thesis statement of single mother

Single Mom Thesis Statement

Thesis statement: Although the ideology of single moms have progressively gotten better over the years, they are still stigmatized as being plight in today’s society. Whereas, in reality, they are exceptional role models and self reliant; ultimately, revealing that single moms can prevail two parental figures. General summary: I plan to point out the negative portrayal of single moms in society and refute the arguments presented by mentioning reasons for their success. Despite the fact that society has been accepting of single moms over the years, there still lies the same stigmatism that has not changed. That being, sex before marriage is considered frowned upon and single mothers cannot provide the same support of two parents. To prove

Katie Rophie's Ethos In Defense Of Single Motherhood

“With what price we pay for the glory of motherhood” (Isadora Duncan). In Defense of Single Motherhood, by Katie Roiphe, is an essay arguing why being a single mother is better than the traditional two parent method. Although Rophie has a moderate expression of ethos, her poor use of logos, and her struggle with pathos concludes this is a weak argument.

Motherhood By Amber Kinser Chapter Summaries

1.) Overall main topic of this book connects between the issue of motherhood and feminism. One major key point I found while reading this book is the author, Amber Kinser explains the growth and progress of the role of mothers in the american society meaning how the roles have changed overtime. A major theme of Kinser’s book is that the public debates may focus on mothering, but the issues affect us all.  Cutting back on health care for women, on education, and on jobs for teachers, social workers and others in the service sector have their greatest impact on mothers, but they affect all of us. Motherhood becomes a symbol for how men and women, single and married, gay and straight, deal with the need for individual options and the need to act for the good of others.

Doing The Best I Can Book Review

About four in every ten children born in America in 2008 were born outside of marriage, and they are disproportionately minority and poor. “Only about 6 percent of college-educated mothers’ births are nonmarital versus 60 percent of those of high school dropouts” (5). Scholars responded to this by studying single-parent families.

Welfare 's Success By Bill Clinton

Children born to single or unwed parents causes serious problems and discussions not only within society, but also the welfare system. Becoming a parent seems to be one of the most beautiful things life has to offer to people. The laughter of children warms the heart like nothing else can, and the way their eyes light up when they receive something as small as a piece of candy reminds us all that the little things in life are the most important. However, children require time and money which often gets overlooked by many people. Raising a child with two married parents seems difficult enough, but today many people are having children out-of -wedlock which also seems to create more single parent homes and puts more pressure on that one parent who struggles to support the child. From 1960 to 2000, out-of-wedlock births grew by 600%

Single Parents Club : A Non Profit Organization Aimed At Providing Child Care

The Single Parents Club is the passion project of two women with first hand knowledge of what it is like to be raised in a single parent household. Suneta Sowemimo was raised by a single mother who quit her job and started an in-home daycare. Suneta’s mother provided the community and other single parents with childcare at an affordable rate. Her passion for this project stemmed at an early age. Suneta noticed that there were very few programs to help single parents and that the current programs available were unsatisfactory. The other driving force behind the Single Parents Club is DaMonique Vest. The oldest of two children raised by a single mother, DaMonique saw how difficult things became when they moved away from their family support system in Florida. Being the oldest she would help out wherever she could. Assisting her brother with his homework, picking him up from school when need be and any other small jobs to help her mother. Being raised in single parent homes these

Single Parenting In The 1800's

Did you know that more than one fourth of all children in the United States live with only one parent? Single parenting has become more common today than in the 1800s, when it was sometimes frowned upon. As the years have gone by, it has become easier and easier for women to become single parents. In the 1800’s if husbands died or abandoned their families, women had no choice but to work for extremely low and unfair wages. Today, most men and women are treated equal and receive equal wages making it easier for women to be single parents. This concept is shown in Twain’s The Adventures of Tom Sawyer through Aunt Polly in the 19th century, single parenting is also common today.

Single Mothers in America Essays

• 7 Works Cited

In today’s society it is not unusual to have a one-parent family with a young mother in charge. Teen mothers having children has increased so much over the years that it’s now a common occurance. Being a young single mother in today’s society is challenging but with the help of government assistance single mothers are finding their way.

Stereotypes And Discrimination Towards Single Mothers

“Single mothers face inexplicable social and religious challenges… due to the cultural stereotype and religious orientation” (Essien). Different religions and culture have their own set of beliefs and standards. However, this provides a reason behind the discrimination towards single parents, specifically, single mothers. “Motherhood is crucial to female identity, and women are perceived as natural reproducers, nurturers, mothers and wives… divorced and abandoned single mothers are sexually, economically and socially vulnerable” (Jordal). Diversion is seen as something is not an option for them. Therefore, single mothers are viewed as a disappointment to the society. Which created more opportunity for the discrimination to

Annotated Bibliography : Single Mothers

Summary: Singles mother hurt themselves and children by trying to show society that they are strong and that they can survive by their own. This source show us how kids can be affected in a bad way because of their mother status. When those women decide to bring to the family a new integrant, kids get hurt with their emotional and in their academy life as shown in this quote “ The more “transitions” experienced by a child — the arrival of a stepparent, a parental boyfriend or girlfriend, or a step- or half sibling — the more children are likely to have either emotional or academic problems, or both.” (Hymowitz, 2014)

Essay on One Parent Family vs Two Parent Family

However, by rising to these challenges, custodial single parents develop significant strengths. The positive benefits of being a single parent are that the child receives a lesson in independence. The child sees how strong the one parent is at providing them with everything they need without having to depend on someone else. The parents are showing their children that it is possible to live on their own, have an enjoyable life and take care of others while doing so. The children will know that they are a priority to the parent. When there is a second parent around the house, it can be easy to put responsibility off on them, but when the children see how hard the parent is working for them, they will understand how important they are to their parent. (Dowd, 1997)

Examples Of Accidental Single Mom

The most ironic part of me being an accidental single mom is the fact that this isn’t my first time being a single mother. I married when my son was two. I thought “This is it! I’ve found a good man who is willing to take on an instant family!” When I took my vows, I breathed a sigh of relief. The burden of being both parents was off of my shoulders. There

Essay about Feminism and Changing Perceptions of Motherhood

• 4 Works Cited

Societal perceptions of motherhood in North America have changed drastically over the last century and continue to change. Due to prescribed traditional gender roles, the concept of motherhood has historically been latent in the concept womanhood, in that a woman’s ability to reproduce was seen to be an inherent part of her identity. Thus there existed societal pressures not only for women to become mothers, but to fit into the impossible standard of being the “perfect mother”. However, as the feminist movement gained more ground and women were increasingly incorporated into the workforce, these traditional views of gender roles and in turn motherhood were challenged. As the family dynamics that exist today are much more diverse, what

Being a Single Mom Essay

One thing in my life that I had to dive into doing was being a single parent. I no longer had just myself to worry about and to take care of; I was going to have another person to be responsible for. I had a mixture of feelings when I found out I was pregnant. I did not know if his dad was going to be around or not to help me. I was worried, nervous, scared and excited all at the same time.

