
• Balance of Media Censorship and Press Freedom Government censorship means the prevention of the circulation of information already produced by the official government There are justifications for the suppression of communication such as fear that it will harm individuals in the society […]
• The Idea of American Freedom Such implications were made by the anti-slavery group on each occasion that the issue of slavery was drawn in the Congress, and reverberated wherever the institution of slavery was subjected to attack within the South.
• Human Freedom: Liberalism vs Anarchism It is impoverished because liberals have failed to show the connection between their policies and the values of the community. More fundamentally, however, a policy formulated in such a way that it is disconnected from […]
• Liberal Definition of Freedom Its origins lie in the rejection of the authoritarian structures of the feudalistic order in Europe and the coercive tendencies and effects of that order through the imposition of moral absolutes.
• Freedom is One of the Most Valuable Things to Man Political philosophers have many theories in response to this and it is necessary to analyze some of the main arguments and concepts to get a clearer idea of how to be more precise about the […]
• The Enlightment: The Science of Freedom In America, enlightment resulted to the formation of the American Revolution in the form of resistance of Britain imperialism. In the United States of America, enlightment took a more significant form as demonstrated by the […]
• Spinoza’ Thoughts on Human Freedom The human being was once considered of as the Great Amphibian, or the one who can exclusively live in the two worlds, a creature of the physical world and also an inhabitant of the spiritual, […]
• Freedom From Domination: German Scientists’ View He made the greatest ever attempt to unify the country, as Western Europe was divided into lots of feudal courts, and the unification of Germany led to the creation of single national mentality and appearing […]
• The Freedom of Speech: Communication Law in US By focusing on the on goings in Guatemala, the NYT may have, no doubt earned the ire of the Bush administration, but it is also necessary that the American people are made aware of the […]
• Freedom of Speech and Expression in Music Musicians are responsible and accountable for fans and their actions because in the modern world music and lyrics become a tool of propaganda that has a great impact on the circulation of ideas and social […]
• Democracy and Freedom in Pakistan Pakistan lies in a region that has been a subject of worldwide attention and political tensions since 9/11. US influence in politics, foreign and internal policies of Pakistan has always been prominent.
• Male Dominance as Impeding Female Sexual Freedom Therefore, there is a need to further influence society to respect and protect female sexuality through the production of educative materials on women’s free will.
• Interrelation and Interdependence of Freedom, Responsibility, and Accountability Too much responsibility and too little freedom make a person unhappy. There must be a balance between freedom and responsibility for human happiness.
• African American History: The Struggle for Freedom The history of the Jacksons Rainbow coalition shows the rise of the support of the African American politicians in the Democratic party.
• Franklin D. Roosevelt’s Definition of Freedom The case of Nicola Sacco can be seen as the starting point of the introduction of Roosevelt’s definition of freedom as liberty for all American citizens.
• Freedom of Speech and International Relations The freedom of speech or the freedom of expression is a civil right legally protected by many constitutions, including that of the United States, in the First Amendment.
• Slavery Abolition and Newfound Freedom in the US One of the biggest achievements of Reconstruction was the acquisition of the right to vote by Black People. Still, Black Americans were no longer forced to tolerate inhumane living conditions, the lack of self-autonomy, and […]
• The Existence of Freedom This paper assumes that it is the cognizance of the presence of choices for our actions that validates the existence of free will since, even if some extenuating circumstances and influences can impact what choice […]
• Mill’s Power over Body vs. Foucault’s Freedom John Stuart Mill’s view of sovereignty over the mind and the body focuses on the tendency of human beings to exercise liberalism to fulfill their self-interest.
• Rousseau’s vs. Confucius’ Freedom Concept Similarly, the sovereignty of a distinctive group expresses the wholeness of its free will, but not a part of the group.
• The Importance of Freedom of Speech In a bid to nurture the freedom of speech, the United States provides safety to the ethical considerations of free conversations.
• Freedom in the Workplace of American Society In the workplace, it is vital to implement freedom-oriented policies that would address the needs of each employee for the successful performance of the company which significantly depends on the operation of every participant of […]
• 19th-Century Marxism with Emphasis on Freedom As the paper reveals through various concepts and theories by Marx, it was the responsibility of the socialists and scientists to transform the society through promoting ideologies of class-consciousness and social action as a way […]
• Political Necessity to Safeguard Freedom He determined that the existence of the declared principles on which the fundamental structure of equality is based, as well as the institutions that monitor their observance, is the critical prerequisite for social justice and […]
• Aveo’s Acquisition of Freedom Aged Care Portfolio The mode of acquisition points to the possibility that Freedom used the White Knight defense mechanism when it approached the Aveo group.
• Aveo Group’s Acquisition of Freedom Aged Care Pty Ltd The annual report of AVEO Group indicated that the company acquired Freedom Aged Care based on its net book value. It implies that the Aveo Group is likely to achieve its strategic objectives through the […]
• Freedom Hospital Geriatric Patient Analysis The importance of statistics in clinical research can be explained by a multitude of factors; in clinical management, it is used for monitoring the patients’ conditions, the quality of health care provided, and other indicators.
• Hegel and Marx on Civil Society and Human Freedom First of all, the paper will divide the concepts of freedom and civil society in some of the notions that contribute to their definitions.
• Individual Freedom: Exclusionary Rule The exclusionary rule was first introduced by the US Supreme Court in 1914 in the case of Weeks v.the United States and was meant for the application in the federal courts only, but later it […]
• History of American Conceptions and Practices of Freedom The government institutions and political regimes have been accused of allowing amarginalisation’ to excel in the acquisition and roles assigned to the citizens of the US on the basis of social identities.
• Canada’s Freedom of Speech and Its Ineffectiveness In the developed societies of the modern world, it is one of the major premises that freedom of expression is the pivotal character of liberal democracy.
• Freedom and Liberty in American Historical Documents The 1920s and the 1930s saw particularly ardent debates on these issues since it was the time of the First World War and the development of the American sense of identity at the same time.
• Anglo-American Relations, Freedom and Nationalism Thus, in his reflection on the nature of the interrelations between two powerful empires, which arose at the end of the 19th century, the writer argues that the striving of the British Empire and the […]
• American Student Rights and Freedom of Speech As the speech was rather vulgar for the educational setting, the court decided that the rights of adults in public places cannot be identic to those the students have in school.
• Freedom of Speech in Modern Media At the same time, the bigoted approach to the principles of freedom of speech in the context of the real world, such as killing or silencing journalists, makes the process of promoting the same values […]
• “Advancing Freedom in Iraq” by Steven Groves The aim of the article is to describe the current situation in Iraq and to persuade the reader in the positive role of the U.S.authorities in the promoting of the democracy in the country.
• Freedom: Definition, Meaning and Threats The existence of freedom in the world has been one of the most controversial topics in the world. As a result, he suggests indirectly that freedom is found in the ability to think rationally.
• Expression on the Internet: Vidding, Copyright and Freedom It can be defined as the practice of creating new videos by combining the elements of already-existing clips. This is one of the reasons why this practice may fall under the category of fair use.
• Doha Debate and Turkey’s Media Freedom He argued that the Turkish model was a work in progress that could be emulated by the Arab countries not only because of the freedom that the government gave to the press, but also the […]
• The Story of American Freedom The unique nature of the United States traces its history to the formation of political institutions between 1776 and 1789, the American Revolution between 1776 and 1783 and the declaration of independence in 1776. Additionally, […]
• The Freedom of Information Act The Freedom of Information Act is popularly understood to be the representation of “the people’s right to know” the various activities of the government.
• The United States Role in the World Freedom The efforts of NATO to engage Taliban and al-Qaida insurgents in the war resulted in the spreading of the war into the North West parts of Pakistan.
• Freedom of Speech: Julian Assange and ‘WikiLeaks’ Case Another significant issue is that the precedent of WikiLeaks questions the power of traditional journalism to articulate the needs of the society and to monitor the governments.
• Do Urban Environments Promote Freedom? Lastly, it is the heterogenic environment that contributes largely to the cultivation of the feeling of freedom in the inhabitants of urban cities.
• Claiming the Freedom to Shape Politics In addition, this paper also shows that ordinary people claim the freedom to shape politics because politics influence human rights, and the violation of human rights in one part of the world affects another.
• US Progress in Freedom, Equality and Power Since Civil War When it comes to the pursuit of freedom and ideals of democracy, progress since the Civil War can be seen in the establishment of a sufficiently capable Federal government, efficient judiciary and presidency systems with […]
• Religious Freedom and Labor Law Therefore, it is important for the human resource managers to come up with ways of addressing religious requests in relation to the current labor laws.
• Gilded Age and Progressive Era Freedom Challenges They used that fact in their attempt to argue that the slavery of African Americans was natural as well and that it should not be abolished.
• Philosophical Approach to Freedom and Determinism The rationale is that Dave’s action was not the outcome of who he was and what he believed, the values he held or his desires.
• The Life of a Freedom Fighter in Post WWII Palestine As World War II was coming to an end, the Zionist Movement leaders were hopeful that the British government would amend the White Paper policy, allow the Jews to migrate to Eretz, Israel, and govern […]
• “Human Freedom and the Self” by Roderick Chisholm According to the author, human actions do not depend on determinism or “free will”. I will use this idea in order to promote the best actions.
• Philosophy of Freedom in “The Apology“ Socrates’ friends requested him to accept the charges, as they were willing to pay the expected fines, but he refused and insisted that he was ready to die for the sake of justice.
• Philosophy in the Freedom of Will by Harry Frankfurt Why? Frankfurt’s arguments are very applicable to the case of the ‘Amputees by Choice.’ His first argument is that of persons and nonpersons.
• Advertising and Freedom of Speech According to Liodice, the marketer should provide the best information to the targeted consumer. The duty of the marketer is to educate and inform the consumer about the unique features of his or her product.
• How the Law Limits Academic Freedom? The majority of academicians treasure the protections that are as a result of academic freedom. Academic freedom is only permitted in the higher institutions of learning.
• The Issue of American Freedom in Toni Morrison’s “Beloved” This is evident from the novel’s ending where the author gives a disclaimer against the story disappearing like the experiences of the slaves who perished during slavery.”Beloved” is a postmodern novel that is able to […]
• The Jewish Freedom Fighter Recollection We are in urgent need of a nation of our own, but must be willing to respond to the issue of Arab inhabitants within our territory.
• Kuwait’s Opposition and the Freedom of Expression The political system in the country has played a major role in limiting the freedom of media because the royal family is very keen on thwarting any form of rebellion against the government.
• Abraham Lincoln: A Legacy of Freedom He also implemented an act on National Banking, which led to the establishment of a common currency in the nation and allowed for the development of a union of all the banks in the nation.
• Freedom of Speech and Expression This implies that autonomy is the epitome of the freedom of expression in many ways. Perhaps, this is the point of diversion between autonomy and restriction of the freedom of expression.
• Multicultural Education: Freedom or Oppression
• “The Freedom of the Streets: Work, Citizenship, and Sexuality in a Gilded Age City” by Sharon Wood
• Information Freedom in Government
• Dr.Knightly’s Problems in Academic Freedom
• Mill on Liberty and Freedom
• Texas Women University Academic Freedom
• Freedom and the Role of Civilization
• Freedom of speech in the Balkans
• “Freedom Riders”: A Documentary Revealing Personal Stories That Reflect Individual Ideology
• Media Freedom in Japan
• Rivalry and Central Planning by Don Lavoie: Study Analysis
• Review of “Freedom Writers”
• Freedom Degree in Colonial America
• What Is ‘Liberal Representative Democracy’ and Does the Model Provide an Appropriate Combination of Freedom and Equality?
• Is the Contemporary City a Space of Control or Freedom?
• Native Americans Transition From Freedom to Isolation
• “The Weight of the Word” by Chris Berg
• What Does Freedom Entail in the US?
• Leila Khaled: Freedom Fighter or Terrorist?
• Environmentalism and Economic Freedom
• Freedom of Speech in China and Political Reform
• Colonial Women’s Freedom in Society
• The S.E.C. and the Freedom of Information Act
• African Americans: A Journey Towards Freedom
• Freedom of the Press
• Coming of Age in Mississippi: The Black Freedom Movement
• Freedom of Women to Choose Abortion
• Human Freedom as Contextual Deliberation
• Women and Freedom in “The Story of an Hour” by Kate Chopin
• The Required Freedom and Democracy in Afghanistan
• PRISM Program: Freedom v. Order
• Human rights and freedoms
• Controversies Over Freedom of Speech and Internet Postings
• Gender and the Black Freedom Movement
• Culture and the Black Freedom Struggle
• Hegel’s Ideas on Action, Morality, Ethics and Freedom
• Satre human freedom
• The Ideas of Freedom and Slavery in Relation to the American Revolution
• Psychological Freedom

✍️ Freedom Essay Topics for College

• The Freedom Concept
• Free Exercise Clause: Freedom and Equality
• Television Effects & Freedoms
• Government’s control versus Freedom of Speech and Thoughts
• Freedom of Speech: Exploring Proper Limits
• Freedom of the Will
• Women in Early America: Struggle, Survival, and Freedom in a New World
• Benefits of Post 9/11 Security Measures Fails to Outway Harm on Personal Freedom and Privacy
• Civil Liberties: Freedom of the Media
• Human Freedom and Personal Identity
• Freedom of Religion in the U.S
• Why Free Speech Is An Important Freedom
• The meaning of the word “freedom” in the context of the 1850s!
• American History: Freedom and Progress
• The Free Exercise Thereof: Freedom of Religion in the First Amendment
• Twilight: Freedom of Choices by the Main Character
• Frank Kermode: Timelessness and Freedom of Expression
• The meaning of freedom today
• Human Nature and the Freedom of Speech in Different Countries
• What Is the Relationship Between Personal Freedom and Democracy?
• How Does Religion Limit Human Freedom?
• What Is the Relationship Between Economic Freedom and Fluctuations in Welfare?
• How Effectively the Constitution Protects Freedom?
• Why Should Myanmar Have Similar Freedom of Speech Protections to the United States?
• Should Economics Educators Care About Students’ Academic Freedom?
• Why Freedom and Equality Is an Artificial Creation Created?
• How the Attitudes and Freedom of Expression Changed for African Americans Over the Years?
• What Are the Limits of Freedom of Speech?
• How Far Should the Right to Freedom of Speech Extend?
• Is There a Possible Relationship Between Human Rights and Freedom of Expression and Opinion?
• How Technology Expanded Freedom in the Society?
• Why Did Jefferson Argue That Religious Freedom Is Needed?
• How the Civil War Sculpted How Americans Viewed Their Nation and Freedom?
• Should Society Limit the Freedom of Individuals?
• Why Should Parents Give Their Children Freedom?
• Was Operation Iraqi Freedom a Legitimate and Just War?
• Could Increasing Political Freedom Be the Key To Reducing Threats?
• How Does Financial Freedom Help in Life?
• What Are Human Rights and Freedoms in Modern Society?
• How the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedom Affects the Canadian Politics?
• Why Should Schools Allow Religious Freedom?
• Does Internet Censorship Threaten Free Speech?
• How Did the American Civil War Lead To the Defeat of Slavery and Attainment of Freedom by African Americans?
• Why Are Men Willing To Give Up Their Freedom?
• How Did the Economic Development of the Gilded Age Affect American Freedom?
• Should Artists Have Total Freedom of Expression?
• How Does Democracy, Economic Freedom, and Taxation Affect the Residents of the European Union?
• What Restrictions Should There Be, if Any, on the Freedom of the Press?
• How To Achieving Early Retirement With Financial Freedom?
• Liberalism Research Topics
• Civil Disobedience Essay Topics
• Tolerance Essay Ideas
• First Amendment Research Topics
• Social Democracy Essay Titles
• Personal Ethics Titles
• Justice Questions
• American Dream Research Topics
• Chicago (A-D)
• Chicago (N-B)

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Political History

Strategic actions, ensuing events, for more information, about this conflict summary.

