nature human relationship essay

Essay on Relationship Between Human And Nature

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100 Words Essay on Relationship Between Human And Nature

The bond with nature.

People and nature are interconnected. We rely on the environment for survival, using its resources for food, shelter, and air. Nature, in return, benefits from our care and protection.

Respecting Nature

Respecting nature is essential. By protecting the environment, we ensure our own survival. We must recycle, reduce waste, and conserve energy to maintain this balance.

The Consequences of Neglect

Ignoring nature’s needs leads to problems like climate change and species extinction. These issues affect us directly, threatening our health and lifestyle.

Our relationship with nature is a delicate balance. By respecting and caring for the environment, we ensure a healthier, brighter future for all.

250 Words Essay on Relationship Between Human And Nature

The intrinsic connection, dependence and impact.

Nature provides essential resources such as air, water, food, and raw materials. These resources are not only crucial for our survival, but they also form the basis of our economic systems. However, our reliance on nature has led to significant environmental impacts. Deforestation, pollution, and climate change are direct consequences of human activities, threatening biodiversity and the stability of ecosystems.

The Reciprocal Relationship

The human-nature relationship is reciprocal. While we shape nature through our actions, nature, in turn, influences human behavior, culture, and mental health. Exposure to natural environments has been linked to reduced stress levels, improved mood, and enhanced cognitive function.

A Need for Rebalance

The current environmental crisis calls for a rebalance in the human-nature relationship. It necessitates a shift from exploitation to sustainable coexistence, where we respect and preserve nature’s intrinsic value. This shift requires a deeper understanding of our interconnectedness with nature and a collective effort to reduce our environmental impact.

In conclusion, the human-nature relationship is a complex and dynamic interaction that has significant implications for both parties. As we move forward, it is essential to foster a relationship of mutual respect and sustainability with nature to ensure the survival and wellbeing of all life on Earth.

500 Words Essay on Relationship Between Human And Nature

The intricate dance: human and nature.

The relationship between humans and nature is a complex interplay of dependence, respect, exploitation, and evolution. This relationship is not just crucial for our survival, but it also shapes our culture, beliefs, and our very identity.

Dependence: The Lifeline

Respect: the forgotten virtue.

Historically, humans have revered nature. Many ancient cultures worshipped nature deities and respected the land, the sea, and the sky. This respect was born out of an understanding of our dependence on nature, and the need to maintain a harmonious relationship with it. However, with the advent of industrialization and modernization, this respect has often been forgotten. We have begun to see nature as a resource to be exploited, rather than a partner to be respected.

Exploitation: The Double-Edged Sword

Our exploitation of nature has led to unprecedented advancements in technology, medicine, and living standards. However, it has also led to environmental degradation, loss of biodiversity, climate change, and a host of other problems. Our exploitation of nature has become a double-edged sword, providing us with short-term gains but threatening our long-term survival.

Evolution: The Path Forward

Conclusion: redefining the relationship.

The relationship between humans and nature is at a crossroads. We can continue down the path of exploitation and face the consequences, or we can choose a new path of respect, sustainability, and coexistence. The choice is ours to make. As we stand at this juncture, let us remember that our relationship with nature is not just about survival, but also about who we are as a species. It is about our values, our beliefs, and our legacy. It is about our future.

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Psychological Theories for Human-Nature Relationship Essay

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Introduction

Experience 1: attention restoration theory, experience 2: ulrich’s psychoevolutionary theory, reference list.

People’s relationship with the natural world is the phenomenal concept to analyse that also can be applied in an urban environment where the majority of the society inhabits nowadays. It is essential to remain focused on the natural since humans, together with other lives on Earth, were evolving within a natural environment. Hence, there are reasons to believe that people are adapted to live in such an environment on a priority basis. Such a concept implies the variety of behaviours and responses that are the outcomes of evolutionary processes and adjusted the human body to engage with natural habitat. With that said, one should understand that some responses to places are part of the way the body reacts to specific stimuli. Therefore, it is crucial to appreciate the relationship between natural environments and human wellbeing by examining the main psychological theories and concepts.

The lead character of the first experience is a workaholic whose life primarily revolves around his work and company. As a result, the person sacrifices the fundamental values in life, such as health, relationships, and commitments. Considering many responsibilities, deadlines, and demands from the boss, the character’s mental state ultimately became depressed, emotional, anxious, claustrophobic, and stressed to the extent that he did not want to wake up in the morning. One of the main theories that can be analysed through this experience is ART (Attention Restoration Theory) developed by two environmental psychologists, Rachel and Steven Kaplan. According to Stevens (2015), these include the fascination of sensory qualities that have an innate appeal, as well as to remain away from the demands of ordinary life. The third quality is an extent as a sense of vastness or connection between the experience of a place and one’s awareness of the outside world. Ultimately, the fourth quality is the compatibility between a person’s will to do something and what one can do in that place.