Single Parent Households Is A Sensitive Topic Essay

Single parent households are a sensitive topic that is highly debated today. This topic is one that has repercussions for both the parents and the children involved. However, regardless of the different consequences, these households continue to grow in the coming years. “In 1970, traditional two-parent married households dominated, making up 81 % of all households in the United States (US). By 2012 this number dropped to around 66 % … In 2012, approximately 21 million children, or 28 % of all children in the US, lived with one parent” (Kramer, 2015). It is interesting to look at the way the single parent households continue to grow throughout the years, all while being a hot topic for discussion on its consequences. When thinking about a book to read for this course, there was no real choice. I stumbled upon this book and knew right away that I could benefit from this book, as well as connect to it on a deeper level and relate to it personally.

Same-Sex Parents and Their Children Essay

• 5 Works Cited

It is commonly believed that for normal development a child needs two opposite sex parents. Mother provides nurturance and caretaking and father ‘‘is the grinding stone on which his son sharpens his emerging masculinity and the appreciative audience to which his daughter plays out her femininity (Pruett, 2000, p. 87).” Not all the children are raised in two parent family, single parent is a common part of our society. Single mothers and less common single farthers raise their children and nobody doubts there parenting skills, because not only their parent but also other relatives and media influence on children.

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Home > Office of Graduate Studies > Electronic Theses, Projects, and Dissertations > 612

Electronic Theses, Projects, and Dissertations

Challenges needs and experiences of single parent student mothers in higher education.

Gina M. Vyskocil , csusb Follow

Date of Award

Document type.

Dissertation

Degree Name

Doctor of Education in Educational Leadership

Educational Leadership and Curriculum

First Reader/Committee Chair

Dr. John Winslade

While the literature addressing the experiences of women in higher education is expanding, the experiences of single mothers in academia remains under-explored, despite single student mothers being the largest and fastest growing student demographic in higher education institutions. The role of single mothers who are pursuing degrees while raising children assumes crucial importance in helping forge means of support that are not government-dependent, as well as enabling single parent student mothers to role model educational pursuits and achievement of degrees as possibilities for dependents. Though college degrees can provide means of financial stability and immense social and professional benefits for sole provider single–parent homes, higher education can prove significantly detrimental to the quality of parenting single parent students provide dependent children, and can negatively impact personal health, financial and economic security, and interpersonal relationships from undertaking multiplicity of roles.

This study seeks to understand the challenges, needs and experiences which occur at the intersection of parenthood and studenthood for single parent student mothers, as well as exploring ideologies of what it means to be a “good parent” or “good student.” It also inquires into student mothers’ perceptions of institutional support, which may impact matriculation or attrition and seeks to ascertain whether existing college policies need to be restructured to better support the degree-seeking endeavors of single parent student mothers.

Study findings revealed key themes that emerged from the data: participant awareness of constrained and competing time demands; competing pressures to produce the identities of “good mom” and “good student”; guilt arising from missed event choices; outcomes of forced choice events; guilt over lower classroom performance and loss of class standing over missed choice events; participants’ perspectives of in-class support by teachers or professors; participants’ views regarding presence or absence of institutional support tailored to their specific needs as single parent student mothers; participants’ concerns regarding student debt; and categories of unmet need and support services that would assist single mothers to degree completion. Student parents’ discursive narratives indicated internal and external pressure to perform better as students and parents.

Results revealed that nearly all respondents were forced on some occasions to choose between attendance at school and family events and being present at moments which would ensure optimal outcomes in both categories of competing identities. Conflict was experienced by respondents when student mothers were forced to shift into and out of various roles and identities which made it difficult for student parents to maximize performance in any central area of personal or professional achievement. Finally, student mothers’ discourses indicated they perceived others’ perceptions of their in-class performance, class standing, and professional trajectory of their achievement suffered when a forced choice situation resulted in their absence or tardy in a course, or inability to participate in a group class activity. Student mothers revealed through their narratives instructors who shamed them in front of classmates for having to bring a child to class, or castigated them for bringing a child to an inappropriate forum in which content was not perceived as child-suitable. Student mother narratives revealed resentment regarding being exhorted to choose between being a parent and being a student, when, in their opinions, they were forced to undertake both roles concurrently, without sufficient support to engage in either role.

A key deficit identified in the narratives of student mothers was their perceived absence of institutional support which would enable them to achieve their educational goals and better provide for their families. Student parent narratives indicated struggles with concern about debt following graduation, and discourse revealed speculation regarding possible forced choices at some point in the future, if debt loads were too high to be supported by income, job insufficiency was experienced, or cost of living was too high to support both debt and living expenses.

Recommended Citation

Vyskocil, Gina M., "Challenges Needs and Experiences of Single Parent Student Mothers in Higher Education" (2018). Electronic Theses, Projects, and Dissertations . 612. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd/612

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Single Mothers’ Experiences As College Students: Exploring Role Conflict Among Single Mothers In College

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This research examines the experiences of single mothers as college students, especially as they pertain to the dual role of mother and student. With the rising number of single parent households and increasing numbers of nontraditional students enrolled in college, it is important to understand how the experience of single motherhood impacts the college experience. Using role theory and mothering ideologies, this research describes the challenges that single mothers who attend college face as well as the resources and strategies utilized by single mothers to help them succeed in college. The study consisted of 6 semi-structured, qualitative interviews with single mothers who attend a Midwestern, urban university campus. After transcription, interviews were coded by the author. Coding consisted of identifying key concepts that related to challenges of dual role status and strategies to overcome these challenges. Mothers were asked to describe their experiences relating to their dual role as parent and college student and to elaborate on the resources and strategies they use to overcome these challenges. Results suggest that there are many challenges single mothers encounter include: time management, role conflict (for instance, feelings of guilt from losing time with their child), feelings of stress and anxiety, and a lack of self-care. Several useful resources aiding in college success were identified, such as strong social support from family and friends, and campus resources such as health services. Research also found that single mothers experience financial strain while attending college and rely heavily on financial aid for assistance. The research presented here provides valuable insight to university administrators in their efforts to assist their single mother students.

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Home — Essay Samples — Life — Single Parenting — My Mom Is a Single Parent: Personal Experience

My Mom is a Single Parent: Personal Experience

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Student Question

How can I state a thesis about "single mothers" in an argumentative essay?

style: Thesis Statement

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You might also want to check out the eNotes free guide called, How to Write an Argumentative Essay .

Cite this page as follows:

Delacruz, Roxie. "How can I state a thesis about "single mothers" in an argumentative essay?" edited by eNotes Editorial, 15 July 2009, https://www.enotes.com/topics/essay/questions/how-can-i-state-a-thesis-about-single-mothers-in-91915.

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I love my job! I have three great kids! I live in AZ, which I also love!

First, what is your argument? That single moms should finish their education? That single moms need to receive more benefits from the state? That single moms are the hardest workers?

Your thesis must contain whatever your argument is.

Some teachers want you to have a 3-part thesis statement. If yours is one of those teachers, you will also need to include the THREE REASONS YOU ARE RIGHT about your opinion.

For example, if your opinion is that Jiffy Peanut Butter is the best kind of peanut butter you must give 3 reasons why:

Jiffy Peanut Butter is far superior to any other type of peanut butter because it is the creamiest, most flavorful and least expensive.

Then, in your essay, you would have an intro paragraph, a para about how creamy it is, a para about how flavorful it is, and a para about how it so cheap and then a conclusion para.

Remember--this is an argumentation essay! You must focus on WHY YOU ARE RIGHT!