This conflict summary was commissioned by the International Center on Nonviolent Conflict (ICNC). We are an educational organization dedicated to developing and sharing knowledge related to nonviolent civil resistance movements for human rights, freedom, and justice around the world. Click here to access ICNC’s homepage.

The Indian Independence Struggle (1930-1931)

Download PDF Version Download Farsi PDF Version By: Lester Kurtz June 2009

Mohandas Gandhi’s civil disobedience movement of 1930-1931—launched by the Salt March—is a critical case for understanding civil resistance. Although by itself it failed to bring Indian independence, it seriously undermined British authority and united India’s population in a movement for independence under the leadership of the Indian National Congress (INC). It further signaled a new stage in the struggle for Indian swaraj (self-rule) and facilitated the downfall of the British Empire in India. Gandhi’s Salt Satyagraha (a word Gandhi used to connote civil resistance, meaning “holding fast to the truth”) drew upon a traditional South Asian cultural practice – the “ Padyatra ” (a long spiritual march) that became a model of strategic action for many social movements in the decades to come.

On the anniversary of the 1919 Jallianwala Bagh massacre in Amritsar—in which hundreds of unarmed Indians were killed and many more wounded by British soldiers—Gandhi reached down and scooped up a handful of mud at a beach and declared that he was shaking the foundations of the British Empire. He then boiled the mud in seawater to produce illegal salt, an act repeated by thousands which led to the arrest of an estimated 60,000-100,000 men and women who participated for the first time in mass public demonstrations. Widespread civil disobedience followed with grassroots actions across the nation including not only illegal salt making, but also bonfires burning British cloth, picketing of shops selling foreign cloth, picketing of liquor shops, and rent withholding. Other issues came to the fore in the campaign as well, such as Hindu-Muslim unity and an attack on the caste system and the elimination of “untouchability”—Gandhi encouraged members of the lowest “untouchable” (harijan or dalit ) caste to participate, thereby creating considerable controversy, especially in villages along the route of the march where the local hosts were delighted to welcome the famous Mahatma (which was a name people gave to Gandhi meaning “great soul”) but were loath to associate with “outcasts.” Some criticize Gandhi for losing focus on the issue of independence and diffusing the struggle by including so many other issues, but that was characteristic of his approach.

Following Gandhi’s arrest and imprisonment just after midnight on 5 May 1930, the famous woman poet Sarojini Naidu took over leadership of the nonviolent invasion of the Dharasana Salt Works in Gujarat. Naidu sent wave after wave of satyagrahis toward the plant, where they were met by soldiers who clubbed them with steel-tipped poles (lathis), an event that was recorded by journalists and that moved many around the world to sympathize with the Indian cause. Gandhi was finally released from prison and the Salt Satyagraha ended on March 4, 1931, with the signing of the Gandhi-Irwin pact and the invitation for Gandhi to attend Round Table talks in London to discuss the possibility of Indian independence.

The Salt March was not only the most widely-celebrated moment in Gandhi’s career as a freedom fighter, but it is paradigmatic of his approach: it is a highly-symbolic and dramatic exercise in civil resistance, contextualized among a variety of other nonviolent actions (boycotts, civil disobedience, picketing) strategically focused on a relatively narrow goal. It mobilized mass participation, included widespread civil disobedience, had a profound cultural resonance, and attracted worldwide attention through the media. The people were united, the British Empire’s façade of civility exposed, and pillars of its vast power shaken.

British control of the South Asian Subcontinent began as a trading venture in the early seventeenth century with the English East India Company, which later became a managing agent for the British government. Following an uprising in 1857 (the “Mutiny,” the British called it), India came under direct administration by the British Empire. The British colonial government relied on the cooperation of Indian elites and soldiers for formal control of the government and the population.

Mohandas K. Gandhi launched and directed three major campaigns in the Indian Independence Movement: noncooperation in 1919-1922, the civil disobedience movement and the Salt Satyagraha of 1930-1931, and the Quit India movement from about 1940-1942. Prior to these campaigns, he had studied law in England, was admitted to the bar at the High Court of Chancery, and then spent a formative 20 years in South Africa where he met raw racial insults, rallied Indians to fight for their human rights, and cultivated his classic methods of nonviolent civil resistance or, as he called it, Satyagraha.

Gandhi spent almost two years in prison starting in 1922, charged with publishing seditious writings in the journal Young India, to which he pleaded guilty, and used the time to read, pray, and spin. He then worked behind the scenes in the Indian National Congress (INC) political party and directed his attention to what he called “constructive work” such as easing tensions between Hindu and Muslim communities, opposing the practice of “untouchability,” and spinning cloth as part of his noncooperation with British colonial rule, which was centered to a large extent on the textile industry. Gandhi was provoked into action along with other members of the INC by the creation of a British commission that included no Indians to help chart the course of India’s future.

The INC passed Gandhi’s resolution at its 1929 annual meeting in Lahore asking for full independence and promising civil disobedience if it was not granted. On 26 January 1930, the INC celebrated “Independence Day” and Gandhi was busy forging a plan for the inevitable response to the lack of official independence. He decided to launch the campaign with an act of civil disobedience involving the British salt tax. The salt tax was a political issue that had a personal impact on all Indians, especially among the poor. Salt was a basic necessity for survival and its taxation was viewed as an example of British arrogance. On 2 March 1930, Gandhi wrote a letter to Viceroy Lord Irwin informing him of his intent to commit civil disobedience in ten days if eleven previously-communicated demands (related to the salt tax, land revue assessments, military spending levels, currency exchange rates, and a tariff on foreign cloth) were not met. The letter, addressed to the viceroy as a “friend,” was delivered by British Quaker Reginald Reynolds to make the point that it was not simply a matter of Indians against the British. The civil disobedience campaign was designed to appeal to multiple audiences including the broader Indian civil society (to draw them into the struggle), British officials, young radicals in the freedom movement wanting violent confrontations, and some Indian economic elites who opposed independence altogether.

On 12 March Gandhi set out with 78 members of his ashram on a 241-mile (390-kilometer)1 march from Sabarmati, Gujarat, to the coastal village of Dandi. Greeted by large crowds along the way, some of whom joined the march, Gandhi communicated his message of Indian independence, the injustice of the salt tax, and the need to spin in order to promote a boycott of British cloth and thus attack the core of the British Empire’s exploitative relationship with India, which was the textile industry.

The campaign failed to bring independence or even major concessions, but it inspired the Indian people and, as Jawaharlal Nehru put it, widened the outlook of “the village masses,” who for the first time “began to think a little in terms of India as a whole.”

The repression the satyagrahis suffered at the hands of the regime—beatings, imprisonment, even torture—backfired, creating a serious credibility problem for the Empire at home and abroad. When India finally achieved independence on 15 August 1947, scholars and many Indian people looked back on the Salt Satyagraha as a turning point in the Indian independence struggle.

The Salt Satyagraha was a multi-faceted campaign of civil disobedience that included a range of strategic actions beyond the march and the act of illegal salt-making itself. It was part of a tactical sequence that allowed the civil resisters to seize the initiative from the British and ran from the earlier Civil Disobedience Campaign of 1919-1922 that focused on a boycott of British cloth, to the demand for complete and immediate independence, setting the stage for the Quit India Movement of 1940-1941 and the eventual recognition of independence in 1947. The Salt March was a response to the British refusal to recognize the INC’s declaration of independence in December of 1929 and was designed to dramatize the injustice of colonial rule in a concrete way by challenging the salt tax, but also to memorialize the British massacre of nonviolent protestors at Amritsar in 1919.

The carefully choreographed march went from village to village providing opportunities to make public statements of protest and to recruit people into the movement. The making of salt from the Indian Ocean in defiance of British law led to widespread arrests and beatings by British troops. Baffled by the inability of massive arrests to slow the movement, British officials finally arrested Gandhi himself, thinking it would stop its momentum. On the contrary, more participants were mobilized and the movement escalated its tactics as planned by Gandhi prior to his arrest, with a nonviolent invasion of the Dharasana Salt Works. Wave after wave of civil resisters were severely beaten and then replaced in a spectacle that captured the attention of the world’s media. The naked violence against unarmed protesters discredited the Empire even among its staunch supporters in England. In order to save face, the Viceroy was forced to negotiate for the first time with Gandhi as a representative of the INC. Gandhi was invited to London for Roundtable talks with government officials about the possibility of Indian independence. While Gandhi negotiated, a backlash against the conciliatory policies that were counter-offered by the British emerged among British officials in India and a wave of repression clamped down on Congress officials back in India, including the arrests of Jawaharlal Nehru and Abdul Gaffar Khan while Gandhi was on his journey home. Rather than suppressing the movement the repression again energized it – more than 60,000 people were arrested for civil disobedience in the first nine months of 1932. Although formal Independence did not come for another sixteen years, delayed in part by the Second World War, the movement had seized the initiative.

The social organization of the Salt March was designed not only for civil resistance directed at the British colonial system, but also to model the new social order that the freedom fighters wished to put in its place. In advance of the campaign, the INC set up lines of leadership succession, so that with each wave of arrests, new leaders were ready to replace those who were taken away and the participation of women and “untouchables” in the March and the movements parallel structures laid the groundwork for a different kind of social structure in independent India.

In brief, some of the strategic actions of the movement during the Salt Satyagraha included:

Nonviolent Protest and Persuasion

• Formal statements: public speeches by Gandhi and other INC leaders, letters of opposition (including Gandhi’s correspondence with the viceroy), mass petitions.
• Communications with a wider audience: Slogans and symbols, newspaper and journal articles from Gandhi’s own journals, masterful use of the international press, leaflets and pamphlets, lectures by INC activists on trains to a “captive audience.”
• Group Representations: delegations to persuade officials, picketing of liquor stores.
• Symbolic public acts: displays of flags (independent India), prayer and worship (Gandhi’s daily prayer meetings).
• Drama and Music: singing, dancing, and drums at public gatherings and among the crowds greeting the marchers as they arrived in village after village
• Processions: the Salt March itself, which for Gandhi was also explicitly a religious as well as political procession.
• Honoring the Dead: political mourning of the thousands of unarmed demonstrators killed or wounded by British soldiers at Amritsar in 1919—Gandhi deliberately planned for the march to arrive at the seacoast on the anniversary of their death.
• Social Noncooperation
• Ostracism of persons: social boycotts of persons not engaging in noncooperation with the British government.
• Economic Noncooperation
• Action by consumers: national boycott of British cloth and shops selling it, as well as liquor stores; rent withholding.
• Limited strikes, hartals, and economic shutdowns
• Political Noncooperation
• Rejection of authority: withholding of allegiance and refusal of public office by Indians.
• Noncooperation with government: resignations of government employment and positions, withdrawal from government educational institutions
• Alternatives to obedience: popular nonobedience, refusal to disperse, civil disobedience of British laws, especially the salt tax.
• School boycotts
• Nonviolent Intervention
• Physical intervention: nonviolent invasions, especially of the Dharasana Salt Works, nonviolent occupation of the seashore to make salt.
• Social intervention: new social patterns, overloading of facilities (especially jails), alternative markets (salt, cloth) and institutions, such as ashrams and communities that cut across caste, class, and religious-communal lines.
• Economic interventions: alternative economic institutions such as salt manufacturing and the khadi (homespun) cloth industries.
• Political intervention: civil disobedience of “neutral” laws, dual sovereignty, making the Indian National Congress a de facto ruling entity in an attempt to sideline the colonial government.

Although not without its corruption, injustices, and occasional outbursts of inter-communal conflict, India is the world’s largest democracy with significant civil liberties and an independent judiciary as well as a formally free press.

Despite remarkable cultural, religious, and linguistic diversity, overwhelming poverty, and many other social problems, the country has a stable democratic government. The spirit of nonviolent confrontation from the Salt Satyagraha persists. Across the nation, nonviolent civic organizations regularly mobilize for social and political change and engage in public demonstrations to air their grievances with the government. Free speech is protected—a member of the government’s own planning commission once severely criticized the nation’s constitution in a public speech in Delhi—and movements within a robust civil society often resist the state to redress grievances, sometimes using the classic “ padyatra .”

1. Although this is the commonly-assumed distance, Thomas Weber (2009:488) recalculates the distance of the march at 220 miles (350 kilometers).