The psychologists aimed at defining a process whereby people recover from attentional fatigue by being in an environment, which includes four essential qualities. The ART theory implies that “people recover from attentional fatigue through being in an environment which involves the four qualities of fascination, being away, extent, and compatibility (Stevens, 2015, p. 345). More specifically, the second quality of the ART theory suggests that when the individual is stressed, one seeks to escape from the place that stimulates such a body’s reaction.

For this reason, the character felt content as he was spending some time by the window in his office while working on a 24-hour basis. However, his view was limited by the overloaded urban landscape. As he felt a beam of light on the skin, he reached a sense of vastness or connection between the experience of a place and his knowledge of the broader world. The concept of the fourth quality includes the subjective element since a place can be perceived as restorative only if one feels able to perform the target activity there. The character was entirely devoted to his work while being in the office, however, his soul sought for some rest within a natural environment.

The second experience narrates about the person who genuinely enjoyed the time spent in the Kyoto Gardens located in Holland Park. The nature abundance discovered in its most natural environment, such as the sun shining and the warmth of its light, the stream of water, and the flora diversity, altogether they provoked the dramatic improvement in the state of mind. The character was able to go deeper into oneself in terms of thinking and reflecting upon the changed perspective and meaning of life. A person’s emotional reaction to the outer world resonated with the natural habitat it is historically adapted to. As described by Stevens (2015), there is a general idea that “the preference for natural scenes is something that humans are born with” (p. 331). Humans evolved in the entirely natural surroundings and, hence, most of their responses progressed as an adjustment to such environments.

Such a response to the natural environment corresponds to Ulrich’s psychoevolutionary theory, whereby people consider a place as psychologically restorative once it is akin to the kind of landscape in which the human species evolved. The protagonist of the second experience mentioned that he felt a sense of ease, satisfied, free from concerns, gratitude, and a sense of belonging and wholeness. Furthermore, as noted by the psychologist himself, a primary response to the environment that humans experience is the emotional one. As such, urban landscapes usually cause negative emotions, when natural landscapes lead to the positive emotions that can be traced in this case.

Nowadays, the psychologists state that it is a fast and automatic response, which forms within the first few seconds of experiencing an environment. Ulrich’s theory implies that this habitat also can have a significant influence on all of the individual’s subsequent thoughts and feelings occurring in that environment. With that said, it is crucial to address the role of place when trying to understand human behaviour, as it might have a powerful effect on many aspects of everyday life. Roger Ulrich made a valuable contribution with his studies based upon high interest in environmental aesthetics that led him to grow into a healthcare design planner.

The relationships between humans and the natural environment is indeed a complex issue to study. It is essential to examine a wide range of basic psychological concepts and develop the ability to illustrate them with regard to how they apply to everyday life. By analysing the reflective experiences in terms of the main psychological theories and concepts they imply, one might better understand the human response to the natural environment. Considering the idea that human bodies have unlearned responses to various physical environments, they keep developing mainly as adaptations to those environments. Two reflective experiences were assessed within two psychological theories, such as Attention Restoration Theory and Ulrich’s Psychoevolutionary Theory.

They represent two opposing characters in contrasting environments. One of them is inseparable with the company’s life and a great number of work responsibilities, while another person is fully devoted to the solitude with the natural habitat in the local park. The ART is based upon the idea of two different types of attention that humans experience, where one is directed attention, and another is involuntary. This theory provides the framework to state that it is easy to overuse directed attention within the modern lifestyle, which makes the attentional system fatigued. Ulrich’s approach, in turn, reviews the idea of the restorative environment, as well as the fundamental need to be in natural settings, even for a while. Thus, the analysis promotes better reflection on the relationships that people have with the natural environments and implementation of this knowledge in real contexts to advance one’s physical and mental wellbeing.

Stevens, P. (2015). Relationships with the natural world. In: J. Turner, C. Hewson, K. Mahendran, and P. Stevens, ed., Living Psychology: From the Everyday to the Extraordinary . The Open University, pp. 327–367.