Hennika, Charlene. "How can I state a thesis about "single mothers" in an argumentative essay?" edited by eNotes Editorial, 15 July 2009, https://www.enotes.com/topics/essay/questions/how-can-i-state-a-thesis-about-single-mothers-in-91915.

Educator since 2009

16,815 answers

I currently teach middle school history and have taught at various K–12 levels over the last 13 years.

I think that your thesis statement is having a bit of trouble because you will need to point out something distinctive and unique about single mothers that you will be proving in the course of your paper.  If you are focusing on why there are many challenges in being a single mother, perhaps your thesis should be something like, "There are many social and economic challenges in being a single mother."  If you are focusing on the strength in being a single mother, perhaps something like this:  "Being a single mother requires a tremendous amount of strength and courage."  I think that you need to determine A)  What your paper is going to say about single mothers (what point you will prove) and B)  How can you summarize this point in one clear, distinct, and effective sentence.  When you have both of these, you have got your thesis statement.

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Kannan, Ashley. "How can I state a thesis about "single mothers" in an argumentative essay?" edited by eNotes Editorial, 14 July 2009, https://www.enotes.com/topics/essay/questions/how-can-i-state-a-thesis-about-single-mothers-in-91915.

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Single Mothers by Choice: Mother–Child Relationships and Children’s Psychological Adjustment

Susan golombok.

1 Centre for Family Research, University of Cambridge

Sophie Zadeh

Susan imrie, venessa smith.

2 London Women’s Clinic, London, UK

Tabitha Freeman

3 Centre for Family Research, University of Cambridge

This project was supported by a Wellcome Trust Senior Investigator Award [097857/Z/11/Z]. We thank the London Women’s Clinic, Lucy Blake, Anna Conway-Morris, Michael Lamb, Gabriela Roman, Charlotte Taylor, and all of the families who took part in the study.

Fifty-one solo mother families were compared with 52 two-parent families all with a 4–9-year-old child conceived by donor insemination. Standardized interview, observational and questionnaire measures of maternal wellbeing, mother–child relationships and child adjustment were administered to mothers, children and teachers. There were no differences in parenting quality between family types apart from lower mother–child conflict in solo mother families. Neither were there differences in child adjustment. Perceived financial difficulties, child’s gender, and parenting stress were associated with children’s adjustment problems in both family types. The findings suggest that solo motherhood, in itself, does not result in psychological problems for children.

In recent decades, there has been a dramatic increase in the number of single-parent families. In both the United States ( U.S. Census Bureau, 2012 ) and the United Kingdom ( Lloyd & Lacey, 2012 ), 30% of households with children are headed by single parents, the large majority of whom are single mothers. These figures compare with less than 10% at the beginning of the 1970s. Single-mother families are formed in a number of ways. Parental divorce or separation is the most common reason for children to be raised in single-mother families. There has also been a rise in the number of children born to single unmarried mothers as a result of unplanned pregnancies. However, the newest type of single-mother family comprises single heterosexual women who have chosen to parent alone and have had children through donor insemination. These women are generally referred to as “single mothers by choice” or “solo mothers” ( Bock, 2000 ; Hertz, 2006 ; Weinraub, Horvath, & Gringlas, 2002 ) and these terms are used interchangeably below. The number of such families has risen sharply since the millennium and is likely to grow given the demographic shift toward older first-time motherhood ( Graham, 2012 ). Indeed, a significant proportion of those who now seek fertility treatment with donated gametes are women without a male partner ( De Wert et al., 2014 ).

Studies have shown that single mothers by choice are generally well-educated women in professional occupations who become mothers in their late 30s or early 40s ( Bock, 2000 ; Graham, 2014 ; Graham & Braverman, 2012 ; Jadva, Badger, Morrissette, & Golombok, 2009 ; Murray & Golombok, 2005a ; Weinraub et al., 2002 ). In spite of having chosen to parent alone, the majority of solo mothers do so not from choice, but because they do not have a current partner and feel that time is running out for them to have a child ( Graham & Braverman, 2012 ; Hertz, 2006 ; Jadva et al., 2009 ; Murray & Golombok, 2005a ). Many single mothers by choice report that they would have preferred to have children within a traditional family setting but could not wait any longer because of their increasing age and associated fertility decline. As Graham (2014) pointed out, if they wanted to become mothers they did not actually have a choice.

There is a large body of research on the psychological wellbeing of children in single-mother families formed by divorce. These studies have consistently shown that children whose parents divorce are more likely to show emotional and behavioral problems than are children in intact families ( Amato, 2000 , 2001 , 2005 ; Coleman & Glenn, 2009 ; Hetherington & Stanley-Hagan, 1999 ; Pryor & Rodgers, 2001 ). However, the children’s difficulties appear to be largely associated with aspects of the divorce, rather than single-parenthood, in itself. One factor that has been found to be related to children’s adjustment problems is conflict between parents ( Amato, 2000 , 2005 ; Pryor & Rodgers, 2001 ). The financial hardship that is often experienced by single-parent families following divorce has also been shown to be associated with children’s psychological problems ( Amato, 2000 , 2005 ; Hetherington & Stanley-Hagan, 2002 ; McLanahan & Sandefur, 1994 ; Pryor & Rodgers, 2001 ). Furthermore, a number of studies have demonstrated a link between parental depression, poor parenting quality and negative child outcomes in single-parent families following divorce ( Amato, 2000 ; Dunn et al., 1998 ; Hetherington & Stanley-Hagan, 2002 ).

There is also a growing research literature on children raised by unmarried single mothers. The Fragile Families Study in the United States found more negative mental health outcomes for children born to single unmarried mothers than to married parents, even after differences in parental resources had been controlled for ( Waldfogel, Craigie, & Brooks-Gunn, 2010 ). As with single-mother families formed by divorce, economic disadvantage, parental mental health problems, and poor parenting quality were associated with more negative outcomes for these children. Similar findings were reported from the Millennium Cohort Study in the United Kingdom ( Kiernan & Mensah, 2010 ). Children born to single mothers showed high rates of psychological problems associated with high levels of economic disadvantage and poor maternal mental health, with raised levels of behavioral problems still apparent after taking account of maternal depression and socioeconomic status.

Unlike divorced or unmarried single mothers who have had unplanned pregnancies, single mothers by choice make an active decision to parent alone, and thus differ from those who unintentionally find themselves in this situation. Children of single mothers by choice have not been exposed to parental conflict and are less likely to have experienced the economic hardship or maternal psychological problems that commonly result from marital breakdown and unplanned single parenthood ( Hertz, 2006 ; Jadva et al., 2009 ; Murray & Golombok, 2005a ). Nevertheless, they grow up without a father from the start and, for those conceived by donor insemination at a fertility clinic, do not know the identity of their biological father. Even in countries where the use of anonymous donors is prohibited, children are not able to discover his identity until late adolescence. This makes them distinct from most other children of single mothers, whose fathers may be absent but whose identity is known.