Watch a 25 minute film on the Indian Independence Movement and Gandhi’s famous Salt March of 1930-1931, from the critically-acclaimed film  A Force More Powerful :

For further reading:

• Ackerman, Peter, and Jack DuVall. “India: Movement for Self-Rule.” In A Force More Powerful: A Century of Nonviolent Conflict , 61-111. New York, NY: Palgrave, 2000.
• Alexander, Meena. “Sarojini Naidu: Romanticism and Resistance.” Economic and Political Weekly XX (Oct. 26, 1985): 68-71.
• Brown, Judith M. Gandhi: Prisoner of Hope . New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989.
• Brown, Judith M. Gandhi and Civil Disobedience: The Mahatma in Indian Politics 1928-1934 . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008.
• Erikson, Erik. “On the Nature of Psycho-Historical Evidence: In Search of Gandhi.” Daedalus 97 (Summer 1968): 695-730.
• Fox, Richard. ”Gandhi and Feminized Nationalism in India.” In Women Out of Place: the Gender of Agency and Race of Nationality , ed. Brackette F. Williams, 37-49. New York, NY: Routledge, 1996.
• Gandhi, Mohandas K. Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi . New Delhi: 1994. Publications Division, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Government of India, http://www.gandhiserve.org/cwmg/cwmg.html .
• Israel, Milton. Communications and Power: Propaganda and the Press in the Indian Nationalist Struggle, 1920-1947 . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994.
• Kurtz, Lester R. “Gandhi and his Legacies.” In Encyclopedia of Violence, Peace, and Conflict, Vol. 2 , 837-851. Oxford: Elsevier, 2008.
• Lieten, G. K. “The Civil Disobedience Movement and the National Bourgeoisie.” Social Scientist 11 (May 1983): 33-48.
• Nanda, B. R. “Gandhi, Mohandas Karamchand.” In Encyclopædia Britannica , 2009.
• Nanda, B. R. Mahatma Gandhi: A Biography . Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1996.
• Suchitra. “What Moves Masses: Dandi March as a Communication Strategy.” Economic and Political Weekly (April 8, 1995): 743-46.
• Weber, Thomas. “Gandhian Nonviolence and the Salt March.” Social Alternatives 21 (Autumn 2002): 46-51.
• Weber, Thomas. On the Salt March: The Historiography of Gandhi’s March to Dandi . New Delhi: Rupa and Co., 2009.

This conflict summary was commissioned by the International Center on Nonviolent Conflict (ICNC). We are an educational organization dedicated to developing and sharing knowledge related to nonviolent civil resistance movements for human rights, freedom, and justice around the world. Learn more about our work here .

Hundreds of past and present cases of nonviolent civil resistance exist. To make these cases more accessible, ICNC compiled summaries of some of them between the years 2009-2011. You can find these summaries here . Each summary aims to provide a clear perspective on the role that nonviolent civil resistance has played or is playing in a particular case. They are authored by people who have expertise in a particular region of the world and/or expertise in the field of civil resistance. Each author speaks with his/her own voice, and conflict summaries do not necessarily reflect the views of ICNC.

For a wide range of resources on civil resistance, visit ICNC’s Resource Library , which features resources on civil resistance in English and over 65 other languages .

To support scholars and educators who are designing curricula and teaching this subject, we also offer an Academic Online Curriculum (AOC), which is a free, extensive, and regularly updated online resource with over 40 different modules on civil resistance topics and case studies.

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History of India’s Independence

Over the course of history, India has faced several invasions. While most of the invaders made their intentions clear right from the word go, the British managed to bring India under their control through a business venture. It all started with the British East India Company, which started off as a mere joint-stock company, but slowly went about spreading its wings and influence, before the British government finally took control of the entire country. 

The British company had landed in India in the early seventeenth century as traders, but began interfering in Indian affairs around 1750s. After the battle of Plassey (1757), it began to transform from a trading company to a ruling force. As the British began to spread their tentacles over a large part of India, the exploitation of local resources and people began in full force. The British were concerned just about consolidating their rule and power. 

The British rule had a damaging effect on the social, economic, cultural and political life of Indians, which gradually forced common masses and rulers to rise in revolt against the British rule. Several agrarian, tribal, and political rebellions broke out against the foreign rule, but it was the rebellion of 1857, which proved as a launch pad for all the subsequent struggles against the British rule. 

The continuously increasing awareness, contact with the outside world, and the urge to free the motherland, gave rise to an organized movement by the end of the nineteenth century, which uprooted the 200-year-old British rule in 1947.

The History of British Colonialism in India 

After the fall of the Mughal Empire, the British gained the support of many local rulers by offering them help against their adversaries. Since the British were equipped with huge cannons and newer war technology their support proved helpful to many Indian rulers. In exchange for their support, the East India Company managed to set up trading centers in places like Madras, Calcutta and Bombay. The British gradually started to extend their fortification. When they were asked to stop their extension by Siraj-ud-daulah, the Nawab of Bengal, they defeated him in the Battle of Plassey (1757). This win against Siraj-ud-daulah played a crucial role in colonizing the whole of India.      

Early Rebellions Against the British Rule

For their short-term benefit, many Indian rulers supported the British colonization in India, but many of them opposed the idea of foreign rule. This created a conflict between Indian rulers, which was further used by the British to their advantage. Among the early rebellion, South Indian rulers, such as Puli Thevar, Hyder Ali, Tipu Sultan, Pazhassi Raja, Rani Velu Nachiyar, Veerapandiya Kattabomman, Dheeran Chinnamalai, Maruthu Pandiyar, etc. revolted against the British and fought several wars and battles. 

Many rulers like Hyder Ali and Dheeran Chinnamalai sought the help of Maratha rulers in their fight against the British. 

Agitated by the ill-impact of the British rule on the social, cultural, tribal, and economic fabric of society, many individuals like Sidhu Murmu, Kanhu Murmu and Tilka Manjhi stood up against the British colonization. 

While the British managed to defeat bigger ruler like Tipu Sultan via local alliances (supporting one ruler against the other), they did not have must difficulty in suppressing local agrarian and tribal rebellions. The British not only used better weapons, but they also resorted to devious tactics like the ‘divide and rule policy’ in to consolidate their rule and might.             

Even though the British tried their best to suppress rebellions across India, these revolts would not stop as the British not only subjected people to a foreign rule but also exploited people economically.

The Revolt of 1857

Often referred to as the ‘First War of Indian Independence,’ the revolt of 1857 was the result of a series of incidents, but the immediate reason for the revolt was the issue of ‘greased cartridges.’ The East India Company mistreated the Indian soldiers and discriminated between the Indian and the European soldiers. While the soldiers knew that the British were using factors like religion and caste against them, the news of the newly introduced Enfield P-53 rifles using cartridges made out of fat extracted from beef and pork sparked a widespread rebellion against the British. Since the soldiers had to bite the cartridge in order to load the rifle, it did not go down well with the Hindu and Muslim soldiers as it hurt their religious belief. Since consuming beef and pork is against the religious beliefs of Hindus and Muslims respectively, the allegation convinced Indian soldiers that the British were trying to convert them into Christians. 

This, along with many other factors, played a crucial role in the revolt of the soldiers. Many Indian rulers from different states followed suit and locked horns with the British. At the end of it all, at least 800,000 people, including many civilians, were killed. As a result of the rebellion, the British government took control of the administration of India from the East India Company.

Organized Movements

The revolt of 1857 was the first large-scale rebellion against the British rule, and inspired the future generation to fight for the independence of the motherland. Slowly and gradually many organizations were formed that started to demand for some sort of self-governance and rights for Indians. 

In 1867, Dadabhai Naoroji founded the East India Association, while Surendranath Banerjee came up with the Indian National Association in 1876. 

With more and more people coming up with the demand for more rights, several prominent people came forward and decided to form a platform that will demand for self rights and self governance. It led to the formation of the Indian National Congress in 1885.

Since the British failed to grant even the moderate demands set by the Congress, many Indians started questioning the moderate leaders of the Congress, and advocated more radical approach in dealing with the British, which gave rise to several revolutionary organizations that advocated use of force and violence. 

Works done by socio-religious groups like Brahmo Samaj and Arya Samaj played a crucial role in creating awareness among Indians. The works of reformers like Swami Vivekananda, Rabindranath Tagore, V. O. Chidambaram Pillai and Subramanya Bharathy evoked a sense of nationalism among Indians.

The Rise of Nationalism

Radical leaders like Bal Gangadhar Tilak straightway pushed for self-rule for Indians. Tilak was also saddened by the fact that the education system of the British government did not portray India’s history and culture in a positive light. He advocated complete freedom (Swaraj) and managed to inspire many Indians with his famous slogan, “Swaraj is my birthright and I shall have it.” He was joined by other like-minded leaders like Bipin Chandra Pal and Lala Lajpat Rai. The trio together came to be known as ‘Lal-Bal-Pal,’ but they were expelled from the Congress for advocating violence and disorder. However, they had done enough to instill nationalism into the minds of thousands of Indians. 

The Partition of Bengal

Since pre-independent Bengal was as big as France in terms of its geography, the then Viceroy and Governor-General, Lord Curzon, ordered the partition of Bengal in 1905. He argued that the partition would lead to a better administration and ease the rising conflict between the Hindus and the Muslims. 

The Indian nationalists, however, believed that the move was an attempt to slow down the momentum gathered by the recent nationalist movements. They also believed that Lord Curzon was employing the divide and rule policy to create a rift between Hindus and Muslims. This led to a large-scale protest against the British rule, including boycotting British products and publications of several rebellious newspapers and articles. The government was eventually forced to reunite Bengal in 1911. But a new partition, based on the languages spoken, was created soon after. The partition of Bengal left an indelible mark on the people and political scenario of Bengal. 

The Rise of the Muslim League

In 1886, Syed Ahmed Khan, an Islamic reformist and philosopher, founded the All India Muhammadan Educational Conference. The conference was set-up in an attempt to provide quality education to Indian Muslims. The conference organized annual meetings to discuss various methods to improve the quality of education, among other things. In 1906, during the 20th session of the conference, the members decided to set up a political party called the ‘All India Muslim League.’ After the creation of the All India Muslim League, the party strived towards achieving equal civil rights for the Muslim population in India. Slowly and gradually, the Muslim league started to propagate the theory that the Indian National Congress was a pro-Hindu outfit, and that the political party was incapable of ensuring equal rights for the Muslim community in India. This belief found many takers, and slowly and gradually more and more Muslim leaders started contemplating the idea of creating another political entity where Muslims would form the majority.

National Movement & the First World War

The national movement started picking-up at the end of the nineteenth century and by the turn of the new century it had gathered a critical mass, which would propel it further in the coming years. More and more people were joining hands with nationalist leaders and the Congress to raise the demand of self-rule. Led by leaders like Lala Lajpat Rai, Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Bipin Chandra Pal and V. O. Chidambaram Pillai, more and more commoners began to protest against the British government. 

Though the Indian National Congress was still advocating the importance of the British rule, people had begun to participate in mass movements, which inspired others as well. Meanwhile, just before the beginning of the First World War, the British government had promised special benefits to India in return for their support during the First World War. As many as 1.3 million Indian soldiers were sent to places like the Middle East, Europe and Africa to fight for the British in the First World War. Also, many individual rulers of different princely states supported the British by sending large supplies of money, food and ammunition. 

The Arrival of Mahatma Gandhi

Gandhi had mastered the methods of civil disobedience through non-violent means in South Africa, where he worked as a barrister. In 1914, many political prisoners were freed by General Jan Smuts, thanks to Gandhi's non-violent protests. Impressed by his methods, a prominent leader of the Indian National Congress Gopal Krishna Gokhale requested Gandhi to return to India and join the national movement. Upon his arrival, Gandhi joined the Indian National Congress and accepted Gopal Krishna Gokhale as his mentor. He then went on to establish Satyagraha ashram and led a Satyagraha campaign in 1917. For the next three years, Gandhiji led many non-violent protests that included Satyagraha and fasting. The Kheda Satyagraha and the Champaran satyagraha were some of the early movements where he applied the concept of Satygraha to fight for the rights of farmers and other peasants.

The Non-Cooperation Movement

In 1919, Brigadier-General Reginald Dyer ordered to shoot at a peaceful gathering of men, women and children in Jallianwala Bagh, who had gathered to celebrate Baisakhi and to condemn the arrest of Dr. Saifuddin Kitchlew and Satya Pal. This inhuman act of the British sent shockwaves across India, and received strong criticism and protests all over India. Mahatma Gandhi too denounced this cowardly behavior and strongly condemned it. 

The national movement was slowly building-up and the Jallianwalah Bagh incident played an important role in the start of the ‘Non-cooperation Movement.’ It was the first big Satyagraha movement under Gandhi’s leadership. He requested the support of other political and religious leaders and gave a call to Indians to stop using British products. 

Gandhiji advocated the use of Khadi over British textiles. He also asked government servants to quit their jobs, and return the British titles and honors. Many Indians refused to pay taxes and many teachers and lawyers gave up their respective profession. The non-co-operation movement became a huge success throughout India until it was called off by Gandhiji in the wake of the Chauri Chaura incident, in which three civilians and 22 policemen were killed.   

The Non-cooperation movement had seen an unprecedented and large-scale participation from the people of all regions and status. The entire country was transformed into a different zone and the protests were largely successful, but the unfortunate incident at Chauri Chaura forced Gandhi to call the movement off. He said that people were still not ready for mass-movements of this nature. 

The decision to call-off the non-cooperation movement left many disappointed and was criticized by several leaders.

Revolutionary Movement & its Role in Freedom Movement

While the Indian National Congress, led by leaders like Gopal Krishna Gokhale and Mahatma Gandhi, advocated civil disobedience and non-violent protests, many firebrand leaders believed in overthrowing the British with the use of force. The revolutionary movement had begun as early as the late 1750s, but it was during the Partition of Bengal that it began to take shape. Under the leadership of Barin Ghosh, many revolutionaries began to collect arms and explosives. They even started manufacturing bombs and some were even sent to foreign countries to acquire knowledge about bomb-making and other military training. 

By 1924, Hindustan Republican Association (HRA) was formed and firebrand revolutionaries like Chandrashekhar Azad, Bhagat Singh, Ashfaqullah Khan, Ramprasad Bismil, Shivaram Rajguru, Surya Sen, etc. began to involve themselves in various revolutionary activities. Some of the famous revolutionary activities include Alipore bomb conspiracy, Chittagong armoury raid, Kakori train robbery, Delhi-Lahore conspiracy case, etc.

Azand Hind Fauz

Subhas Chandra Bose quit the Indian National Congress and travelled to many countries to seek help for India’s independence. Bose wanted to raise an Indian army to fight against the British. Based on Hitler’s advice, he went to Japan and formed the Indian National Army (Azad Hind Government). During the Second World War, the Indian National Army managed to capture Andaman and Nicobar islands with the help of the Japanese army. However, the setback to Japan in the Second World War impacted the prospects of the INA as well and it’s march was blocked on the Border and many soldiers and officers were arrested.

Quit India Movement

As the World War II progressed, Mahatma Gandhi intensified his protests for the complete independence of India. He drafted a resolution calling for the British to Quit India. The 'Quit India Movement' or the 'Bharat Chhodo Andolan' was the most aggressive movement launched by the Indian National Congress. Gandhi was arrested on 9th August 1942, and was held for two years at the Aga Khan Palace in Pune. The Quit India Movement came to an end by the end of 1943, when the British gave hints that complete power would be transferred to the people of India. Gandhi called off the movement which resulted in the release of 100,000 political prisoners.