Human Learning and Non-Human Animal Studies
Experiment in Cognition: Stroop Effect
Dave Ulrich's Model: The Most Prominent Role
“World Risk Society” by Ulrich Beck
Ulrich Beck and his opinion
Mindfulness as a Practice in Therapy and Daily Life
Prisoner’s Dilemma in Examples
Flashbulb Memories and Their Effect
The Conceptual Relationship Between Memory and Imagination
The Concept of Cognition and Conditioning
Chicago (A-D)
Chicago (N-B)

IvyPanda. (2021, August 6). Psychological Theories for Human-Nature Relationship. https://ivypanda.com/essays/psychological-theories-for-human-nature-relationship/

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Human Nature

Talk of human nature is a common feature of moral and political discourse among people on the street and among philosophers, political scientists and sociologists. This is largely due to the widespread assumption that true descriptive or explanatory claims making use of the concept of human nature have, or would have, considerable normative significance. Some think that human nature excludes the possibility of certain forms of social organisation—for example, that it excludes any broadly egalitarian society. Others make the stronger claim that a true normative ethical theory has to be built on prior knowledge of human nature. Still others believe that there are specific moral prohibitions concerning the alteration of, or interference in, the set of properties that make up human nature. Finally, there are those who argue that the normative significance derives from the fact that merely deploying the concept is typically, or even necessarily, pernicious.

Alongside such varying and frequently conflicting normative uses of the expression “human nature”, there are serious disagreements concerning the concept’s content and explanatory significance—the starkest being whether the expression “human nature” refers to anything at all. Some reasons given for saying there is no human nature are anthropological, grounded in views concerning the relationship between natural and cultural features of human life. Other reasons given are biological, deriving from the character of the human species as, like other species, an essentially historical product of evolution. Whether these reasons justify the claim that there is no human nature depends, at least in part, on what it is exactly that the expression is supposed to be picking out. Many contemporary proposals differ significantly in their answers to this question.

Understanding the debates around the philosophical use of the expression “human nature” requires clarity on the reasons both for (1) adopting specific adequacy conditions for the term’s use and for (2) accepting particular substantial claims made within the framework thus adopted. One obstacle to such clarity is historical: we have inherited from the beginnings of Western philosophy, via its Medieval reception, the idea that talk of human nature brings into play a number of different, but related claims. One such set of claims derives from different meanings of the Greek equivalents of the term “nature”. This bundle of claims, which can be labelled the traditional package , is a set of adequacy conditions for any substantial claim that uses the expression “human nature”. The beginnings of Western philosophy have also handed down to us a number of such substantial claims . Examples are that humans are “rational animals” or “political animals”. We can call these claims the traditional slogans . The traditional package is a set of specifications of how claims along the lines of the traditional slogans are to be understood, i.e., what it means to claim that it is “human nature” to be, for example, a rational animal.

Various developments in Western thought have cast doubt both on the coherence of the traditional package and on the possibility that the adequacy conditions for the individual claims can be fulfilled. Foremost among these developments are the Enlightenment rejection of teleological metaphysics, the Historicist emphasis on the significance of culture for understanding human action and the Darwinian introduction of history into biological kinds. This entry aims to help clarify the adequacy conditions for claims about human nature, the satisfiability of such conditions and the reasons why the truth of claims with the relevant conditions might seem important. It proceeds in five steps. Section 1 unpacks the traditional package, paying particular attention to the importance of Aristotelian themes and to the distinction between the scientific and participant perspectives from which human nature claims can be raised. Section 2 explains why evolutionary biology raises serious problems both for the coherence of this package and for the truth of its individual component claims. Sections 3 and 4 then focus on attempts to secure scientific conceptions of human nature in the face of the challenge from evolutionary biology. The entry concludes with a discussion of accounts of human nature developed from a participant perspective, in particular accounts that, in spite of the evolutionary challenge, are taken to have normative consequences.

1.1 “Humans”

1.2 unpacking the traditional package, 1.3 essentialisms, 1.4 on the status of the traditional slogan, 2.1 the nature of the species taxon, 2.2 the nature of species specimens as species specimens, 2.3 responding to the evolutionary verdict on classificatory essences, 3.1 privileging properties, 3.2 statistical normality or robust causality, 4.1 genetically based psychological adaptations, 4.2 abandoning intrinsicality, 4.3 secondary altriciality as a game-changer, 5.1. human nature from a participant perspective, 5.2.1. sidestepping the darwinian challenge, 5.2.2. human flourishing, 5.3. reason as the unique structural property, other internet resources, related entries, 1. “humans”, slogans and the traditional package.