There is little research on the development and well-being of children born to single mothers by choice. In a comparison between 27 single heterosexual mother families and 50 married heterosexual parent families, all with infants conceived by donor insemination, no differences were identified between the two family types in terms of mothers’ psychological well-being, adaptation to motherhood, expressed warmth, and emotional involvement or bonding with their infants ( Murray & Golombok, 2005a ). However, the single mothers showed lower levels of interaction and sensitive responding to their infants than did the married mothers, possibly because the presence of a partner allowed the married mothers more time with their babies. The families continued to function well as the children reached 2 years old ( Murray & Golombok, 2005b ). Although mothers from both types of family showed positive relationships with their children, the single mothers showed greater joy and less anger toward their children as assessed by the Parent Development Interview, an interview technique designed to assess the nature of the emotional bond between the mother and the child ( Slade, Belsky, Aber, & Phelps, 1999 ). With respect to the children, those with single mothers showed fewer emotional and behavioral problems than did those with married mothers. However, at age 2, the children of single mothers were too young to understand the social significance of the absence of a father.

The only controlled study of older children focused primarily on lesbian mother families ( Chan, Raboy, & Patterson, 1998 ). Comparisons between 30 solo mother families and 50 two-parent families with 7-year-old children conceived by donor insemination found no differences in conduct or emotional problems, social competence, or adaptive functioning between the children of single and partnered mothers. However, no direct comparisons were conducted between the nine heterosexual solo mothers and the 16 heterosexual partnered mothers in the sample.

The aim of the present investigation was to add to the small but growing body of research on solo mother families by conducting an in-depth, multimethod, multi-informant, controlled study of families with children who were old enough to understand that they did not have a father. Developmental contextual systems theory ( Overton, 2014 , 2015 ) provided the underlying conceptual framework. In accordance with that theory and findings obtained in previous research, it was hypothesized that children’s adjustment would not be a direct function of the number of parents in the family but would instead be associated with the quality of mother–child relationships, with both the quality of those relationships and the children’s adjustment being directly and indirectly affected by indices of the families’ financial difficulties and maternal mental health problems. The other key risk factor for single-mother families, parental conflict, is not applicable to single mothers by choice.

Participants

Fifty-one heterosexual single mothers by choice (solo mothers) and a comparison group of 52 heterosexual married or cohabiting mothers participated in the study. The children in both groups of families were conceived by donor insemination to control for the use of third-party assisted reproduction in the birth of the child. The families were recruited through the London Women’s Clinic, one of the largest fertility clinics in the United Kingdom that has also provided the longest-standing program for single women ( Human Fertilisation and Embryology Authority, 2013 ). Single-mother and two-parent families with a donor-conceived child aged between 4 and 9 years were invited to take part in the study. The inclusion criteria for the solo mothers were that they had not cohabited since the birth of the child, had not been involved in a noncohabiting relationship for longer than 6 months, and had not used egg donation in addition to donor insemination to conceive their child. Partnered mothers were required to be still living with the child’s father. Solo mothers and partnered mothers who met the inclusion criteria were asked by the clinic to take part in the research. A random sample of solo mothers was selected by the clinic, representing around 70% of those mothers who met the study criteria, and the partnered mothers matched on the age band and gender of the child. A participation rate of 72% was obtained.

As shown in Table 1 , there was no significant difference between family types in the age of the target child, F (1, 101) = 1.79, p = ns , with the average age being 66 months. Neither was there a significant difference with respect to the children’s gender, χ 2 (1) = 0.77, p = ns . All of the children attended school or nursery/preschool. The age of the mother did differ significantly between family types, F (1, 101) = 36.05, p < .001, reflecting the older age of the solo mothers (mean age 44 years) than the partnered mothers (mean age 39 years). There was also a significant difference between family types in the number of siblings in the family, χ 2 (2) = 9.39, p < .01, with children in solo mother families having fewer siblings. The mothers in the two family types did not differ in educational level, χ 2 (1) = 1.87, p = ns ; perceived financial difficulties, χ 2 (2) = 0.32, p = ns ; or treatment for psychiatric problems in the previous year, χ 2 (2) = 3.08, p = ns. However, they did differ in working status, χ 2 (2) = 8.54, p < .05, reflecting a higher proportion of solo mothers than partnered mothers in full-time employment. All of the mothers were White with the exception of three Asian mothers (two solo mothers and one partnered mother) and three Black mothers (two solo mothers and one partnered mother). All of the fathers in two-parent families were involved in caring for the child.

The families were assessed at home. Written informed consent to participate in the investigation was obtained from each parent and verbal assent was obtained from the child. Ethical approval was granted by the University of Cambridge Psychology Research Ethics Committee. Each parent was administered an audiorecorded standardized interview that lasted approximately 1.5 hr and standardized questionnaires and participated in a video-recorded observational task with the child that lasted 5–10 min. Teachers completed a questionnaire designed to assess the children’s psychological adjustment. Written informed consent was obtained from teachers. To provide interrater reliability ratings for the interview and observational measures, data from 30 randomly selected families were coded by a second interviewer who was blind to family type.

Parenting interview

The mothers were interviewed using an adaptation of a semistructured interview designed to assess quality of parenting that has been validated against observational ratings of mother–child relationships in the home ( Quinton & Rutter, 1988 ) and has been used successfully in previous studies of donor conception families with children of the same age ( Golombok et al., 2011 ). Detailed accounts are obtained of the child’s behavior and the parent’s response to it, with particular reference to interactions relating to warmth and control. A flexible style of questioning is used to elicit sufficient information for each variable to be rated by the researcher using a standardized coding scheme based upon a detailed coding manual. Thus ratings are carried out by the researcher using in-depth information obtained from the mother rather than by the mother herself.

The following variables were coded: (a) expressed warmth from 0 ( none ) to 5 ( high ) took account of the mother’s tone of voice, facial expressions and gestures in addition to what the mother said about the child; (b) mother-to-child warmth from 0 ( little or none ) to 3 ( high ) represented the frequency and spontaneity of affection shown by the mother to the child; (x) child-to-mother warmth from 0 ( little or none ) to 3 ( high ) represented the frequency and spontaneity of affection shown by the child to the mother; (d) mother’s enjoyment of play from 1 ( little or none ) to 4 ( a great deal ) assessed the extent to which the mother enjoyed playing with the child; (e) amount of interaction from 1 ( little ) to 3 ( high ) assessed the amount of time the mother and child spent in shared activities; (f) quality of interaction from 1 ( poor ) to 4 ( very good ) was based on the extent to which the mother and child wanted to be with each other and enjoyed each other’s company; (g) conflict from 0 ( little or none ) to 3 ( a great deal ) assessed the extent of disagreement between mothers and their children; (h) frequency of battles from 0 ( never/rarely ) to 8 ( few times daily ) assessed the frequency of mother–child conflict; (i) level of battles from 0 ( none ) to 3 ( major ) assessed the severity of mother–child conflict; and (j) criticism from 0 ( none ) to 4 ( considerable ) was based on the amount of criticism of the child by the mother. The interrater reliabilities were calculated using Cohen’s Kappa and transformed into interrater agreement rates using the thresholds provided by Bakeman and Quera (2011) . Six variables showed agreement above 80% (mother-to-child warmth, mother’s enjoyment of play, amount of interaction, conflict, frequency of battles, and level of battles), two showed agreement above 70% (quality of interaction and criticism), and two showed agreement below 70% (expressed warmth and child-to-mother warmth).