Partition & Independence of India

Though prominent leaders like Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru were not willing to accept the formula of partition based on religion, but communal clashes between religious groups hastened the creation of Pakistan. The independence cum partition proposal offered by the British Cabinet Mission in 1946 was accepted by the Congress. Sardar Patel convinced Gandhi that it was the only way to avoid civil war and the Mahatma reluctantly gave his consent. The British Parliament passed the famous Indian Independence Act 1947, and on August 14, Pakistan was declared a free nation. Few minutes later at 12:02 am, India became a democratic nation, much to the joy and relief of the entire Indian subcontinent. 

After India's independence, Gandhiji focused on peace and unity among the Hindus and Muslims. He began a fast-unto-death in Delhi, asking for all communal violence to be stopped and the payment of Rs. 55 crores, as per the Partition Council agreement, to be made to Pakistan. Ultimately, all political leaders conceded to his wishes. 

The Constituent Assembly was given the responsibility of creating the constitution. Headed by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, the constitution was adopted on 26 November 1949. On 26 January 1950, the Constitution of India came into effect.

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Essay On Freedom Struggle Of India | Indian Freedom Struggle Essay

Essay On Freedom Struggle Of India | Indian Freedom Struggle Essay Hello Friend, In this post “ Essay On Freedom Struggle Of India | Indian Freedom Struggle Essay “, We will read about the overview of the Indian Freedom Struggle as an Essay in detail. So…

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Essay On Freedom Struggle Of India In 500+ Words

Introduction the indian freedom struggle has great importance in the history of india . the people of entire india fought a lot to get the country freedom from the slavery of the british..

For the sake of freedom, our great freedom fighters sacrificed their lives by laughing without worrying about their lives.

If, at that time, the countrymen had not raised their voice against the British, then perhaps even today the country would have been slavery to the British.

The Arrival Of British In India

Initially, the British came to India in the year 1600 with the objective of doing business under the name of East India Company .

Under the guise of silk, tea, and the cotton trade , he started spreading chaos in India and gradually made the country his slave.

And after that, the British took the rule of the entire country into their hands and started persecuting the Indians.

And due to this, gradually the demand for freedom started arising in the country.

The Revolt Of 1857

Fed up with the dictatorship of the British, the countrymen decided to end British rule.

And in the year 1857, the first freedom struggle was started by an Indian soldier Mangal Pandey .

This struggle was a great event against British rule.

This struggle was not accidental but a result of the discontent of the entire century. A great plan was made and implemented for this.

The revolt of 1857 which began with the revolt of military personnel in Meerut soon spread throughout India and posed a serious challenge to British rule.

Along with soldiers, common citizens, large princely states of the country also participated in this struggle.

Rani Lakshmi Bai of Jhansi fought a glorious war against the British and led her forces.

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Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs , and all other brave sons of India fought against the British and resolved to remove British rule from the country.

This revolution was controlled by the British rule within 1 year which started in Meerut on 10 May 1857 and ended in Gwalior on 20 June 1858.

Indian Freedom Struggle During 1857-1947

The British rule gradually began to falter due to the revolution of 1857. One after the other, many movements were started against the British.

During that time, there were many such movements that played an important role in securing independence for India.

The Civil Disobedience Movement was also one of these major movements that were started against the British monopoly on salt.

It was started in 1930 under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi , which started with Gandhiji’s famous Dandi March.

Meanwhile, Bhagat Singh is hanged for his country at the age of just 23.

The death of Lala Lajpat Rai encouraged him to fight against the British.

Bhagat Singh avenged this by killing Officer John Sanders and he was also prosecuted for the Lahore Conspiracy.

And on the night of 23 March 1931, Bhagat Singh was hanged along with Sukhdev and Rajguru . After this, the Quit India Movement started in 1942.

This movement showed a ray of hope to the people of India, but despite difficult struggles, this movement was not so successful. But it shook the roots of British rule.

Similarly, many freedom fighters like Subhash Chandra Bose, Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Chandrashekhar Azad, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, etc . struggled a lot to make the country independent.

Soon the British rulers signed an agreement and decided to leave India and India got independence on 15 August 1947 .

In this way, the country got independence after a stiff struggle of Indian soldiers as well as freedom fighters . And with this, many freedom fighters had sacrificed their lives.

Conclusion (Essay On Freedom Struggle Of India)

The history of the Indian freedom struggle is very vast.

Many such incidents like the Rowlatt Act, Simon Commission, Jallianwala Bagh massacre , etc  which played an important role in the independence of India.

All of us should also take inspiration from the struggle for independence and the spirit of dedication towards the country should always be kept in mind.

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Essay on Freedom Fighters: 100, 200 & 300 Words

• Updated on  
• Oct 16, 2023

Essay on Freedom Fighters: Indian Freedom fighters are often referred to as the backbone of India’s freedom struggle for independence. India was a British for almost two centuries; from the Battle of Buxar in 1764 to the Cabinet Mission Plan in 1946. During this long span of 2 centuries, several freedom fighters emerged at the forefront and fought for the country’s independence and against social evil practices.

Freedom fighters are often known for their courage and determination, their undying willpower for the country’s independence and their commitment to justice and equality. Such ideals are important for every human being, as they not only make us a responsible citizen but also serve as an opportunity to work towards nation-building. Today, we will list down some essay on freedom fighters which will help students with their overall knowledge about them.

Give me blood, and I shall give you freedom! – Subhash Chandra Bose

Master the art of essay writing with our blog on How to Write an Essay in English .

Table of Contents

• 1 Significance of Freedom Fighters in Indian Culture
• 2 Essay on Freedom Fighters in 100 Words
• 3 Essay on Freedom Fighters in 200 Words

Significance of Freedom Fighters in Indian Culture

Indian history has a lot of tales and stories about sacrifice, and love for the country through these freedom fighters. The importance of these freedom fighters dates back to the revolutionary days. 

They are responsible for restoring the country’s independence and also represent the struggles and aspirations of the people of the country. The untold stories told by them depict courage and determination and also share the identity sense and pride of their betterment and courage. 

Freedom fighters fought not just for political freedom, but for a society founded on equality and justice. The significance of freedom fighters in Indian culture is immeasurable. 

Also Read: Essay On Subhash Chandra Bose for Students

Essay on Freedom Fighters in 100 Words

Freedom fighters in Indian culture are brave heroes who fought for our country’s freedom from British rule. They include Mahatma Gandhi, who used peaceful protests, and Bhagat Singh, who stood up against injustice.

These fighters are symbols of courage and determination. They teach us about unity and different values for the country. 

Their sacrifices for the country also inspire and make us feel proud of their heritage and also stand up against oppression. In Indian culture, they’re like guiding stars, reminding us that even a single person’s actions can bring about big changes for the better. 

Essay on Freedom Fighters in 200 Words

Freedom fighters hold a special place in Indian culture. They were brave individuals who fought against British rule to gain independence. They have also displayed undeniable courage and determination for the country.

Mahatma Gandhi, known as the “Father of the Nation,” led the nonviolent movement against British rule. His life principles were inspired by non-violence and truth. He led many peaceful protests in the country. 

Another brave soul was Bhagat Singh, who fearlessly stood up against injustice. His sacrifice and dedication continue to inspire generations.

These freedom fighters are like role models in Indian culture. They teach us the importance of unity, sacrifice, and patriotism. With time, these stories have inspired and made an impact on people’s lives. 

Their legacy lives on in India’s cultural fabric through literature, movies, and monuments. To remember the struggle and principles of this Independence Day, we celebrate Independence Day every year. In Indian culture, these personalities are symbols of courage and hope and also remind ordinary people of their courage and values. 

Also Read: Holi Essay: Free Sample Essays 100 To 500 Words In English

Freedom fighters have a lot of importance in every country. They are important for restoring the country’s culture and also preserving the heritage.

Some of the prominent freedom figures in the country are Netaji Subash Chandrabose, Mahatma Gandhi, and Bhagat Singh.

The most prominent freedom movements in history are the Civil Disobedience Movement, Khilafat, and Non-Coorporation Movement. 

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"My Pilgrimage to Nonviolence"

Author:  King, Martin Luther, Jr.

Date:  September 1, 1958

Location:  New York, N.Y.

Genre:  Published Article

Topic:  Martin Luther King, Jr. - Education Martin Luther King, Jr. - Political and Social Views Nonviolence

This shortened version of chapter six of  Stride Toward Freedom  appeared in the September issue of Fellowship. In it, King traces the philosophical and theological underpinnings of his commitment to nonviolence, stating that “Gandhi was probably the first person in history to let the love ethic of Jesus above mere interaction between individuals to a powerful and effective social force on a large scale.” King affirms his conviction that nonviolent resistance is “one of the most potent weapons available to oppressed people in their quest for social justice.”

Explaining that he “neither started” the Montgomery bus boycott “nor suggested it,” King concludes: "Living through the actual experience of the protest, nonviolence became more than a method to which I gave intellectual assent; it became a commitment to a way of life.” King includes a discussion of communism's relationship to Christianity, which borrows both ideas and phrasing from an essay by Robert McCracken, minister at New York's Riverside Church.” 1

Often the question has arisen concerning my own intellectual pilgrimage to nonviolence. In order to get at this question it is necessary to go back to my early teens in Atlanta. I had grown up abhorring not only segregation but also the oppressive and barbarous acts that grew out of it. I had passed spots where Negroes had been savagely lynched, and had watched the Ku Klux Klan on its rides at night. I had seen police brutality with my own eyes, and watched Negroes receive the most tragic injustice in the courts. All of these things had done something to my growing personality. I had come perilously close to resenting all white people.

I had also learned that the inseparable twin of racial injustice was economic injustice. Although I came from a home of economic security and relative comfort, I could never get out of my mind the economic insecurity of many of my playmates and the tragic poverty of those living around me. During my late teens I worked two summers, against my father’s wishes—he never wanted my brother and me to work around white people because of the oppressive conditions—in a plant that hired both Negroes and whites. Here I saw economic injustice firsthand, and realized that the poor white was exploited just as much as the Negro. Through these early experiences I grew up deeply conscious of the varieties of injustice in our society.

So when I went to Atlanta’s Morehouse College as a freshman in 1944 my concern for racial and economic justice was already substantial. During my student days at Morehouse I read Thoreau’s  Essay on Civil Disobedience  for the first time. Fascinated by the idea of refusing to cooperate with an evil system, I was so deeply moved that I reread the work several times. This was my first intellectual contact with the theory of nonviolent resistance.

Not until I entered Crozer Theological Seminary in 1948, however, did I begin a serious intellectual quest for a method to eliminate social evil. Although my major interest was in the fields of theology and philosophy, I spent a great deal of time reading the works of the great social philosophers. I came early to Walter Rauschenbusch’s  Christianity and the Social Crisis , which left an indelible imprint on my thinking by giving me a theological basis for the social concern which had already grown up in me as a result of my early experiences. 2  Of course there were points at which I differed with Rauschenbusch. I felt that he had fallen victim to the nineteenth-century “cult of inevitable progress” which led him to a superficial optimism concerning man’s nature. Moreover, he came perilously close to identifying the Kingdom of God with a particular social and economic system—a tendency which should never befall the Church. But in spite of these shortcomings Rauschenbusch had done a great service for the Christian Church by insisting that the gospel deals with the whole man, not only his soul but his body; not only his spiritual well-being but his material well-being. It has been my conviction ever since reading Rauschenbusch that any religion which professes to be concerned about the souls of men and is not concerned about the social and economic conditions that scar the soul, is a spiritually moribund religion only waiting for the day to be buried. It well has been said: “A religion that ends with the individual, ends.” 3

After reading Rauschenbusch, I turned to a serious study of the social and ethical theories of the great philosophers, from Plato and Aristotle down to Rousseau, Hobbes, Bentham, Mill, and Locke. All of these masters stimulated my thinking—such as it was—and, while finding things to question in each of them, I nevertheless learned a great deal from their study.

The Challenge of Marxism

During the Christmas holidays of 1949 I decided to spend my spare time reading Karl Marx to try to understand the appeal of communism for many people. For the first time I carefully scrutinized  Das Kapital  and  The Communist Manifesto . I also read some interpretive works on the thinking of Marx and Lenin. In reading such Communist writings I drew certain conclusions that have remained with me to this day.

First I rejected their materialistic interpretation of history. Communism, avowedly secularistic and materialistic, has no place for God. 4  This I could never accept, for as a Christian I believe that there is a creative personal power in this universe who is the ground and essence of all reality—a power that cannot be explained in materialistic terms. History is ultimately guided by spirit, not matter.

Second, I strongly disagreed with communism’s ethical relativism. Since for the Communist there is no divine government, no absolute moral order, there are no fixed, immutable principles; consequently almost anything—force, violence, murder, lying—is a justifiable means to the “millennial” end. 5  This type of relativism was abhorrent to me. Constructive ends can never give absolute moral justification to destructive means, because in the final analysis the end is preexistent in the mean.

Third, I opposed communism’s political totalitarianism. In communism the individual ends up in subjection to the state. True, the Marxist would argue that the state is an “interim” reality which is to be eliminated when the classless society emerges; but the state is the end while it lasts, and man only a means to that end. And if any man’s so-called rights or liberties stand in the way of that end, they are simply swept aside. His liberties of expression, his freedom to vote, his freedom to listen to what news he likes or to choose his books are all restricted. Man becomes hardly more, in communism, than a depersonalized cog in the turning wheel of the state.

This deprecation of individual freedom was objectionable to me. I am convinced now, as I was then, that man is an end because he is a child of God. Man is not made for the state; the state is made for man. To deprive man of freedom is to relegate him to the status of a thing, rather than elevate him to the status of a person. Man must never be treated as a means to the end of the state, but always as an end within himself.

Yet, in spite of the fact that my response to communism was and is negative, and I considered it basically evil, there were points at which I found it challenging. The late Archbishop of Canterbury, William Temple, referred to communism as a Christian heresy. By this he meant that communism had laid hold of certain truths which are essential parts of the Christian view of things, but that it had bound up with them concepts and practices which no Christian could ever accept or profess. 6  Communism challenged the late Archbishop and it should challenge every Christian—as it challenged me—to a growing concern about social justice. With all of its false assumptions and evil methods, communism grew as a protest against the hardships of the underprivileged. Communism in theory emphasized a classless society, and a concern for social justice, though the world knows from sad experience that in practice it created new classes and a new lexicon of injustice. The Christian ought always to be challenged by any protest against unfair treatment of the poor, for Christianity is itself such a protest, nowhere expressed more eloquently than in Jesus’s words: “The Spirit of the Lord is upon me, because he hath anointed me to preach the gospel to the poor: he hath sent me to heal the brokenhearted, to preach deliverance to the captives, and recovering of sight to the blind, to set at liberty them that are bruised, to preach the acceptable year of the Lord.”’ 7

I also sought systematic answers to Marx’s critique of modern bourgeois culture. He presented capitalism as essentially a struggle between the owners of the productive resources and the workers, whom Marx regarded as the real producers. Marx interpreted economic forces as the dialectical process by which society moved from feudalism through capitalism to socialism, with the primary mechanism of this historical movement being the struggle between economic classes whose interests were irreconcilable. Obviously this theory left out of account the numerous and significant complexities—political, economic, moral, religious, and psychological—which played a vital role in shaping the constellation of institutions and ideas known today as Western civilization. Moreover, it was dated in the sense that the capitalism Marx wrote about bore only a partial resemblance to the capitalism we know in this country today.