Before we begin unpacking, it should be noted that the adjective “human” is polysemous, a fact that often goes unnoticed in discussions of human nature, but makes a big difference to both the methodological tractability and truth of claims that employ the expression. The natural assumption may appear to be that we are talking about specimens of the biological species Homo sapiens , that is, organisms belonging to the taxon that split from the rest of the hominin lineage an estimated 150,000 years ago. However, certain claims seem to be best understood as at least potentially referring to organisms belonging to various older species within the subtribe Homo , with whom specimens of Homo sapiens share properties that have often been deemed significant (Sterelny 2018: 114).

On the other hand, the “nature” that is of interest often appears to be that of organisms belonging to a more restricted group. There may have been a significant time lag between the speciation of anatomically modern humans ( Homo sapiens ) and the evolution of behaviourally modern humans, i.e., human populations whose life forms involved symbol use, complex tool making, coordinated hunting and increased geographic range. Behavioural modernity’s development is often believed only to have been completed by 50,000 years ago. If, as is sometimes claimed, behavioural modernity requires psychological capacities for planning, abstract thought, innovativeness and symbolism (McBrearty & Brooks 2000: 492) and if these were not yet widely or sufficiently present for several tens of thousands of years after speciation, then it may well be behaviourally, rather than anatomically modern humans whose “nature” is of interest to many theories. Perhaps the restriction might be drawn even tighter to include only contemporary humans, that is, those specimens of the species who, since the introduction of agriculture around 12,000 years ago, evolved the skills and capacities necessary for life in large sedentary, impersonal and hierarchical groups (Kappeler, Fichtel, & van Schaik 2019: 68).

It was, after all, a Greek living less than two and a half millennia ago within such a sedentary, hierarchically organised population structure, who could have had no conception of the prehistory of the beings he called anthrôpoi , whose thoughts on their “nature” have been decisive for the history of philosophical reflection on the subject. It seems highly likely that, without the influence of Aristotle, discussions of “human nature” would not be structured as they are until today.

We can usefully distinguish four types of claim that have been traditionally made using the expression “human nature”. As a result of a particular feature of Aristotle’s philosophy, to which we will come in a moment, these four claims are associated with five different uses of the expression. Uses of the first type seem to have their origin in Plato; uses of the second, third and fourth type are Aristotelian; and, although uses of the fifth type have historically been associated with Aristotle, this association seems to derive from a misreading in the context of the religiously motivated Mediaeval reception of his philosophy.

A first , thin, contrastive use of the expression “human nature” is provided by the application of a thin, generic concept of nature to humans. In this minimal variant, nature is understood in purely contrastive or negative terms. Phusis is contrasted in Plato and Aristotle with technē , where the latter is the product of intention and a corresponding intervention of agency. If the entire cosmos is taken to be the product of divine agency, then, as Plato argued (Nadaf 2005: 1ff.), conceptualisations of the cosmos as natural in this sense are mistaken. Absent divine agency, the types of agents whose intentions are relevant for the status of anything as natural are human agents. Applied to humans, then, this concept of nature picks out human features that are not the results of human intentional action. Thus understood, human nature is the set of human features or processes that remain after subtraction of those picked out by concepts of the non-natural, concepts such as “culture”, “nurture”, or “socialisation”.

A second component in the package supplies the thin concept with substantial content that confers on it explanatory power. According to Aristotle, natural entities are those that contain in themselves the principle of their own production or development, in the way that acorns contain a blueprint for their own realisation as oak trees ( Physics 192b; Metaphysics 1014b). The “nature” of natural entities thus conceptualised is a subset of the features that make up their nature in the first sense. The human specification of this explanatory concept of nature aims to pick out human features that similarly function as blueprints for something like a fully realised form. According to Aristotle, for all animals that blueprint is “the soul”, that is, the integrated functional capacities that characterise the fully developed entity. The blueprint is realised when matter, i.e., the body, has attained the level of organisation required to instantiate the animal’s living functions (Charles 2000: 320ff.; Lennox 2009: 356).

A terminological complication is introduced here by the fact that the fully developed form of an entity is itself also frequently designated as its “nature” (Aristotle, Physics 193b; Politics 1252b). In Aristotle’s teleological metaphysics, this is the entity’s end, “that for the sake of which a thing is” ( Metaphysics 1050a; Charles 2000: 259). Thus, a human’s “nature”, like that of any other being, may be either the features in virtue of which it is disposed to develop to a certain mature form or, thirdly , the form to which it is disposed to develop.