Mothers’ psychological wellbeing

The Trait Anxiety Inventory ( Spielberger, 1983 ), the Edinburgh Depression Scale ( Thorpe, 1993 ), and the short form of the Parenting Stress Index ( Abidin, 1990 ) were completed by the mothers to assess anxiety, depression and stress associated with parenting, respectively. Each of these instruments, for which higher scores represent greater difficulties, has been shown to have good reliability and to discriminate well between clinical and nonclinical groups.

Parent–child observations

The Etch-A-Sketch task ( Stevenson-Hinde & Shouldice, 1995 ) was used to obtain an observational assessment of interaction between the mother and the child. The Etch-A-Sketch is a drawing tool with two dials that allow one person to draw vertically and the other to draw horizontally. The mother and child were asked to copy a picture of a house, each using one dial only, with clear instructions not to use the other dial. The sessions were video-recorded and coded using the Parent–Child Interaction System ( Deater-Deckard & Petrill, 2004 ) to assess the construct of mutuality; that is, the extent to which the parent and child engaged in positive dyadic interaction characterized by warmth, mutual responsiveness, and cooperation. The following variables were rated on a 7-point scale ranging from 1 ( no instances ) to 7 ( constant, throughout interaction ): (a) child’s responsiveness to parent assessed the extent to which the child responded immediately and contingently to the mother’s comments, questions or behaviors; (b) mother’s responsiveness to child assessed the extent to which the mother responded immediately and contingently to the child’s comments, questions or behaviors; (c) dyadic reciprocity assessed the degree to which the dyad showed shared positive affect, eye contact and a “turn-taking” (conversation like) quality of interaction; and (d) dyadic cooperation assessed the degree of agreement about whether and how to proceed with the task. It was not possible to calculate Cohen’s Kappas for these variables due to restriction of the range of the scores as most families obtained scores at the top end of the scales. However, this did not reflect low interrater reliability as agreement within one point was 100% for dyadic reciprocity, above 95% for child’s responsiveness, above 90% for dyadic cooperation and above 85% for mother’s responsiveness.

Child Adjustment

Strengths and difficulties questionnaire.

The presence of children’s emotional and behavioral difficulties was assessed with the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ; Goodman, 1994 , 1997 ) administered to the mother and the child’s teacher to produce total scores of child adjustment problems, with higher scores indicating greater problems. The SDQ has been shown to have good internal consistency, test–retest and interrater reliability, and concurrent and discriminative validity ( Goodman, 1994 , 1997 , 2001 ). For example, based on an epidemiological sample of more than 10,000 children in the United Kingdom ( Goodman, 2001 ), internal consistency (Cronbach’s alpha) was found to be 0.73, test–retest reliability after 4–6 months was 0.62, and, in terms of validity, scores above the 90th percentile predicted a substantially raised probability of independently diagnosed psychiatric disorders (mean odds ratio = 15.7). In a review of the reliability and validity of the SDQ based upon 48 studies involving more than 130,000 children, Stone, Otten, Engels, Vermulst, & Janssens (2010) found the psychometric properties of the SDQ to be strong.

Psychiatric ratings

The child’s psychological adjustment was also assessed during the interview with the mother using a standardized procedure ( Rutter, Cox, Tupling, Berger, & Yule, 1975 ). Detailed descriptions were obtained of any emotional or behavioral problems shown by the child. These descriptions of actual behavior, which included information about where the behavior was shown, severity of the behavior, frequency, precipitants, and course of the behavior over the past year were transcribed and rated by a child psychiatrist who was unaware of the nature of the study. A high level of reliability ( r = .85) between ratings made by social scientists and those made “blindly” by a child psychiatrist has been demonstrated for this procedure and validity has been established through a high level of agreement between interview ratings of children’s psychological problems and mothers’ assessments of whether or not their children had emotional or behavioral difficulties ( Rutter et al., 1975 ). Psychological problems, when identified, were rated according to severity on a 3-point scale ranging from 0 ( no disorder ) through 1 ( slight disorder ) to 2 ( marked disorder ) and type (anxiety, conduct/oppositional disorder, mixed disorder, Autism Spectrum Disorder, ADHD and speech delay).

Analysis Plan

In the first instance, a principal components analysis was conducted with the interview variables relating to parenting quality. Two factors, each with item loadings of at least 0.6, explained 50% of the variance. The first factor (comprising expressed warmth, mother-to-child warmth, child-to-mother warmth, mother’s enjoyment of play, amount of interaction, and quality of interaction) was labeled positive parenting and the second factor (comprising frequency of battles, level of battles, conflict and criticism) was labeled negative parenting . The correlation between the two factors was r = −.34, p < .001, showing a slight negative relationship between them.

Comparisons of parenting between the solo mother families and the two-parent families were conducted using multivariate analyses of covariance (MANCOVAs). These were carried out separately for positive parenting, negative parenting, mothers’ psychological wellbeing, and the observational assessment of mother–child interaction. Children’s psychological wellbeing was compared between family types using analyses of covariance (ANCOVAs). For each analysis, demographic variables that were significantly correlated with any of the dependent variables were entered as covariates. The analyses were conducted with and without the gender of the child as a between-subjects factor. As significant interactions between child gender and family type were found for the children’s measures only, the former analyses were reported for the other variables. To examine factors associated with child adjustment in both family types, hierarchical regression analysis was carried out.

As shown in Table 2 , the positive parenting variables (expressed warmth, overt mother–child warmth, overt child-mother warmth, mother’s enjoyment of play, amount of interaction, and quality of interaction) were entered into a MANCOVA with family type (one-parent vs. two-parent) as the between-subjects factor and mother’s age, child’s age and mother’s working status as covariates. Wilks’ λ was not significant, F (6, 92) = 0.61, p = .72, showing that there was no difference in the level of positive parenting between the solo mother and two-parent families. When the negative parenting variables (frequency of battles, level of battles, conflict, and criticism) were entered into a MANCOVA with family type (one-parent vs. two-parent) as the between-subjects factor and child’s age, child’s gender, mother’s age, mother’s educational level, and perceived financial difficulties as covariates, Wilks’ λ was significant, F (4, 93) = 3.38, p = .01. One-way ANCOVAs identified a significant difference between groups for frequency of battles, F (1, 96) = 12.91, p = .001, d ′ = 0.51, reflecting less frequent battles between mothers and children in solo mother than in two-parent families. When this analysis was repeated without covariates, there remained a significant difference in negative parenting between the two family types, F (4, 98) = 2.64, p = .04, again reflecting less frequent battles in solo mother than in two-parent families F (1, 101) = 6.67, p = .01. There were no significant differences between family types for level of battles, criticism, or conflict. When this analysis was repeated without covariates, there remained a significant difference in negative parenting between family types, again reflecting less frequent battles in single than in two-parent families.

In addition, a MANCOVA was carried out for the variables relating to the mothers’ psychological wellbeing (Trait Anxiety Inventory, Edinburgh Depression Scale, and Parenting Stress Index total scores) with family type (one-parent vs. two-parent) as the between-subjects factor and perceived financial difficulties as a covariate. Wilks’ λ was not significant, F (3, 91) = 0.56, p = .64, showing that there was no difference in parental wellbeing between the solo mother and two-parent families.