Toward a New Social Synthesis

But in spite of the shortcomings of his analysis, Marx had raised some basic questions. I was deeply concerned from my early teen days about the gulf between superfluous wealth and abject poverty, and my reading of Marx made me ever more conscious of this gulf. Although modern American capitalism had greatly reduced the gap through social reforms, there was still need for a better distribution of wealth. Moreover, Marx had revealed the danger of the profit motive as the sole basis of an economic system: capitalism is always in danger of inspiring men to be more concerned about making a living than making a life. We are prone to judge success by the index of our salaries or the size of our automobiles, rather than by the quality of our service and relationship to humanity—thus capitalism can lead to a practical materialism that is as pernicious as the materialism taught by communism.

In short, I read Marx as I read all of the influential historical thinkers—from a dialectical point of view, combining a partial “yes” and a partial “no.” In so far as Marx posited a metaphysical materialism, an ethical relativism, and a strangulating totalitarianism, I responded with an unambiguous “no”; but in so far as he pointed to weaknesses of traditional capitalism, contributed to the growth of a definite self-consciousness in the masses, and challenged the social conscience of the Christian churches, I responded with a definite “yes.”

My reading of Marx also convinced me that truth is found neither in Marxism nor in traditional capitalism. Each represents a partial truth. Historically capitalism failed to see the truth in collective enterprise, and Marxism failed to see the truth in individual enterprise. Nineteenth century capitalism failed to see that life is social and Marxism failed and still fails to see that life is individual and personal. The Kingdom of God is neither the thesis of individual enterprise nor the antithesis of collective enterprise, but a synthesis which reconciles the truths of both.

Muste, Nietzsche and Gandhi

During my stay at Crozer, I was also exposed for the first time to the pacifist position in a lecture by A. J. Muste. 8  I was deeply moved by Mr. Muste’s talk, but far from convinced of the practicability of his position. Like most of the students of Crozer, I felt that while war could never be a positive or absolute good, it could serve as a negative good in the sense of preventing the spread and growth of an evil force. War, horrible as it is, might be preferable to surrender to a totalitarian system—Nazi, Fascist, or Communist.

During this period I had about despaired of the power of love in solving social problems. Perhaps my faith in love was temporarily shaken by the philosophy of Nietzsche. I had been reading parts of  The Genealogy of Morals  and the whole of  The Will to Power . 9  Nietzsche’s glorification of power—in his theory all life expressed the will to power—was an outgrowth of his contempt for ordinary morals. He attacked the whole of the Hebraic-Christian morality—with its virtues of piety and humility, its other worldliness and its attitude toward suffering—as the glorification of weakness, as making virtues out of necessity and impotence. He looked to the development of a superman who would surpass man as man surpassed the ape.

Then one Sunday afternoon I traveled to Philadelphia to hear a sermon by Dr. Mordecai Johnson, president of Howard University. 10  He was there to preach for the Fellowship House of Philadelphia. Dr. Johnson had just returned from a trip to India, and, to my great interest, he spoke of the life and teachings of Mahatma Gandhi. His message was so profound and electrifying that I left the meeting and bought a half-dozen books on Gandhi’s life and works.

Like most people, I had heard of Gandhi, but I had never studied him seriously. As I read I became deeply fascinated by his campaigns of nonviolent resistance. I was particularly moved by the Salt March to the Sea and his numerous fasts. The whole concept of “Satyagraha” ( Satya  is truth which equals love, and  agraha  is force: “Satyagraha,” therefore, means truth-force or love force) was profoundly significant to me. As I delved deeper into the philosophy of Gandhi my skepticism concerning the power of love gradually diminished, and I came to see for the first time its potency in the area of social reform. Prior to reading Gandhi, I had about concluded that the ethics of Jesus were only effective in individual relationship. The “turn the other cheek” philosophy and the “love your enemies” philosophy were only valid, I felt, when individuals were in conflict with other individuals; when racial groups and nations were in conflict a more realistic approach seemed necessary. But after reading Gandhi, I saw how utterly mistaken I was.

Gandhi was probably the first person in history to lift the love ethic of Jesus above mere interaction between individuals to a powerful and effective social force on a large scale. Love, for Gandhi, was a potent instrument for social and collective transformation. It was in this Gandhian emphasis on love and nonviolence that I discovered the method for social reform that I had been seeking for so many months. The intellectual and moral satisfaction that I failed to gain from the utilitarianism of Bentham and Mill, the revolutionary methods of Marx and Lenin, the social-contracts theory of Hobbes, the “back to nature” optimism of Rousseau, the superman philosophy of Nietzsche, I found in the nonviolent resistance philosophy of Gandhi. I came to feel that this was the only morally and practically sound method open to oppressed people in their struggle for freedom.

An Encounter With Niebuhr

But my intellectual odyssey to nonviolence did not end here. During my last year in theological school, I began to read the works of Reinhold Niebuhr. 11  The prophetic and realistic elements in Niebuhr’s passionate style and profound thought were appealing to me, and I became so enamored of his social ethics that I almost fell into the trap of accepting uncritically everything he wrote.

About this time I read Niebuhr’s critique of the pacifist position. Niebuhr had himself once been a member of the pacifist ranks. For several years, he had been national chairman of the Fellowship of Reconciliation.* 12  His break with pacifism came in the early thirties, and the first full statement of his criticism of pacifism was in  Moral Man and Immoral Society . 13  Here he argued that there was no intrinsic moral difference between violent and nonviolent resistance. The social consequences of the two methods were different, he contended, but the differences were in degree rather than kind. Later Niebuhr began emphasizing the irresponsibility of relying on nonviolent resistance when there was no ground for believing that it would be successful in preventing the spread of totalitarian tyranny. It could only be successful, he argued, if the groups against whom the resistance was taking place had some degree of moral conscience, as was the case in Gandhi’s struggle against the British. Niebuhr’s ultimate rejection of pacifism was based primarily on the doctrine of man. He argued that pacifism failed to do justice to the reformation doctrine of justification by faith, substituting for it a sectarian perfectionism which believes “that divine grace actually lifts man out of the sinful contradictions of history and establishes him above the sins of the world.”

At first, Niebuhr’s critique of pacifism left me in a state of confusion. As I continued to read, however, I came to see more and more the shortcomings of his position. For instance, many of his statements revealed that he interpreted pacifism as a sort of passive nonresistance to evil expressing naive trust in the power of love. But this was a serious distortion. My study of Gandhi convinced me that true pacifism is not nonresistance to evil, but nonviolent resistance to evil. Between the two positions, there is a world of difference. Gandhi resisted evil with as much vigor and power as the violent resister, but he resisted with love instead of hate. True pacifism is not unrealistic submission to evil power, as Niebuhr contends. It is rather a courageous confrontation of evil by the power of love, in the faith that it is better to be the recipient of violence than the inflicter of it, since the latter only multiplies the existence of violence and bitterness in the universe, while the former may develop a sense of shame in the opponent, and thereby bring about a transformation and change of heart.

In spite of the fact that I found many things to be desired in Niebuhr’s philosophy, there were several points at which he constructively influenced my thinking. Niebuhr’s great contribution to contemporary theology is that he has refuted the false optimism characteristic of a great segment of Protestant liberalism, without falling into the anti-rationalism of the continental theologian Karl Barth, or the semi-fundamentalism of other dialectical theologians. Moreover, Niebuhr has  extraordinary insight into human nature, especially the behavior of nations and social groups. He is keenly aware of the complexity of human motives and of the relation between morality and power. His theology is a persistent reminder of the reality of sin on every level of man’s existence. These elements in Niebuhr’s thinking helped me to recognize the illusions of a superficial optimism concerning human nature and the dangers of a false idealism. While I still believed in man’s potential for good, Niebuhr made me realize his potential for evil as well. Moreover, Niebuhr helped me to recognize the complexity of man’s social involvement and the glaring reality of collective evil.

Many pacifists, I felt, failed to see this. All too many had an unwarranted optimism concerning man and leaned unconsciously toward self-righteousness. It was my revolt against these attitudes under the influence of Niebuhr that accounts for the fact that in spite of my strong leaning toward pacifism, I never joined a pacifist organization. After reading Niebuhr, I tried to arrive at a realistic pacifism. In other words, I came to see the pacifist position not as sinless but as the lesser evil in the circumstances. I felt then, and I feel now, that the pacifist would have a greater appeal if he did not claim to be free from the moral dilemmas that the Christian nonpacifist confronts.

The next stage of my intellectual pilgrimage to nonviolence came during my doctoral studies at Boston University. Here I had the opportunity to talk to many exponents of nonviolence, both students and visitors to the campus. Boston University School of Theology, under the influence of Dean Walter Muelder and Professor Allen Knight Chalmers, had a deep sympathy for pacifism. Both Dean Muelder and Dr. Chalmers had a passion for social justice that stemmed, not from a superficial optimism, but from a deep faith in the possibilities of human beings when they allowed themselves to become co-workers with God. It was at Boston University that I came to see that Niebuhr had overemphasized the corruption of human nature. His pessimism concerning human nature was not balanced by an optimism concerning divine nature. He was so involved in diagnosing man’s sickness of sin that he overlooked the cure of grace.

I studied philosophy and theology at Boston University under Edgar S. Brightman and L. Harold DeWolf. Both men greatly stimulated my thinking. It was mainly under these teachers that I studied personalistic philosophy—the theory that the clue to the meaning of ultimate reality is found in personality. This personal idealism remains today my basic philosophical position. Personalism’s insistence that only personality—finite and infinite—is ultimately real strengthened me in  two convictions: it gave me metaphysical and philosophical grounding for the idea of a personal God, and it gave me a metaphysical basis for the dignity and worth of all human personality.

Just before Dr. Brightman’s death, I began studying the philosophy of Hegel with him. Although the course was mainly a study of Hegel’s monumental work,  Phenomenology of Mind , I spent my spare time reading his  Philosophy of History  and  Philosophy of Right . 14  There were points in Hegel’s philosophy that I strongly disagreed with. For instance, his absolute idealism was rationally unsound to me because it tended to swallow up the many in the one. But there were other aspects of his thinking that I found stimulating. His contention that ‘‘truth is the whole” led me to a philosophical method of rational coherence. His analysis of the dialectical process, in spite of its shortcomings, helped me to see that growth comes through struggle.

In 1954 I ended my formal training with all of these relative divergent intellectual forces converging into a positive social philosophy. One of the main tenets of this philosophy was the conviction that nonviolent resistance was one of the most potent weapons available to oppressed people in their quest for social justice. At this time, however, I had merely an intellectual understanding and appreciation of the position, with no firm determination to organize it in a socially effective situation.

When I went to Montgomery as a pastor, I had not the slightest idea that I would later become involved in a crisis in which nonviolent resistance would be applicable. I neither started the protest nor suggested it. I simply responded to the call of the people for a spokesman. When the protest began, my mind, consciously or unconsciously, was driven back to the Sermon on the Mount, with its sublime teachings on love, and the Gandhian method of nonviolent resistance. As the days unfolded, I came to see the power of nonviolence more and more. Living through the actual experience of the protest, nonviolence became more than a method to which I gave intellectual assent; it became a commitment to a way of life. Many of the things that I had not cleared up intellectually concerning nonviolence were now solved in the sphere of practical action. 15

1.  See Robert J. McCracken, “What Should be the Christian Attitude Toward Communism?” (in  Questions People Ask  [New York Harper & Brothers, 1951], pp. 163-172). McCracken held that the two belief systems were irreconcilable, but noted that the spread of communism pointed to shortcomings in the Christian commitment to social justice. King also drew upon McCracken when he delivered the sermon “Communism’s Challenge to Christianity” in 1952 (see Outline, “Communism’s Challenge to Christianity,” 10 August 1952; see also Watson to King, 14 August 1951, in  Papers  2: 156-157). King later published a similar discussion in “How Should A Christian View Communism?” ( Strength to Love  [New York: Harper & Row, 1963], pp. 114-123).

2.  Rauschenbusch,  Christianity and the Social Crisis  (New York: Macmillan, 1907).

3.  Harry Emerson Fosdick,  The Hope of the World , pp. 25, 38: “Any church that pretends to care for the souls of people but is not interested in the slums that damn them, the city government that corrupts them, the economic order that cripples them . . . that kind of church, I think, would hear again the Master’s withering words: ‘Scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites!’ . . . I agree with a Christian contemporary who says, ‘If religion ends with the individual, it ends.”’

4.  McCracken,  Questions People Ask,  p. 168: “Why, then, is the Communism to which William Temple applied the adjective ‘Christian’ a heresy? Because it is avowedly secularistic and materialistic. It makes no place for God or Christ or for the things Christ put first in life.”

5.  McCracken, p. 168: “Since for the Communist there is no Divine government, no absolute moral order, there are no fixed, immutable principles. Communism knows no necessity save that of the class war and no obligations save that ofhastening the Revolution. Any means—force, violence, imprisonment, torture, terrorism, lying, murder—justify that millennial end.”

6.  McCracken wrote that Temple had “once described communism as a ‘Christian heresy,’” meaning that “Communism had laid hold of certain truths which are an essential part of the Christian scheme of things and which every Christian should acknowledge and profess, but that it had bound up with them concepts and practices which no Christian can ever acknowledge or profess” (p. 166).

7.  Luke 4:18–19. McCracken used this same quote to demonstrate the “passionate concern for social justice”at the heart of Christianity (p. 167).

8.  In November 1949, King attended a Muste lecture in defense of pacifism.

9.  Wilhelm Friedrich Nietzsche,  The Genealogy of Morals  (NewYork: Macmillan, 1897) and  The Will to Power  (Edinburgh: T. N. Foulis, 1909).