Importantly, the particularly prominent focus on the idea of a fully developed form in Aristotle’s discussions of humans derives from its dual role. It is not only the form to the realisation of which human neonates are disposed; it is also the form that mature members of the species ought to realise ( Politics 1253a). This normative specification is the fourth component of the traditional package. The second, third and fourth uses of “nature” are all in the original package firmly anchored in a teleological metaphysics. One question for systematic claims about human nature is whether any of these components remain plausible if we reject a teleology firmly anchored in theology (Sedley 2010: 5ff.).

A fifth and last component of the package that has traditionally been taken to have been handed down from antiquity is classificatory. Here, the property or set of properties named by the expression “human nature” is that property or property set in virtue of the possession of which particular organisms belong to a particular biological taxon: what we now identify as the species taxon Homo sapiens . This is human nature typologically understood.

This, then, is the traditional package:


TP1	contrastive
TP2	blueprint explanatory
TP3	explanatorily teleological
TP4	normatively teleological
TP5	classificatory or taxonomic

The sort of properties that have traditionally been taken to support the classificatory practices relevant to TP5 are intrinsic to the individual organisms in question. Moreover, they have been taken to be able to fulfil this role in virtue of being necessary and sufficient for the organism’s membership of the species, i.e., “essential” in one meaning of the term. This view of species membership, and the associated view of species themselves, has been influentially dubbed “typological thinking” (Mayr 1959 [1976: 27f.]; cf. Mayr 1982: 260) and “essentialism” (Hull 1965: 314ff.; cf. Mayr 1968 [1976: 428f.]). The former characterisation involves an epistemological focus on the classificatory procedure, the latter a metaphysical focus on the properties thus singled out. Ernst Mayr claimed that the classificatory approach originates in Plato’s theory of forms, and, as a result, involves the further assumption that the properties are unchanging. According to David Hull, its root cause is the attempt to fit the ontology of species taxa to an Aristotelian theory of definition.

The theory of definition developed in Aristotle’s logical works assigns entities to a genus and distinguishes them from other members of the genus, i.e., from other “species”, by their differentiae ( Topics 103b). The procedure is descended from the “method of division” of Plato, who provides a crude example as applied to humans, when he has the Eleatic Stranger in the Statesman characterise them as featherless bipeds (266e). Hull and many scholars in his wake (Dupré 2001: 102f.) have claimed that this simple schema for picking out essential conditions for species membership had a seriously deleterious effect on biological taxonomy until Darwin (cf. Winsor 2006).

However, there is now widespread agreement that Aristotle was no taxonomic essentialist (Balme 1980: 5ff.; Mayr 1982: 150ff.; Balme 1987: 72ff.; Ereshefsky 2001: 20f; Richards 2010: 21ff.; Wilkins 2018: 9ff.). First, the distinction between genus and differentiae was for Aristotle relative to the task at hand, so that a “species” picked out in this manner could then count as the genus for further differentiation. Second, the Latin term “species”, a translation of the Greek eidos , was a logical category with no privileged relationship to biological entities; a prime example in the Topics is the species justice, distinguished within the genus virtue (143a). Third, in a key methodological passage, Parts of Animals , I.2–3 (642b–644b), Aristotle explicitly rejects the method of “dichotomous division”, which assigns entities to a genus and then seeks a single differentia, as inappropriate to the individuation of animal kinds. Instead, he claims, a multiplicity of differentiae should be brought to bear. He emphasises this point in relation to humans (644a).

According to Pierre Pellegrin and David Balme, Aristotle did not seek to establish a taxonomic system in his biological works (Pellegrin 1982 [1986: 113ff.]; Balme 1987, 72). Rather, he simply accepted the everyday common sense partitioning of the animal world (Pellegrin 1982 [1986: 120]; Richards 2010: 24; but cf. Charles 2000: 343ff.). If this is correct, Aristotle didn’t even ask after the conditions for belonging to the species Homo sapiens . So he wasn’t proposing any particular answer, and specifically not the “essentialist” answer advanced by TP5. In as far as such an answer has been employed in biological taxonomy (cf. Winsor 2003), its roots appear to lie in Neoplatonic, Catholic misinterpretations of Aristotle (Richards 2010: 34ff.; Wilkins 2018: 22ff.). Be that as it may, the fifth use of “human nature” transported by tradition—to pick out essential conditions for an organism’s belonging to the species—is of eminent interest. The systematic concern behind Mayr and Hull’s historical claims is that accounts of the form of TP5 are incompatible with evolutionary theory. We shall look at this concern in section 2 of this entry.