The variables relating to the construct of mutuality from the observational assessment of the quality of mother–child interaction (mother responsiveness, child responsiveness, dyadic reciprocity, and dyadic cooperation) were also entered into a MANCOVA with family type (one-parent vs. two-parent) as the between-subjects factor and mother’s age, and child’s age as covariates. Wilks’ λ was not significant, F (4, 81) = 1.05, p = .38, showing that there was no difference in mother–child interaction between the solo mother and two-parent families.

A two-way ANCOVA with family type (one-parent vs. two-parent) and child’s gender (male vs. female) as between-subjects factors, and perceived financial difficulties entered as a covariate, was carried out for the total score of the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ) rated by mothers. There was a significant main effect for child’s gender, F (1, 96) = 8.99, p = .003, showing higher levels of child adjustment problems among boys than girls. However, there was no significant difference between family types for the total score of the SDQ, F (1, 96) = 0.29, p = .59, and the interaction between family type and child’s gender was not significant, F (1, 96) = 0.61, p = .43.

Teachers’ total SDQ scores were also entered into a two-way ANCOVA with family type (one-parent vs. two-parent) and child’s gender (male vs. female) as between-subjects factors. The main effect for child’s gender was significant, F (1, 51) = 5.63, p < .05, indicating higher levels of child adjustment problems among boys than girls. Neither the main effect for family type, F (1, 54) = 1.23, p = .27, nor the interaction between family type and child’s gender, F (1, 54) = 1.70, p = .19, was significant. Although only 57% of the teachers completed the SDQ, the correlation between the mothers’ and teachers’ SDQ scores for those children for whom both questionnaires were available was significant (Pearson’s r = .53, p < 0.001). There was no significant difference in mothers’ total SDQ scores between those children for whom teachers’ SDQ scores were available and those for whom it was not, and no significant difference between family types in the proportion of teachers who did not complete this questionnaire.

The ratings of psychiatric disorder by a child psychiatrist found five children of solo mothers to show a slight disorder (one with speech delay, one with Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD), one with conduct/oppositional defiant disorder (ODD), one with a mixed disorder including ADHD with ASD and ODD traits, and one with mixed disorder including ASD and speech delay) and two to show a marked disorder (one with speech delay and the other with a mixed disorder including speech delay, ADHD and anxiety). For the two-parent families, two children showed a slight disorder (one with ADHD and the other with speech delay) and two showed a marked disorder (one with speech delay and the other with a mixed disorder including ASD and speech delay). There was no difference in the proportion of children in solo mother and two-parent families rated as having a slight or marked psychiatric disorder, χ 2 (2) = 0.95, p = .62.

Parenting and Child Adjustment

Hierarchical regression analysis was used to examine factors associated with child adjustment problems in both family types (see Table 3 ). The outcome variable was children’s SDQ scores as completed by mothers. The demographic variables that were significantly correlated with SDQ scores, perceived financial difficulties and child’s gender, were entered in the first step. The variables added in the second step were a dummy-coded variable representing family type as well as the parenting and mothers’ wellbeing variables from the interview (positive parenting, negative parenting, maternal depression [Edinburgh Depression Scale], maternal anxiety [Trait Anxiety Inventory], and maternal parenting stress [Parenting Stress Index]). In the third step, the interaction terms between family type and each of the five independent variables representing parenting and mothers’ wellbeing were included. Perceived financial difficulties and child’s gender jointly explained 13% of the variance in children’s adjustment and the omnibus test for the first step was significant: F (2, 92) = 6.83, p = .002, showing greater adjustment difficulties for children whose mothers were experiencing financial hardship and also for boys. The parenting and mothers’ psychological wellbeing variables explained an additional 15% of the variance in children’s adjustment and the omnibus test for the second step was also significant: F (8, 86) = 4.14, p < .001. After accounting for the effects of perceived financial difficulties and child’s gender, maternal parenting stress was significantly related to children’s adjustment problems. The interaction terms explained an additional 4% of variance in child adjustment difficulties and the omnibus test for the third step was significant: F (13, 81) = 2.87, p = .002. None of the interaction terms was a significant predictor of child adjustment difficulties showing that there were no differences between family types in the relations between the parenting and maternal wellbeing variables and child adjustment.

The children of single mothers by choice in the present study were found to experience similar levels of parenting quality to the comparison group of children in traditional two-parent families. For positive aspects of parenting as assessed by interview, there was no difference between the two family types, with mothers and their children in both the solo mother and two-parent families showing high levels warmth and interaction. Neither was there a difference in the quality of mother–child interaction as assessed through observation. There was a difference, however, for negative aspects of parenting as assessed by interview, with a lower frequency of conflict between mothers and their children in solo mother than in two-parent families. This finding remained when the analysis was repeated without covariates, suggesting that this represents a genuine difference between the two family types. Whereas this may seem to be an anomalous finding, in a previous study of a different sample, solo mothers with 2-year-old donor-conceived children were rated as feeling less anger toward their children than were a comparison group of partnered mothers and the children showed fewer emotional and behavioral problems ( Murray & Golombok, 2005b ). Although divorced and unmarried single mothers have been shown to experience raised levels of psychological problems, this was not found to be the case in the present study of single mothers by choice. The solo mothers did not differ from the partnered mothers in terms of anxiety, depression, or stress associated with parenting.

With respect to the psychological wellbeing of the children, no differences were found between the children in solo mother and two-parent families for emotional and behavioral problems as assessed by the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire completed either by mothers or the children’s teachers. In addition, the assessment of the presence of psychiatric disorder by a child psychiatrist showed no difference between family types in the proportion of children rated as having a psychiatric disorder. As the child psychiatrist was unaware of the child’s family type, these findings provide important validation for the mother’s reports. It is important to note that almost two thirds (64%) of the children with a slight or marked psychiatric disorder had a developmental disorder which is unlikely to be related to family type. When the four children with a marked psychiatric disorder were removed from the sample, the findings did not change for any of the parenting or child adjustment variables.

Although the children of solo mothers were no more likely to experience psychological problems than were those with a mother and father, higher levels of financial difficulties, and higher levels of parenting stress were each associated with higher levels of children’s emotional and behavioral problems within the solo mother families. As discussed above, financial hardship is one of the key predictors of psychological problems in the children of divorced or unmarried single mothers ( Hetherington & Stanley-Hagan, 2002 ; McLanahan & Sandefur, 1994 ; Pryor & Rodgers, 2001 ; Amato, 2000 , 2005 ), and it seems from the present study that financial hardship also has a negative impact on children’s psychological wellbeing in families where the mother has made an active decision to parent alone. The finding that stress associated with parenting was associated with child adjustment problems in the solo mother families is consistent not only with previous research on single mothers by choice ( Chan et al., 1998 ) but also with the broader research literature on divorced and unmarried single-mother families ( Amato, 2000 , 2005 ; Dunn et al., 1998 ; Hetherington & Stanley-Hagan, 1999 ; Pryor & Rodgers, 2001 ). It is important to emphasize, however, that the solo mother families did not differ from the two-parent families in the association between financial hardship, parenting stress, and child adjustment problems, indicating that these risk factors were operating in a similar fashion in both family types.