10.  Johnson lectured at Philadelphia’s Fellowship House in the spring of 1950.

11.  See King, “The Theology of Reinhold Niebuhr,” April 1953-June 1954, in  Papers  2: 269-279.

12.  An editor’s note here indicated the dates of Niebuhr’s chairmanship as 1931-1932.

13.  Niebuhr,  Moral Man and Immoral Society  (New York: C. Scribner’s Sons, 1932).

14.  Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel,  Phenomology of Mind  (New York: Macmillan, 1910);  Philosophy of History  (New York: P. F. Collier & Son, 1857); and  Philosophy of Right  (London: G. Bell and Sons, 1896).

15.  In chapter six of  Stride Toward Freedom , King continued with a discussion of the philosophy of nonviolence, highlighting six basic facts of nonviolent resistance and emphasizing the centrality of love to the struggle for justice. Similar discussions figured prominently in many of King’s speeches about the Montgomery movement.

Source:  Fellowship  24 (1 September 1958): 4-9.

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Freedom Essay for Students and Children

500+ words essay on freedom.

Freedom is something that everybody has heard of but if you ask for its meaning then everyone will give you different meaning. This is so because everyone has a different opinion about freedom. For some freedom means the freedom of going anywhere they like, for some it means to speak up form themselves, and for some, it is liberty of doing anything they like.

Meaning of Freedom

The real meaning of freedom according to books is. Freedom refers to a state of independence where you can do what you like without any restriction by anyone. Moreover, freedom can be called a state of mind where you have the right and freedom of doing what you can think off. Also, you can feel freedom from within.

The Indian Freedom

Indian is a country which was earlier ruled by Britisher and to get rid of these rulers India fight back and earn their freedom. But during this long fight, many people lost their lives and because of the sacrifice of those people and every citizen of the country, India is a free country and the world largest democracy in the world.

Moreover, after independence India become one of those countries who give his citizen some freedom right without and restrictions.

The Indian Freedom Right

India drafted a constitution during the days of struggle with the Britishers and after independence it became applicable. In this constitution, the Indian citizen was given several fundaments right which is applicable to all citizen equally. More importantly, these right are the freedom that the constitution has given to every citizen.

These right are right to equality, right to freedom, right against exploitation, right to freedom of religion¸ culture and educational right, right to constitutional remedies, right to education. All these right give every freedom that they can’t get in any other country.

Value of Freedom

The real value of anything can only be understood by those who have earned it or who have sacrificed their lives for it. Freedom also means liberalization from oppression. It also means the freedom from racism, from harm, from the opposition, from discrimination and many more things.

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Freedom does not mean that you violate others right, it does not mean that you disregard other rights. Moreover, freedom means enchanting the beauty of nature and the environment around us.

The Freedom of Speech

Freedom of speech is the most common and prominent right that every citizen enjoy. Also, it is important because it is essential for the all-over development of the country.

Moreover, it gives way to open debates that helps in the discussion of thought and ideas that are essential for the growth of society.

Besides, this is the only right that links with all the other rights closely. More importantly, it is essential to express one’s view of his/her view about society and other things.

To conclude, we can say that Freedom is not what we think it is. It is a psychological concept everyone has different views on. Similarly, it has a different value for different people. But freedom links with happiness in a broadway.

FAQs on Freedom

Q.1 What is the true meaning of freedom? A.1 Freedom truly means giving equal opportunity to everyone for liberty and pursuit of happiness.

Q.2 What is freedom of expression means? A.2 Freedom of expression means the freedom to express one’s own ideas and opinions through the medium of writing, speech, and other forms of communication without causing any harm to someone’s reputation.

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Defining Freedom

How have the legacies of slavery shaped the struggle for freedom?

The 13th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, ratified in 1865, formally abolished slavery throughout the United States. But ending slavery was only a first step toward securing full freedom and citizenship rights for African Americans. The struggle to fulfill the promises of liberty, equality, and justice for all, which began with the nation’s founding and took on new meaning and momentum during the era of Reconstruction, would continue for generations to come.

Clockwise, Top Left:  U.S. Colored Troops march through Charleston, South Carolina, 1865.  Courtesy of National Park Service, Fort Sumter and Fort Moultrie National Historical Park, FOSU 12614.  Silent protest parade in New York City against the East St. Louis Massacre, 1917. Library of Congress .  March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, 1963.  Collection of the Smithsonian National Museum of African American History and Culture, Gift of James H. Wallace Jr.   Protesters hold pictures of George Floyd as they march in a Juneteenth rally in New York City, 2020.  Getty Images .

… the point of protest isn’t winning—it’s holding fast to the promise of freedom even when fast victory is not promised. Amanda Gorman “Fury and Faith,” 2020

Before The 13th Amendment

Freedom, slavery, and the founding of america: 1770s–1780s.

The desire for freedom by enslaved African Americans manifested itself during the early stages of the nation’s development. Their decisions to run away or to publicly express their disdain for slavery in writing or in the courts illustrated the importance of freedom for them. The language contained in the Constitution further reinforced their belief in their right to liberty and freedom despite the decision by the Constitutional Congress to allow for the continued existence of slavery—a decision which created a paradox for the new nation of espousing liberty but depending economically on enslavement.

In every human Breast, God has implanted a Principle, which we call Love of Freedom; it is impatient of Oppression, and pants for Deliverance. Phillis Wheatley, 1774

Phillis Wheatley, Poems on Various Subjects, Religious and Moral , 1773.

Early Freedom Movements: 1830s–1850s

Brethren, the time has come when you must act for yourselves … Think how many tears you have poured out upon the soil which you have cultivated with unrequited toil and enriched with your blood; and then go to your lordly enslavers and tell them plainly, that you are determined to be free … Inform them that all you desire is FREEDOM, and that nothing else will suffice. Henry Highland Garnet “Address to the Slaves of the United States,” delivered before the National Convention of Colored Citizens, Buffalo, New York, 1843

African Americans spoke forcefully and regularly about ending slavery and claiming their rights as citizens. Individuals like David Walker produced powerful essays condemning the institution, appealing for equal rights, and encouraging the enslaved to throw off their enslavement.

David Walker’s Appeal, 1843.

The Black convention movement , which began in 1830, was another important national forum that voiced the demands of its participants for abolition, voting rights, and equal treatment. Gaining the right to vote and fair treatment were issues of national concern. In Ohio and Illinois African Americans protested state Black Laws, which, among other things, prevented them from voting, holding public office, or living in the state without paying a minimum bond of $500 to ensure good behavior. In light of this discriminatory treatment, African Americans sought to expand the focus of the abolition movement so it not only looked to end slavery, but to champion equal treatment of all Americans as well.

Freedom During Slavery

Nat Turner’s Bible, 1830s. Enslaved people seized freedom by any means possible, including rising up against their enslavers. Nat Turner, an enslaved preacher who led a rebellion in Southampton County, Virginia, in 1831, was carrying this Bible when he was arrested. Read More

Tin box made by Joseph Trammell to carry his freedom papers, 1852. During slavery, legally free African Americans were required to register with county courts and secure Certificates of Freedom, also known as freedom papers. Joseph Trammell, a free Black man in Loudon County, Virginia, used this handmade tin to protect and carry his precious documents.

Antislavery pamphlet about the Fugitive Slave Act, 1854. This printing of the Fugitive Slave Bill of 1850 was sponsored by antislavery groups as a protest against the new law that required authorities in free states to assist in capturing people who had escaped from enslavement.

Ambrotype of Elisa Greenwell, a self-emancipated woman, early 1860s. A handwritten note accompanying this photograph identified Greenwell as a resident of Philadelphia who had escaped from her enslaver in Leonardtown, Maryland, in 1859.

Civil War and Emancipation

Our new government is founded … upon the great truth that the negro is not equal to the white man; that slavery subordination to the superior race is his natural and normal condition. Confederate Vice President Alexander Stephens, 1861

The election of Abraham Lincoln in 1860 threatened the survival of slavery in the eyes of many southern state officials and fueled their decision to secede. The Civil War which resulted did eventually evolve into a war to bring slavery to an end. Enslaved African Americans saw this possibility early in the war and flocked to U.S. Army lines where they believed they would gain their freedom. Fort Monroe in Virginia was one of the first places to have enslaved men arrive there in 1861 seeking freedom.

Freedom seekers approach U.S. Army guards near Fort Monroe, May 1861.

The District of Columbia instituted compensated emancipation in 1862. President Lincoln followed this action by issuing a preliminary Emancipation Proclamation in the fall of that year and the final Emancipation Proclamation in January of 1863. The 1863 Proclamation offered freedom to the enslaved in Confederate territory and allowed African Americans to enlist in the U.S. Army for the first time. By the end of the Civil War approximately 179,000 African Americans took up arms and made important contributions to the successful conclusion of the conflict for the Union.

Portrait of a U.S. soldier, ca. 1865.

Carte-de-visite of a group of African Americans gathered around a man with a pocket watch. A sign on the wall reads "1 Jan-Slaves Forever Free." The text in chain links on the sides read "Waiting for the Hour - Watch Meeting Dec 31, 1862."

The13th Amendment and Reconstruction

Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction. 13th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, Section 1

The constitutional amendment abolishing slavery in the United States was introduced in Congress in December 1863, midway through the Civil War, and finally passed on January 31, 1865. It would be almost another year before the 13th Amendment was declared ratified by the states, on December 18, 1865. By then, the Civil War had ended with the defeat of the Confederacy, and Vice President Andrew Johnson had become president following the assassination of President Abraham Lincoln.

Read more about the 13th Amendment to the Constitution in "Our American Story"

The 13th Amendment was brief and to the point—in less than 50 words, it proclaimed the demise of slavery, an institution which predated the founding of the United States and had been supported, expanded, and enforced in North America by racist legal and social systems for nearly 250 years. While the amendment outlawed the institution of slavery, it also included a clause that allowed slavery and involuntary servitude to be used as punishment for a crime. This language, originally used in the Northwest Ordinance of 1787 , protected the state’s right to force prisoners to work, a longstanding practice that would drastically expand in the aftermath of slavery.

Section 2 of the 13th Amendment granted Congress the right to pass legislation to enforce the abolition of slavery. This marked a significant shift in power between the federal government and the states by giving Congress new responsibility for protecting civil rights at the federal level. It laid the foundation for the passage of federal laws designed to protect newly freed African Americans from state laws and practices that deprived them of their civil liberties and attempted to return them to a condition of enslavement.

Abolitionists celebrated the ratification of the 13th Amendment as a moral victory over the inhumanity of slavery and a redeeming of the Constitution’s founding promise of freedom. But many African Americans also greeted the new law with wary skepticism. They recognized the outlawing of slavery as not the end, but only the beginning of what would be needed to secure full freedom and equal rights. The enemy still to be defeated was the systemic racism that had justified and supported slavery in the South and restricted the freedom of all Black people throughout the country.

Carte-de-visite of Frederick Douglass. The reverse side has a laurel wreath in ink in the center. Below the wreath is an inscription that reads “Helen Douglass.”

Testing the 13th Amendment: The Black Codes

… all the State laws imposing disabilities upon colored people on the ground of color, ‘being but a creation of slavery, and passed for its maintenance and perpetuation, are part and parcel of the system and must follow its fate.’   Equal Suffrage: Address from the Colored Citizens of Norfolk, Va., to the People of the United States, June 5, 1865

In order to regain representation in Congress, the former Confederate states agreed to ratify the 13th Amendment and write new state constitutions abolishing slavery. But the southern states also passed new laws, known as Black Codes, that restricted the rights of newly freed people in order to control their labor, maintain the racial status quo, and keep them in conditions as similar to slavery as possible. 

In 1865 and 1866, African Americans held political conventions across the South to protest the Black Codes and demand full civil and political rights, including the right to vote. Congress responded by passing the Civil Rights Act of 1866. Drawing on the authority granted to Congress by the 13th Amendment to enforce the abolition of slavery, this was the first federal civil rights legislation. The Civil Rights Act voided the Black Codes by declaring African Americans to be citizens entitled to the same rights, benefits, and protections under the law as white citizens. While it did not address voting rights, the law defined certain basic rights for all citizens, including the right to make and enforce contracts, give evidence in court, and own property.

Burning a Freedmen’s School-House, Memphis, Tennessee, 1866

Despite the new federal laws, many white Americans continued to resist the idea of Black freedom. President Andrew Johnson, a Democrat from Tennessee and a former enslaver, vetoed the Civil Rights Bill of 1866, but Congress overrode his veto. Less than a month later, violence erupted in Memphis, Tennessee. Mobs of white police and civilians attacked the city’s Black community, burning homes, churches, schools, and businesses. The Memphis Massacre, which lasted from May 1 to May 3, 1866, left 46 African Americans dead and dozens more injured. Soon after the massacre in Memphis, a group of Confederate veterans in Pulaski, Tennessee, formed the Ku Klux Klan, an organization that used violence and intimidation to oppose Black civil rights and promote white supremacy in the South.

African Americans also continued to confront white resistance and discrimination in northern and western states, where slavery had been outlawed before the Civil War but free Black people were still not treated as equal citizens. During the 1860s, the city of Philadelphia became a focal point for civil rights struggles through the efforts of activists such as Octavius Catto, who led a successful movement to end racial segregation in streetcars and other public accommodations.

Civil rights activists viewed segregation, the denial of voting rights, and other restrictions on Black freedom as vestiges of slavery that should also be abolished under the 13th Amendment.

A prominent voice for African American civil rights, Octavius Catto (1839–1871) founded the Philadelphia chapter of the Equal Rights League of Pennsylvania in 1864. He led protests and helped draft legislation to outlaw segregated streetcars. On Election Day in 1871, Catto was shot and killed by a white man who was later acquitted by an all-white jury.

Restricting the 13th Amendment: U.S. Supreme Court

The Thirteenth Amendment … not only struck down the institution of slavery as previously existing in the United States, but it prevents the imposition of any burdens or disabilities that constitute badges of slavery or servitude. Justice John Marshall Harlan Dissenting opinion in Plessy v. Ferguson, 1896

During Reconstruction, the push for full freedom continued, supported by additional federal laws that built and expanded on the 13th Amendment of 1865 and the Civil Rights Act of 1866. The 14th Amendment , ratified in 1868, and the 15th Amendment , ratified in 1870, further revised the U.S. Constitution to specify rights that could not be denied on account of race or color, including birthright citizenship, equal protection, due process, and voting rights. In 1875, Congress passed another Civil Rights Act that prohibited racial discrimination in public accommodations such as hotels, theaters, and transportation.

These federal laws drew on the 13th Amendment, which granted Congress the power to enforce the abolition of slavery. This included not only the former system of human bondage and forced labor, but the related system of racial oppression that political and legal discourse referred to as the “badges and incidents of slavery.” In this view, any laws that restricted or impinged on Black people’s freedom and citizenship rights were considered aspects of slavery, and thus prohibited by the 13th Amendment.