Because the term “essentialism” recurs with different meanings in discussions of human nature and because some of the theoretical claims thus summarised are assumed to be Aristotelian in origin, it is worth spending a moment here to register what claims can be singled out by the expression. The first , purely classificatory conception just discussed should be distinguished from a second view that is also frequently labelled “essentialist” and which goes back to Locke’s concept of “real essence” (1689: III, iii, 15). According to essentialism thus understood, an essence is the intrinsic feature or features of an entity that fulfils or fulfil a dual role: firstly, of being that in virtue of which something belongs to a kind and, secondly, of explaining why things of that kind typically have a particular set of observable features. Thus conceived, “essence” has both a classificatory and an explanatory function and is the core of a highly influential, “essentialist” theory of natural kinds, developed in the wake of Kripke’s and Putnam’s theories of reference.

An account of human nature that is essentialist in this sense would take the nature of the human natural kind to be a set of microstructural properties that have two roles: first, they constitute an organism’s membership of the species Homo sapiens . Second, they are causally responsible for the organism manifesting morphological and behavioural properties typical of species members. Paradigms of entities with such natures or essences are chemical elements. An example is the element with the atomic number 79, the microstructural feature that accounts for surface properties of gold such as yellowness. Applied to organisms, it seems that the relevant explanatory relationship will be developmental, the microstructures providing something like a blueprint for the properties of the mature individual. Kripke assumed that some such blueprint is the “internal structure” responsible for the typical development of tigers as striped, carnivorous quadrupeds (Kripke 1972 [1980: 120f.]).

As the first, pseudo-Aristotelian version of essentialism illustrates, the classificatory and explanatory components of what we might call “Kripkean essentialism” can be taken apart. Thus, “human nature” can also be understood in exclusively explanatory terms, viz. as the set of microstructural properties responsible for typical human morphological and behavioural features. In such an account, the ability to pick out the relevant organisms is simply presupposed. As we shall see in section 4 of this entry, accounts of this kind have been popular in the contemporary debate. The subtraction of the classificatory function of the properties in these conceptions has generally seemed to warrant withholding from them the label “essentialist”. However, because some authors have still seen the term as applicable (Dupré 2001: 162), we might think of such accounts as constituting a third , weak or deflationary variant of essentialism.

Such purely explanatory accounts are descendants of the second use of “human nature” in the traditional package, the difference being that they don’t usually presuppose some notion of the fully developed human form. However, where some such presupposition is made, there are stronger grounds for talking of an “essentialist” account. Elliott Sober has argued that the key to essentialism is not classification in terms of necessary and sufficient conditions, but the postulation of some “privileged state”, to the realisation of which specimens of a species tend, as long as no extrinsic factors “interfere” (Sober 1980: 358ff.). Such a dispositional-teleological conception, dissociated from classificatory ambitions, would be a fourth form of essentialism. Sober rightly associates such an account with Aristotle, citing Aristotle’s claims in his zoological writings that interfering forces are responsible for deviations, i.e., morphological differences, both within and between species. A contemporary account of human nature with this structure will be discussed in section 4 .

A fifth and final form of essentialism is even more clearly Aristotelian. Here, an explicitly normative status is conferred on the set of properties to the development of which human organisms tend. For normative essentialism, “the human essence” or “human nature” is a normative standard for the evaluation of organisms belonging to the species. Where the first, third and fourth uses of the expression have tended to be made with critical intent (for defensive exceptions, see Charles 2000: 348ff.; Walsh 2006; Devitt 2008; Boulter 2012), this fifth use is more often a self-ascription (e.g., Nussbaum 1992). It is intended to emphasise metaethical claims of a specific type. According to such claims, an organism’s belonging to the human species entails or in some way involves the applicability to the organism of moral norms that ground in the value of the fully developed human form. According to one version of this thought, humans ought be, or ought to be enabled to be, rational because rationality is a key feature of the fully developed human form. Such normative-teleological accounts of human nature will be the focus of section 5.2 .

We can summarise the variants of essentialism and their relationship to the components of the traditional package as follows:

Type of essentialism	Relationship to the traditional package
purely classificatory	equivalent to TP5
purely explanatory	unspecific version of TP2
explanatory-classificatory	combines TP5 with an unspecific version of TP2
explanatorily teleological	equivalent to TP3
normatively teleological	equivalent to TP4

Section 2 and section 5 of this entry deal with the purely classificatory and the normative teleological conceptions of human nature respectively, and with the associated types of essentialism. Section 3 discusses attempts to downgrade TP5, moving from essential to merely characteristic properties. Section 4 focuses on accounts of an explanatory human nature, both on attempts to provide a modernized version of the teleological blueprint model ( §4.1 ) and on explanatory conceptions with deflationary intent relative to the claims of TP2 and TP3 ( §4.2 and §4.3 ).