A potential risk factor for the children of single mothers by choice that does not exist for children from other types of single-mother family is their donor conception. As a result, the children grow up unaware of the identity of their biological father. The low level of psychological problems among the children of single mothers by choice in the present study suggests that lack of knowledge of the identity of their biological father does not have a negative impact on their psychological wellbeing. However, the mean age of the children was only 5-1/2 years at the time of study. Research on adoption has found that adopted children show an increased interest in their biological parents at adolescence, the time at which issues relating to identity become salient ( Brodzinsky, 2011 ; Grotevant & Von Korff, 2011 ). This suggests that the children of single mothers by choice may similarly become more interested in their biological father at adolescence and the absence of information about his identity may produce challenges at that time. In a qualitative study of solo mothers with 3–11-year-old donor-conceived children in Israel, Weissenberg and Landau (2012) reported that all of the children expressed a wish for a father.

A potential difficulty with the study is that differences between the solo mother and two-parent families may not have been identified due to the modest sample sizes. However, it would have been possible to detect a d (standardized difference between means) as small as 0.27 as statistically significant, for a power of 0.80. Thus, to the extent that significant differences between family types may not have been detected due to insufficient power, these differences would have been small. For the regression analysis which involved 103 families, 2 predictors in step one and 13 predictors in Step 3, it was possible to detect effects sizes as small as 0.20 as significant, for a power of 0.80. Indeed, an effect size of 0.21 was found to be significant. Although larger samples would have been desirable, this is the first controlled, in-depth study to focus on school-age children born to heterosexual single mothers by choice and thus sheds light on the functioning of this new family form.

A further limitation of the study was that not all of the parenting variables derived from the interview showed interrater agreement of 80% or above which could also have resulted in the failure to identify significant effects. However, the coding of the interview variables that did not reach this threshold (two variables included in the positive parenting factor) involved the use of nonverbal cues such as facial expression and gestures that were not available to the second rater. Thus the interrater reliabilities of these interview variables may be underestimates. When the positive parenting factor was reanalyzed with these two variables removed, the finding did not change. The mutuality variables showed a restriction in the range of scores rather than poor interrater agreement and have been shown to be reliable in studies of more diverse samples ( Deater-Deckard & Petrill, 2004 ), including studies by our own research group ( Ensor & Hughes, 2010 ; Golombok et al., 2011 ).

For reasons of confidentiality, selection of the families was carried out by the clinic rather than the researchers and it was not possible to match the two groups on variables other than the age and gender of the child. As solo mothers tend to be older than partnered mothers when they embark upon donor insemination and have fewer children, the samples reflected these demographic differences. When these variables were found to correlate with a dependent variable they were entered into the analysis as covariates. Although only 57% of the teachers completed the SDQ, the teachers’ scores were highly correlated with the mothers’ scores. In fact, the correlation of 0.53 between the mothers’ and teachers’ scores was higher than is usually found between mothers’ and teachers’ ratings of child adjustment problems ( Zaslow et al., 2006 ). Moreover, there was no difference in the proportion of missing teachers’ questionnaires between family types and no difference in mothers’ SDQ scores between families with and without teacher questionnaires. Thus, there did not appear to be a bias toward higher levels of adjustment among the children whose teachers completed questionnaires. One reason for the lower number of teachers’ than mothers’ questionnaires was that 15 of the mothers (seven solo and eight partnered) did not wish their child’s teacher to be asked to participate in the study in order not to draw attention to their child. When these families were removed from the calculation, the response rate from teachers approached 70%.

A particular advantage of the study was that the children in the comparison group of two-parent families had also been conceived by donor insemination thus controlling for the use of donor conception by the single mothers by choice. A further advantage of the study was the multimethod (interview, observation, and questionnaire), multi-informant (mother, child, and teacher) design as single mothers by choice may play down difficulties and tend to present their families in a favorable light due to the negative attitudes they experience from others and because of their own concerns about providing a positive family environment for their children. The observational measure is especially useful in this regard as it is difficult to “fake good” with observational measures ( Kerig, 2001 ). A further benefit of the observational measure is that it provided an assessment of the quality of dynamic interactions between parents and their children that cannot be captured by interview or self-report ( Aspland & Gardner, 2003 ; Bakeman & Gottman, 1997 ; Funamoto & Rinaldi, 2015 ; Hartmann & Wood, 1990 ).

Research on solo mother families is of theoretical interest as it provides an opportunity to examine the impact of single motherhood on children’s wellbeing in the absence of the risk factors such as parental conflict, economic hardship, and maternal mental health problems that are associated with psychological problems in the children of divorced single mothers and unmarried single mothers whose pregnancies were unplanned ( Golombok, 2015 ). The finding that the children of solo mothers showed positive psychological functioning and did not differ from their counterparts in two-parent families suggests that single motherhood, in itself, does not have negative psychological consequences for children. Interestingly, when the group comparisons of parenting and child adjustment were conducted without covariates, the findings were identical, indicating that differences between solo mother and two-parent families were not being masked by the inclusion of covariates in the analyses. The fact that the solo mothers made an active decision to parent alone rather than finding themselves in this situation unintentionally may have contributed to the positive outcomes for these families; children born by donor insemination to single mothers by choice are extremely wanted children whose mothers went to great lengths to conceive them whereas divorced single mothers and unmarried single mothers who had unplanned pregnancies did not set out to parent alone. Thus, it is conceivable that the intention to be a single parent contributes to positive mother–child relationships and, consequently, to positive child outcomes. In contrast, more negative mother–child relationships and child outcomes may result from parenting alone when single motherhood had not been planned or desired. Although it is not known why there was a lower frequency of mother–child conflict in solo mother than in two-parent families, it may be relevant that, unlike the mothers from two-parent families, the solo mothers did not have to cope with the potentially stressful experience of their partner’s infertility and his lack of a genetic relationship with the child.

The finding that perceived financial difficulties and parenting stress were associated with increased levels of psychological problems in children in both family types is in line with the prediction derived from developmental contextual systems theory ( Overton, 2014 , 2015 ) that children’s adjustment difficulties would not be a function of single motherhood but instead would be associated with financial hardship and maternal mental health problems. The findings of the present study of solo mother families add to the growing body of evidence from studies of other types of single-mother family ( Chan et al., 1998 ; Demo & Acock, 1996 ; Demuth & Brown, 2004 ; Dunn et al., 1998 ; Kiernan & Mensah, 2010 ; Lansford, Ceballo, Abbey, & Stewart, 2001 ), as well as the literature on new family forms more generally (e.g., Bos & Gartrell, 2010 ; Bos, Gartrell, Peyser, & van Balen, 2008 ; Farr, Forssell, & Patterson, 2010a , b ; Golombok, 2015 ; Golombok, Blake, Casey, Roman, & Jadva, 2013 ; Golombok et al., 2014 ), showing the relative importance of family processes over family structure for children’s psychological adjustment.

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• Corpus ID: 74402642

A Qualitative Study on Single mothers’ Experience of Raising their Dependent Children: A case in Lideta Sub City of Addis Ababa

• Rahel Weldegabreal
• Published 1 October 2014

7 Citations

Solo mother's challenges and coping strategies: a phenomenological study in city of manila, social constrains facing the female-headed single parent families based on social constructivist feminism, the psychological well-being of single mothers with school age children : an exploratory study, stress and psychological well-being among single parents, the relationship of life stress to adjustment among poor female breadwinners in saudi arabia, a study to explore single mother’s experiences in raising their children in chibolya, zambia., the lived experiences of mothers raising children diagnosed with autism spectrum disorder in ethiopia:perceptions and challenges, 36 references, single mothers and their children: a new american dilemma, children as research subjects: a risky enterprise., single-parenting, psychological well-being and academic performance of adolescents in lagos, nigeria., the geography of children: some ethical and methodological considerations for project and dissertation work, problems faced by single mothers, children's adjustment to divorce: theories, hypotheses, and empirical support..