But by the late 1870s, the federal government had begun to retreat from supporting Reconstruction and defending Black freedom in the South. White supremacists used violence, fraud, intimidation, and other tactics to suppress Black voting and regain control of southern state governments. Once back in power, they passed state laws that established the system of racial segregation and Black disenfranchisement known as Jim Crow.

The Union as it was / The lost cause, worse than slavery, 1874.

Three U.S. Supreme Court rulings ( Civil Rights Cases (1883) ; Plessy v. Ferguson (1896) ; and Hodges v. United States (1906) ) significantly narrowed the definition of freedom granted by the 13th Amendment. These rulings weakened or repealed federal civil rights laws and allowed state Jim Crow laws and other forms of racial discrimination to stand. This revised, restricted view of the 13th Amendment—as only outlawing the institution of chattel slavery itself, rather than securing full freedom for Black people—would continue to hamper civil rights efforts until the 1960s.

A hand-painted sign used for segregating transportation terminal seating area.

The Legacies of Slavery

“except as punishment for a crime”: race and incarceration.

The 13th Amendment sanctioned involuntary servitude if convicted of a crime, which created an opening for the advent of convict leasing.  Under the convict leasing system African Americans were arrested for fabricated reasons such as loitering or failing to sign a work contract. Law officials then leased their labor or used them to create roads, build factories, construct railroads, and perform other tasks without compensation. In many ways convict labor became a substitute for enslavement. Indeed In 1871 the Supreme Court of Appeals of Virginia ruled in Ruffin v. Commonwealth that convicts were “the slave of the state.” This point of view enabled prisons like Angola in Louisiana and Parchman Farm in Mississippi to notoriously exploit prisoners well into the 21st century.

The Convict Lease System and Lynch Law are twin infamies which flourish hand in hand in many of the United States. Ida B. Wells

The reinforcement of the courts caused Ida B. Wells and others to view convict leasing as racially oppressive as lynching in its victimization of African Americans. It is impossible to gauge how many men, women and children fell victim to this system, although some estimates suggest several million people were victimized. Not only were they often unfairly arrested, but they lost their rights as citizens while imprisoned and in many instances even after they were released from imprisonment.

Anyone who has been convicted of a felony in this country becomes a slave of the state, and you lose your human rights and in most cases your citizen rights for a long time, in some cases forever. Albert Woodfox, 2017 Activist and member of the Angola 3, who served 40 years in solitary confinement at the Louisiana State Penitentiary before his false conviction was overturned

Guard tower at Angola Prison, West Feliciana Parish, Louisiana Many prison farms were founded on former slave plantations. One of the largest and longest-lasting of these plantation prisons is the Louisiana State Penitentiary, otherwise known as Angola, established in 1880. Among the largest prisons in the United States, Angola for much of its history has been known as one of the harshest and most inhumane. In the 1950s it was deemed the “bloodiest prison in America.”

“The Vestiges of Slavery”: Racial Discrimination and Violence

Our country cannot wait any longer for the full realization of the abolition of all the remaining vestiges of slavery. Thurgood Marshall, 1953

Long after the 13th Amendment outlawed slavery in 1865, civil rights advocates continued to call on the nation to abolish the legacies of slavery that persisted in the form of racial discrimination. In a 1953 speech to the National Urban League, Thurgood Marshall—then Special Counsel to the NAACP—spoke of the need for “concerted action to remove many of the remaining vestiges of slavery.” Marshall was referring to the systemic racism that confined Black people to second-class citizenship, including residential segregation, denial of the right of employment, and the threat of physical violence. As long as these vestiges of slavery remained, the 13th Amendment’s promise of freedom would remain unfulfilled.

In 1968, a year after Thurgood Marshall was appointed as the first Black Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court, the Court issued its first major 13th Amendment ruling in over 60 years. In the case of Jones v. Alfred H. Mayer Company , the Court determined that real estate practices that discriminated against Black property buyers could be outlawed by Congress under the 13th Amendment. This decision marked a return to original Reconstruction-era interpretations of the 13th Amendment, which defined it as a law intended to secure Black freedom by eliminating the “badges and incidents of slavery.”

“We Want White Tenants in Our White Community,” sign posted in Detroit, Michigan, 1942.

Demonstrators demand federal laws to end housing segregation, Chicago, Illinois, 1960.

The Jones ruling followed a series of major federal civil rights laws, including the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965, passed in response to the mass movement for Black freedom during the 1950s and 1960s. Just as Reconstruction was regarded as a “second founding” of the United States—an opportunity to remake the nation without slavery, on a new foundation of freedom and equality—many referred to the modern Civil Rights Movement as a “Second Reconstruction,” another chance to take up the unfinished work of the 13th Amendment and fulfill its promise of freedom.

Freedom Quilt, ca. 1975. Jessie Telfair was inspired to make this quilt as an expression and memorialization of her experiences during the Civil Rights Movement. In the 1960s, Telfair was encouraged by the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee’s efforts to register African American voters in Southwest Georgia. Telfair decided to register to vote. When her employers learned of her actions, they fired her from her job as a cafeteria worker at an elementary school in her small community of Parrott, Georgia. The quilt is an affirmation of her personal freedom as well as a statement about the freedoms guaranteed to all American citizens.

Revisiting the 13th Amendment

Abolition … is not a relic of history. It is an ongoing movement to rethink the systems that produce inequity and build a society that values the lives of the most vulnerable. Phillip Atiba Goff, 2021 Co-founder and CEO of the Center for Policing Equity

The 13th Amendment is a touchstone in the struggle to abolish slavery and secure full freedom for African Americans, a struggle that extends from the nation’s founding to Reconstruction, through the modern Civil Rights Movement to today. It is also a catalyst for ongoing debate, activism, and legislation about defining and protecting freedom for all Americans. In recent decades, Congress has applied the 13th Amendment to support the passage of the Trafficking Victims Protection Act (2000), the first federal law targeting modern-day human trafficking, and the Matthew Shepard and James Byrd Jr. Hate Crimes Prevention Act (2009). In 2020, Democratic members of Congress introduced a joint resolution calling for an Abolition Amendment that would nullify the “except as punishment” clause in the 13th Amendment, as part of efforts to address issues of mass incarceration, human rights abuses, and racial disparities in the U.S. prison system.

Along with highlighting the need to address and eliminate the persisting legacies of slavery, the 13th Amendment inspires questions about how to carry forward the legacy of abolition and build new institutions that promote a more just and equitable democracy.

Million Man March, Washington, D.C., 1995.

Think about whether this country truly wants Black people to be free. If it doesn’t, how will we become free anyway? Patrisse Cullors, 2020 Co-founder of Black Lives Matter

Reconstruction changed the nation in fundamental ways. Three new amendments to the U.S. Constitution abolished slavery, provided equal protection of the law for all citizens, and banned racial discrimination in voting. But the promise of these laws alone would not secure the visions of freedom that African Americans pursued, if the nation was not willing to uphold and enforce them.

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Collection Civil Rights History Project

Collecting and presenting the freedom struggle at the library of congress.

What makes a mass social movement?  How is it defined? What happened as part of the movement and why? What are its obvious features and its hidden aspects? Who are the actors, both famous and obscure?  These are among the prominent questions to keep in mind when we seek to understand the historical origins, changing meanings, and the current resonance of social and cultural phenomena.  It is also important to note that the ways in which we frame the object of our study, has consequences.  That is, the conceptual basis of our inquiry will result in either an expansive and comprehensive understanding of the past or a strictly limited one. 

In this regard, it is an undeniable fact that the struggle to secure freedom, justice and a better future for African Americans in the mid-to-late twentieth century was, and remains, a crucial social, cultural, and political phenomenon that defined the course of the United States.  The commonplace understanding of the "Civil Rights Movement" includes events and actions that took place between the landmark 1954 Supreme Court case, Brown vs. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas , and 1968, the year which saw the assassinations of Reverend Martin Luther King Jr. and Robert Kennedy, as well as the dozens of riots that King's murder sparked.  Scholars have argued in favor of a long-term view of the struggle, however, one that stretches into the past, that is, well before the latter half of the previous century.  In the coming months and years, as the nation and the world contemplate and commemorate such signal events, the Library of Congress's unparalleled collections will continue to provide researchers with abundant resources to illuminate those historic moments and movements, however these may be defined by the scholar and student.

The Library's holdings encompass subject-specific collections that focus on the narrower definition of the Movement discussed above.  Those collections are complemented by materials that document, to borrow the historian Marc Bloch's term, the longue durée, or the historical process that structures the "black freedom struggle."  Several such collections in the Library are filled with the voices and memories of individuals whose experiences and memories span centuries.  Collections in this category, such as the reminiscences of formerly enslaved African Americans, expand and broaden our understanding of the sense of black community and identity that lent continuity to the contemporary Civil Rights struggle.  The Library of Congress is making these firsthand accounts accessible through web presentations of digitized collections, online exhibitions, blogs, webcasts and podcasts.

The historical dimensions of the African American experience are compellingly related by former slaves through oral testimonies, diaries, letters, recordings and written transcripts of interviews.  More than 2,300 first-person accounts of slavery were collected in the 1930s as part of the Federal Writers' Project of the Works Progress Administration (WPA). Housed in the Library's Manuscript Division, the typewritten transcripts have been digitized and are accessible on the Library's website. In addition, 26 audio-recorded interviews of former slaves reside in the Library's American Folklife Center. They are accessible to the public through the Center, both as a web presentation titled " Voices from the Days of Slavery: Former Slaves Tell Their Stories " and as a podcast series, " Voices from the Days of Slavery: Stories, Songs and Memories ." 

These voices can be reviewed alongside the personal accounts of Mississippi bluesmen, "Big Bill" Broonzy, Memphis Slim and Sonny Boy Williamson, who talk and sing about life in the segregated South in the years before and after World War II.  Their stories and music were recorded in the 1930s and 1940s by folklorist Alan Lomax, whose collection is housed in the American Folklife Center.

The Library arguably houses the nation's most comprehensive collections of the post-WWII Civil Rights Movement.  The manuscript materials and administrative records of notable individuals like A. Philip Randolph, Bayard Rustin and James Forman and organizations such as the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) are particularly exemplary. These are housed in the Library's Manuscript Division .  They are complemented by the Motion Picture, Broadcast and Recorded Sound Division's rich collections of archival sound and film and video recordings that document several eras of the freedom struggle. 

Beginning in 2011, those collections have been significantly enhanced by born-digital video recordings with participants in the struggle, produced by the Library and its partner, the Smithsonian National Museum of African American History and Culture External , for the national Civil Rights History Project (CRHP), which was created by a 2009 act of Congress.  The interviews, a few more than one hundred in number, were conducted by one of the premier oral history collecting organizations, the Southern Oral History Program External at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, for the project.  Through this initiative, the experiences of young people in the struggle fifty years ago come alive for a new generation, in stark detail and sobering clarity.  As with many of the Library's unique collection items, students of history (and archives) will be drawn to the ways in which CRHP interviews "speak" with items in different Library divisions , adding nuance and depth to the perspectives of a single individual.

For example, the events surrounding the 1965 murder in Alabama of the young theology student, Jonathan Myrick Daniels, are recalled by human rights activist Ruby Sales in a 2011 oral history interview for the CRHP. Sales describes the moment when Daniels pushed her out of harm's way and received the shotgun blast intended for her.  Sales' recollections, when read in tandem with the first-hand field reports from the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee's (SNCC) investigation into the shooting, enlarges our understanding of life and death on the front lines of the freedom struggle. The SNCC reports are housed in the James Foreman Papers in the Library's Manuscript Division.  Artist Amos Paul Kennedy Jr. augments the story of the tragedy with a recent visual perspective (ca. 2007) on Daniels' death with a letterpress poster titled, "Someone died for your right to vote, Jonathan Myrick Daniels shot to death, Hayneville, Alabama, on 20 August 1965."  The item is housed in the Prints and Photographs Division, along with other posters and images from the Civil Rights era. 

Other examples of parallel and cross-cutting collections are close to hand:  The Library's exhibition , "A Day Like No Other: Commemorating the 50th Anniversary of the March on Washington," captures a pivotal event in the movement's history through compelling photographs, housed in the Prints and Photographs Division.  Like the story of Sales and Daniels, the events of the day are also recounted by several individuals, such as Clarence Jones, and documented for the Civil Rights History Project Collection.  Adviser and speechwriter to Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr., Jones recalls the text he prepared and the way in which Dr. King departed from the script to extemporaneously deliver what has come to be known as the "I Have a Dream Speech" at the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom in 1963.  Jones's story is one of several video excerpts that have been embedded in a series of blog posts about the March.  Recorded interviews in other collections complement Jones's memories, such as the perspectives of Rev. Joseph Lowery, a key member of Dr. King's inner circle, and Judge Constance Baker Motley, both of which were collected for the National Visionary Leadership Project Collection .  In 2007, the Library acquired the collection, an assemblage of more than 300 interviews with significant figures in 20th-century African American history such as Coretta Scott King, Dorothy Height and Maya Angelou.

Taken as a whole, these voices, emerging from personal letters, journals, graphic materials, and audiovisual recordings, all housed at the national library, provide audiences with unparalleled insights into the social, cultural and political history of African Americans' struggle for freedom and equality, from the very beginnings of the country to the present day.

Essay on Indian Freedom Movement

Students are often asked to write an essay on Indian Freedom Movement in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Indian Freedom Movement

Origin of the movement.

The Indian Freedom Movement began in 1857, sparked by the Sepoy Mutiny against the British East India Company. This rebellion marked the start of India’s struggle for independence.

Key Events and Leaders

Role of mass movements.

Mass movements like the Non-Cooperation Movement, Civil Disobedience Movement, and Quit India Movement were crucial. They united Indians against British rule, pushing for independence.

The Final Victory

After years of struggle, India finally gained independence on August 15, 1947, marking the end of British rule and the beginning of a new era.

250 Words Essay on Indian Freedom Movement

Introduction, origins and ideologies.

The movement originated in the mid-19th century with the formation of the Indian National Congress and other political organizations. It was fueled by various ideologies, from moderate constitutionalism to radical nationalism, and later, Gandhian non-violence and civil disobedience.

The Role of Mass Movements

Mass movements like the Non-Cooperation Movement, Civil Disobedience Movement, and Quit India Movement played a crucial role in the struggle. These movements demonstrated the unified spirit of the Indian populace and their determination to achieve self-rule.

Significant Personalities

Key figures such as Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, Subhas Chandra Bose, and Bhagat Singh, among others, led the charge against colonial rule. Their different ideologies and methods of resistance added diversity to the freedom struggle.