The traditional package specifies a set of conditions some or all of which substantial claims about “human nature” are supposed to meet. Before we turn to the systematic arguments central to contemporary debates on whether such conditions can be met, it will be helpful to spend a moment considering one highly influential substantial claim. Aristotle’s writings prominently contain two such claims that have been handed down in slogan form. The first is that the human being (more accurately: “man”) is an animal that is in some important sense social (“zoon politikon”, History of Animals 487b; Politics 1253a; Nicomachean Ethics 1169b). According to the second, “he” is a rational animal ( Politics 1253a, where Aristotle doesn’t actually use the traditionally ascribed slogan, “zoon logon echon”).

Aristotle makes both claims in very different theoretical contexts, on the one hand, in his zoological writings and, on the other, in his ethical and political works. This fact, together with the fact that Aristotle’s philosophy of nature and his practical philosophy are united by a teleological metaphysics, may make it appear obvious that the slogans are biological claims that provide a foundation for normative claims in ethics and politics. The slogans do indeed function as foundations in the Politics and the Nicomachean Ethics respectively (on the latter, see section 5 of this entry). It is, however, unclear whether they are to be understood as biological claims. Let us focus on the slogan that has traditionally dominated discussions of human nature in Western philosophy, that humans are “rational animals”.

First, if Pellegrin and Balme are right that Aristotelian zoology is uninterested in classifying species, then ascribing the capacity for “rationality” cannot have the function of naming a biological trait that distinguishes humans from other animals. This is supported by two further sets of considerations. To begin with, Aristotle’s explicit assertion that a series of differentiae would be needed to “define” humans ( Parts of Animals 644a) is cashed out in the long list of features he takes to be their distinguishing marks, such as speech, having hair on both eyelids, blinking, having hands, upright posture, breasts in front, the largest and moistest brain, fleshy legs and buttocks (Lloyd 1983: 29ff.). Furthermore, there is in Aristotle no capacity for reason that is both exclusive to, and universal among anthropoi . One part or kind of reason, “practical intelligence” ( phronesis ), is, Aristotle claims, found in both humans and other animals, being merely superior in the former ( Parts of Animals , 687a). Now, there are other forms of reasoning of which this is not true, forms whose presence are sufficient for being human: humans are the only animals capable of deliberation ( History of Animals 488b) and reasoning ( to noein ), in as far as this extends to mathematics and first philosophy. Nevertheless, these forms of reasoning are unnecessary: slaves, who Aristotle includes among humans ( Politics 1255a), are said to have no deliberative faculty ( to bouleutikon ) at all ( Politics 1260a; cf. Richter 2011: 42ff.). Presumably, they will also be without the capacities necessary for first philosophy.

Second, these Aristotelian claims raise the question as to whether the ascription of rationality is even intended as an ascription to an individual in as far as she or he belongs to a biological kind. The answer might appear to be obviously affirmative. Aristotle uses the claim that a higher level of reason is characteristic of humans to teleologically explain other morphological features, in particular upright gait and the morphology of the hands ( Parts of Animals 686a, 687a). However, the kind of reason at issue here is practical intelligence, the kind humans and animals share, not the capacity for mathematics and metaphysics, which among animals is exercised exclusively by humans. In as far as humans are able to exercise this latter capacity in contemplation, Aristotle claims that they “partake of the divine” ( Parts of Animals 656a), a claim of which he makes extensive use when grounding his ethics in human rationality ( Nicomachean Ethics 1177b–1178b). When, in a passage to which James Lennox has drawn attention (Lennox 1999), Aristotle declares that the rational part of the soul cannot be the object of natural science ( Parts of Animals 645a), it seems to be the contemplative part of the soul that is thus excluded from biological investigation, precisely the feature that is named in the influential slogan. If it is the “something divine … present in” humans that is decisively distinctive of their kind, it seems unclear whether the relevant kind is biological.