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Necessity Is the Mother of Innovation

Our current sociopolitical environment brings new urgency to the need to better support students who are single mothers, Aimée Myers writes.

By  Aimée Myers

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As the new fall semester begins, our students are facing reactionary political policies, pivotal elections and dangerous attacks on women’s reproductive rights. These issues pose significant risks for a group that already faces formidable—yet often invisible—challenges on our campuses: single mothers.

I know these struggles firsthand. I became a single mother at age 15. No one in my immediate family had ever graduated college, and no one in my extended family had ever attended graduate school. However, three degrees later, I am now an associate professor of literacy and language. In my research, I am dedicated to seeking culturally responsive–sustaining practices for underserved populations of students. And I’m well aware that women of color make up the majority of single mothers living in poverty , and since the COVID pandemic these women are more likely to have experienced job loss . It is important to recognize, now more than ever, this student population is more vulnerable than many others.

I am fortunate enough to work at a university with a large population of single mothers who, like I did, seek a better future. To help them, I often need to tell my more traditional colleagues what they don’t know about their students. I tell them that by the time I graduated high school, I was carrying around my 2-year-old daughter on my hip. I did not do campus tours with my parents. I did not get assistance moving into the dorms. I wasn’t even allowed to live in the dorms. My campus tour consisted of riding the city bus to the local campus, flagging down the first adult I saw, and asking them, “What do I need to do to get into this place?” I held my daughter on my lap and attempted to entertain her while I filled out admission papers and tried to navigate financial aid. There were no resources for students who were parenting, no student organizations for mothers, no tutoring sessions or computer labs that were child-friendly. I remember typing my first essay in a computer lab with my daughter tucked between my legs under the desk.

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I don’t share this story with anyone for pity. I am proud of the fact that, despite being a teenage single mother, I was able to get into college and graduate. However, I know that stories like mine are few and far between. Despite being called a “parasite” and a “welfare queen” multiple times, I was able to become a fully contributing citizen who moved into the middle class, pays taxes and owns a home. However, I know I didn’t do it on my own. Nor did I “pull myself up by my bootstraps.” This rhetoric, regurgitated in vice presidential candidate JD Vance’s Hillbilly Elegy , is a dangerous narrative that oversimplifies the complex challenges faced by vulnerable individuals. It also perpetuates the false notion that success or failure is solely a matter of individual grit, disregarding the systemic barriers and disadvantages that single mothers face.

Combating these false narratives and providing tangible solutions for vulnerable populations like single mothers is imperative. I was lucky enough to have support from a mentor. My mother was a housekeeper (and later a secretary) for a woman who was a psychologist. This woman helped get me into college by mentoring me through the admissions and the financial aid processes. She also introduced me to the idea of graduate school, which I did not think was a possibility for me. Her guidance sustained me throughout my academic journey. Additionally, I was able to get government assistance, including Section 8 housing, food stamps and childcare waivers. Without these, my degree(s) would have never happened.

My experience as a professor has only reinforced my individual experience. I can see that single mothers want to be in class. If anything, they are more dedicated to their studies than many of my traditional students, and they tend to have higher GPAs . They care about their educations and work hard, all while dealing with seemingly insurmountable obstacles, including in some cases unimaginable personal traumas on top of common challenges related to food scarcity, housing crises and a lack of dependable childcare . They also experience isolation from their academic community and a lack of understanding or support from their institutions. It makes sense to me that only 8 percent of single mothers finish their associate or bachelor’s degree within six years.

According to a Pew Research report , almost half of Americans say that single mothers are bad for society. Trust me: During my time as a single mother I felt this regularly. I faced many critical voices who said that they should not have to pay for my “bad choices.” The truth is that most of us don’t choose to be a single mother. Often, it’s a result of circumstances out of our control. Domestic abuse was the key reason why I ended up parenting on my own. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention reports that approximately 41 percent of women have experienced abuse from an intimate partner. Given the shame and fear women experience dealing with abuse, it is safe to assume the true number may be even higher. The only choice many women like me seem to have is between abuse and poverty.

For single mothers who are able to attend college, the economic impact is substantial. In the state of Texas , where I teach, a single mother with an associate’s degree is 52 percent less likely to live below the poverty level in comparison to those with just a high school diploma, saving our state an estimated $24,497 in public assistance over their lifetime. A single mother with a bachelor’s degree is 70 percent less likely to live below the poverty level, saving Texas an estimated $41,995 in public assistance expenditures. Additionally, a single mother with a bachelor’s degree will pay on average $209,636 more in taxes than a single mother who only has a high school diploma.

The benefits of supporting these mothers in pursuing degrees go beyond their contributions to our economy. Research shows that children living in poverty are more likely to struggle with mental health , have behavioral and academic problems early in school, experience sexual abuse , and engage in drug use . All of these issues have a lasting impact on social violence, our health-care systems and our K-12 schools.

Almost one in five female undergraduate students are single parents. Innovative programming for single mothers is imperative. A New America survey found that large percentages of parenting students who had stopped out of community colleges reported that they would be more likely to return if they had more support from their institution. Factors cited by students as important for them in returning to college included free tuition and/or textbooks (72 percent), more financial aid, housing or food support from their institution (68 percent), flexible scheduling and services (65 percent), and access to drop-in childcare on campus (55 percent).

Research has identified four key areas to provide support for single mothers: resources, flexibility, career counseling and community. We can look to examples like Champlain College , which provides peer-to-peer advising; the University of Michigan , which has established a student care coordinator and provides a map of child-friendly locations on campus; and the Minnesota Office of Higher Education’s Student Parent Support Initiative , which provides grant funding for things like costs related to starting campus childcare programs, scholarships and basic needs support for pregnant and parenting students, or evaluation and data collection efforts. A small starting point for any university is simply collecting data on which students are single parents. For example, in Texas , institutions are required to gather this data and offer parenting students priority registration .

Not all of us are in administrative positions or can bring about institutional reforms. However, as faculty who teach or staff who supervise student workers, simple steps can be taken to support this vulnerable population. First, throw away assumptions about students. Creating a simple student needs assessment at the beginning of the semester can allow students to share their needs and help you be more aware of how to meet those needs. Second, seek out training. Places like the Institute for Women’s Policy Research offer free webinars. Third, include a statement of diversity and well-being in your syllabus or student employee handbook. Like a teaching philosophy, this shares with students that you are aware of equity issues and want to support them in their individual needs. Include a list of university resources and community resources for things like housing, food scarcity, childcare and domestic abuse.

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I hope to continue using my lived experiences and my current privilege to bring more awareness to this vulnerable population. Our current economy and sociopolitical environment raise important questions about the support available for mothers in higher education. In the face of these challenges, it is crucial that we examine how our educational institutions are setting student mothers up for success, not failure.

Aimée Myers is an associate professor of literacy and language at Texas Woman’s University.

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