The Indian freedom movement ended with the country gaining independence on August 15, 1947. The struggle was a testament to the power of unity, resilience, and the indomitable spirit of the Indian people. It serves as a reminder of the sacrifices made for the freedom we enjoy today, and the responsibility we bear to uphold the values of our nation.

500 Words Essay on Indian Freedom Movement

The Indian Freedom Movement is a pivotal chapter in the annals of Indian history, marking the nation’s struggle for independence from British rule. This monumental movement, spanning over a century, was characterized by various forms of resistance, including peaceful non-cooperation, civil disobedience, and armed rebellion.

Early Resistance and Revolt of 1857

Formation of indian national congress (inc) and muslim league.

The formation of the Indian National Congress in 1885 marked a significant progression towards a systematic freedom struggle. The INC initially adopted moderate methods of protests, focusing on administrative reforms, civil rights, and self-governance. Later, the partition of Bengal in 1905 led to the rise of extremism within the INC, advocating for more aggressive methods to achieve independence.

The Muslim League, formed in 1906, initially aimed to secure the political rights and interests of the Muslim community. It played a significant role in the freedom struggle, with its demand for a separate Muslim state, Pakistan, culminating in the partition of India in 1947.

Non-Violent Resistance and Civil Disobedience

Revolutionary movements and world war ii.

The Indian Freedom Movement was a protracted struggle that eventually led to India’s independence on August 15, 1947. This movement was a testament to the indomitable spirit of the Indian people, their resilience, and their commitment to the principles of justice and freedom. It was a confluence of diverse strategies, ideologies, and leadership that collectively contributed to the successful end of British rule in India. This movement not only liberated India from colonial rule but also laid the foundation for its democratic structure and principles of equality and secularism.

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Essay on Freedom

The freedom essay portrays the meaning of freedom, the Indian freedom struggle and its importance. Freedom is one of the essential values in our society. It sets us apart from other countries, and it has been our main goal since we were born. For some, freedom means different things. It is the opportunity to voice your opinion without fear. For others, it can be obtaining a higher level of education and knowledge than what is available to the general public. There are many different definitions of freedom, and no two people will have the same interpretation or experience of this word. However, one common idea that unites them is that freedom means having unrestricted rights and privileges.

Freedom is something that humans desire to have. We want to do what we please without any restrictions because it gives us a sense of power. It makes us feel like we are in control. However, freedom can be very challenging. When people are forced to face their challenges due to a lack of choices, they often develop coping mechanisms. An essay on freedom helps the little ones understand the value of freedom and write a better essay.

Indian Freedom Movement

The Indian freedom movement was a mass movement that led to the end of British rule in India and the establishment of an independent nation. The campaign was started by Indian nationalists demanding independence from Britain. This short essay on freedom in English is an excellent way to help kids learn about Indian independence.

India had an active freedom movement that started in the late 19th century. The Indian freedom movement was a significant movement to gain independence from the colonial rule. It started in the early 1800s and led to the Independence of India in 1947. The freedom movement was led by Indian nationalist leaders who wanted to free the country from British rule . These leaders wanted to create an independent and democratic state.

Bhagat Singh, Uddham Singh, Tantia Tope, Mahatma Gandhi and others are the most popular Indian leaders. Among them, Mahatma Gandhi started a nationwide Civil Disobedience Movement against the British Empire.

Importance of Freedom

Freedom is a fundamental human right and an essential element of individual liberty. The value of freedom is the intangible worth of making decisions without outside interference. From the perspective of people who enjoy freedom, there may be no good reason why others should not be free from control or domination.

Freedom is one of the most valuable things people can have. It allows them to do what they want and how they want. This is more valuable than many might think. It also has many benefits for those who have it and those around them.

Teach kids to write the freedom essay by perusing BYJU’S essay on freedom. You can also find more essays, poems, short stories, worksheets, etc., on the website.

Frequently Asked Questions

Who are some of the renowned freedom fighters of india.

Bhagat Singh, Uddham Singh, Tantia Tope, Mahatma Gandhi and others are some of the most popular Indian freedom fighters.

When did the Indian freedom movement begin?

The Indian freedom movement began in the late 19th century.

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In Anand Patwardhan’s The World is Family, personal histories merge with freedom struggle

As his parents cross a road in their walking shoes and sticks in hand, passing witty remarks, Anand Patwardhan watches from behind his camera, recording what he thought were home videos of moments from their lives. He didn’t know, and neither did his parents, that one day Anand would use these visuals in a documentary about them, about the extended family, about their role in the history of the country, beginning with the freedom struggle no less. Years after his parents passed away, as Anand began looking through the footage and editing it, he realised that there was an oral history here that was now being rewritten by those in power. 

Anand, a filmmaker known for his documentaries that are often anti-establishment and bare the truth of happenings, from riots to attacks on minorities, Dalits and the environment, found links between his family history and that of the country. The documentary that emerged, The World is Family (Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam), was screened at the International Documentary and Short Film Festival of Kerala (IDSFFK) being held in Thiruvananthapuram last week.

“All the stories about the past are now being created or filtered by the ruling RSS/BJP (Rashtriya Swayamsevakh Sangh / Bharatiya Janata Party). It will change the official history of this country unless there are corrective voices. As my family were amongst those who were both eyewitnesses as well as participants in the freedom struggle, there is a first person narrative that counters the propaganda that's currently being forced on the country,” Anand tells TNM in an interview, sitting at an office in the Kairali theatre complex in Thiruvananthapuram.

Four years ago, Anand had walked into the same theatre, holding a court order that allowed him to screen his film Reason there, after the BJP-led Union government initially denied permission. The people of Kerala have always welcomed Anand and his often controversial films – controversial because they expose those in power or the powerful – when they don’t find space in many parts of the country. Films from Prisoners of Conscience (1978) and Ram Ke Naam (1992) to Jai Bhim Comrade (2011) and Reason (2018) sometimes came as reminders, sometimes as foretellers of what’s to come ( Ram Ke Naam preceded the Babri Masjid demolition), and many times were predictably banned.

Unsurprisingly, it was a full house at Kairali theatre minutes before The World is Family was to begin. Anand, introducing his film, said that it was about his family – video footage he began recording in order to preserve for himself the memory of his parents, but later realised there was something in it that would be interesting to a larger audience. 

After the introduction of Nirmala and Wasudev (Balu) Patwardharn – his mother and father – the film slips through the days into the black-and-white era of grandparents and uncles through family albums and gritty archival video. The photo of an awfully young Nirmala by the side of Mahatma Gandhi, his arm around her, is almost too familiar because of the many photos you have seen of the Father of Nation in the company of his young followers.

Nirmala is unrecognisable as the pretty girl (she was still a teenager) looking coy, a world away from the unafraid older woman and seasoned artist that Anand begins the film with. She was studying then at Rabindranath Tagore's Shantiniketan, where she’d become friends with Ira Chaudhary, who features in the documentary and shares anecdotes about the old days. Both of them would go on to become reputed ceramists.

On Anand’s father’s side, two of his uncles, Rau kaka and Achyut kaka, were closely associated with the freedom struggle. Balu, Anand’s father, says with his trademark laugh that he was the only one in the family who did not go to jail.  “Only by talking to one of my uncles and to my parents was I able to get the larger picture. Unfortunately, my two eldest uncles (Rau and Achyut) who were the most active in the freedom struggle were no more. So there are no interviews with them. But people are talking about them,” he says.

Achyut does appear briefly in the film thanks to silent visuals that Nirmala had shot of him in Madras in the 1980s on her VHS camcorder.

Nirmala, ‘the funny mum’ as Anand often describes her, at one point laments that he is focusing on his paternal uncles but not about her family. She was not to know then that Anand would talk about his maternal family. He and his camera would travel to Sindh in Pakistan, where Nirmala's home had been, before Partition. “I have been to Pakistan five times. We used to cross the border as part of the Pakistan India Peoples Forum for Peace and Democracy (PIPFPD). It is a movement of citizens in India and Pakistan who are fighting against war and nuclear weapons. We exchange visits whenever we get visas. The first time I went I was making an anti-nuclear film, which eventually became the documentary War and Peace ,” Anand says.

Clearly, the family habit of getting involved in political movements has not skipped a generation. Anand and his films have always been political, from the Emergency, through the Babri Masjid demolition, the Narmada movement, the anti-nuclear movement, and Rohith Vemula’s death.

The new film will also act as as intervention, for history is being rewritten, Anand says, even as we speak. “History is being rewritten by the people in power, namely the RSS and the BJP, forces that never fought for India's independence. They were actually collaborators with the British. If you read your history, you will know that they supported the British even in the 1942 [Quit India] Movement. Even earlier, the only leader that espoused the Hindutva ideology that went to jail against the British was VD Savarkar, but even he badly betrayed the cause. After he was sent to the Andamans cellular jail, he wrote seven mercy petitions begging the British to set him free, promising them that he would forever remain loyal to them. After coming out of jail, he never spoke against the British,” Anand says.

The election results of 2024 – where the BJP could not get a majority of its own and had to form a government with allies – give more than a tiny hope, Anand says. “Given that these elections were fixed in multiple ways, I'm not only talking about EVM fixing, although EVM fixing is also probable as the percentage of votes cast mysteriously increased many days after polling. The biggest level of fixing was that only one party had money during these elections. Those in power destroyed the money power of the entire opposition. They also put opposition people in jail. In many recent state elections, they even bought over people who had won elections against them. They just gave them money to switch sides. It makes a laughing stock of the electoral process. In spite of all that, what happened in this election – that the BJP did not get a majority on its own – is quite amazing.”

Without mentioning the BJP or the powers of the day in his documentary, Anand manages to include stark reminders of their absence from the freedom struggle simply by sticking to the narrative of his own relatives.

Nirmala’s association with Gandhi extended to the point of his trying to dissuade her from marriage, thinking she was underage. Nirmala and Balu got married only days before Gandhi’s assassination. On the day he was killed, she shut herself in her room and cried for hours. She had, she reveals in the documentary, a handkerchief hand-spun by Bapu, that she lost during the chaos of Partition. 

Nirmala narrates another disturbing anecdote from the time, when she landed in Bengal in the midst of riots and rode in a car. The driver, she says, at one point rubbed her leg and she bent down to look, wondering if she had made a bad decision by getting into the car. But then the driver told her that he had to do that so she would look down and not see the dead bodies on the tram tracks they had just passed.

Amid the daring stories of Independence and Partition, Anand somehow weaves in amusing exchanges between his aging parents – cheating while playing cards or complaining about a locked door – and you have to admire their sense of humour, the tranquil attitudes they preserved through all of it. When Nirmala complains about Anand filming her before she combed her hair, he says it is not for a beauty contest and she retorts that it should not be sent for an ugly contest either. Both the parents have in-your-face witty comebacks, a quality Anand has inherited, for in his films he manages to stitch in lighter moments that sit well with the gravity of his subjects.

Even though Anand began shooting his parents a little late in life – his father’s speech had already been affected due to ailments – he did not stop until they passed away in 2008 (Nirmala) and 2010 (Balu). You recall then a promise that Nirmala casually gets out of Balu at the beginning of the film – she may be 12 years younger, but he was not to die before her. Balu managed to keep his word to her, staying alive till 94.

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Guest Essay

What the Polls Tell Us About Harris vs. Trump

By Kristen Soltis Anderson

Ms. Anderson, a contributing Opinion writer, is a Republican pollster and a moderator of Opinion’s series of focus groups.

Whatever your feelings are about Donald Trump as a candidate, the pollster Tony Fabrizio, a top adviser for all of Mr. Trump’s presidential campaigns, knows his business. He saw a path to a Trump victory over Hillary Clinton in 2016 that others didn’t. Campaigns often leak polling memos to drive a preferred narrative, so it’s sensible to take such memos with a grain of salt, but when Mr. Fabrizio puts one out , I take it seriously.

So when he warned last week of a “ Harris Honeymoon ” as Democrats were rallying around the vice president, I knew it was only a matter of time before the public polls would show what the Trump campaign was likely seeing privately. Two days later, there it was: the New York Times/Siena College poll showed the race narrowing to just a one-point Trump advantage nationally over Vice President Kamala Harris among likely voters, a major shift from a prior Times/Siena poll which showed Mr. Trump ahead of President Biden by six points.

This is, to use the parlance of our time, a vibe shift. It’s hard for me to overstate the euphoria Republican activists were feeling about the election coming out of their convention in Milwaukee. And, indeed, before the shake-up atop the Democratic ticket, most voters said that they thought Mr. Trump would win in November, according to a July poll by Echelon Insights, where I am a founding partner. Now, with around $200 million raised for Ms. Harris in a week, it wouldn’t be surprising to see a somewhat different result if you asked voters that question again.

There are two things giving Ms. Harris a lift in the short term: unity and energy.

The first is the party unity she enjoys by virtue of being the presumptive nominee without having had to endure a bruising Democratic primary battle. I’ve described this as the equivalent of a video game cheat code that lets you skip past some difficult but tedious early levels on the way to directly fighting the big bad boss at the end of the game. Harris didn’t have to spend the last year getting pummeled by, or trying to pummel, Democratic presidential rivals, almost certainly including some of the very Democrats who are now under consideration to be her vice-presidential nominee. While some of the out-of-the-mainstream views she espoused during her unsuccessful 2020 presidential run will no doubt follow her in this election, Ms. Harris benefits greatly from not yet having had to renavigate several issues that divide the Democratic Party these days, including border security, crime and policing and the war in Gaza.

The second thing Ms. Harris gets is a Democratic voter coalition reset to Obama-era factory settings. Democrats haven’t always done better with younger voters, but starting with the 2008 cycle, Democrats really began running up the numbers in that group. Advantages among voters of color grew substantially as well, triggering Republican panic . The Trump-Biden rematch, however, saw a reduction in polarization along generational and racial lines, with Mr. Trump narrowing Mr. Biden’s margins among groups like Black men and Generation Z. With Mr. Biden out and Ms. Harris in, early evidence suggests some reversion to the before times; according to last week’s accounts of the Times/Siena poll, Ms. Harris is “faring better among groups that Mr. Biden had been the weakest in, especially younger voters and nonwhite voters.”

America is a pretty evenly divided country. We are fairly split down the middle in terms of partisan identification. We’re also deeply polarized, with few people breaking from their own side to express support for a candidate of another party. I believe Mr. Biden’s age and apparent decline functioned like a black hole that bends light around it, warping our view of the evenly divided electorate. Now, with that distorting force removed, we’re back to the very close race we could have and should have expected all along.

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