It is not the aim of this entry to decide questions of Aristotle interpretation. What is important is that the relationship of the question of “human nature” to biology is, from the beginning of the concept’s career, not as unequivocal as is often assumed (e.g., Hull 1986: 7; Richards 2010: 217f.). This is particularly true of the slogan according to which humans are rational animals. In the history of philosophy, this slogan has frequently been detached from any attempt to provide criteria for biological classification or characterisation. When Aquinas picks up the slogan, he is concerned to emphasise that human nature involves a material, corporeal aspect. This aspect is, however, not thought of in biological terms. Humans are decisively “rational substances”, i.e., persons. As such they also belong to a kind whose members also number angels and God (three times) (Eberl 2004). Similarly, Kant is primarily, indeed almost exclusively, interested in human beings as examples of “rational nature”, “human nature” being only one way in which rational nature can be instantiated (Kant 1785, 64, 76, 85). For this reason, Kant generally talks of “rational beings”, rather than of “rational animals” (1785, 45, 95).

There is, then, a perspective on humans that is plausibly present in Aristotle, stronger in Aquinas and dominant in Kant and that involves seeing them as instances of a kind other than the “human kind”, i.e., seeing the human animal “as a rational being” (Kant 1785 [1996: 45]). According to this view, the “nature” of humans that is most worthy of philosophical interest is the one they possess not insofar as they are human, but insofar as they are rational. Where this is the relevant use of the concept of human nature, being a specimen of the biological species is unnecessary for possessing the corresponding property. Specimens of other species, as well as non-biological entities may also belong to the relevant kind. It is also insufficient, as not all humans will have the properties necessary for membership in that kind.

As both a biologist and ethicist, Aristotle is at once a detached scientist and a participant in forms of interpersonal and political interaction only available to contemporary humans living in large, sedentary subpopulations. It seems plausible that a participant perspective may have suggested a different take on what it is to be human, perhaps even a different take on the sense in which humans might be rational animals, to that of biological science. We will return to this difference in section 5 of the entry.

2. The Nature of the Evolutionary Unit Homo sapiens and its Specimens

Detailing the features in virtue of which an organism is a specimen of the species Homo sapiens is a purely biological task. Whether such specification is achievable and, if so how, is controversial. It is controversial for the same reasons for which it is controversial what conditions need to be met for an organism to be a specimen of any species. These reasons derive from the theory of evolution.

A first step to understanding these reasons involves noting a further ambiguity in the use of the expression “human nature”, this time an ambiguity specific to taxonomy. The term can be used to pick out a set of properties as an answer to two different questions. The first concerns the properties of some organism which make it the case that it belongs to the species Homo sapiens . The second concerns the properties in virtue of which a population or metapopulation is the species Homo sapiens . Correspondingly, “human nature” can pick out either the properties of organisms that constitute their partaking in the species Homo sapiens or the properties of some higher-level entity that constitute it as that species. Human nature might then either be the nature of the species or the nature of species specimens as specimens of the species.

It is evolution that confers on this distinction its particular form and importance. The variation among organismic traits, without which there would be no evolution, has its decisive effects at the level of populations. These are groups of organisms that in some way cohere at a time in spite of the variation of traits among the component organisms. It is population-level groupings, taxa, not organisms, that evolve and it is taxa, such as species, that provide the organisms that belong to them with genetic resources (Ghiselin 1987: 141). The species Homo sapiens appears to be a metapopulation that coheres at least in part because of the gene flow between its component organisms brought about by interbreeding (cf. Ereshefsky 1991: 96ff.). Hence, according to evolutionary theory, Homo sapiens is plausibly a higher-level entity—a unit of evolution—consisting of the lower-level entities that are individual human beings. The two questions phrased in terms of “human nature” thus concern the conditions for individuation of the population-level entity and the conditions under which organisms are components of that entity.

The theory of evolution transforms the way we should understand the relationship between human organisms and the species to which they belong. The taxonomic assumption of TP5 was that species are individuated by means of intrinsic properties that are individually instantiated by certain organisms. Instantiating those properties is taken to be necessary and sufficient for those organisms to belong to the species. Evolutionary theory makes it clear that species, as population-level entities, cannot be individuated by means of the properties of lower-level constituents, in our case, of individual human organisms (Sober 1980: 355).

The exclusion of this possibility grounds a decisive difference from the way natural kinds are standardly construed in the wake of Locke and Kripke. Recall that, in this Kripkean construal, lumps of matter are instances of chemical kinds because of their satisfaction of intrinsic necessary and sufficient conditions, viz. their atoms possessing a certain number of protons. The same conditions also individuate the chemical kinds themselves. Chemical kinds are thus spatiotemporally unrestricted sets. This means that there are no metaphysical barriers to the chance generation of members of the kind, independently of whether the kind is instantiated at any contiguous time or place. Nitrogen could come to exist by metaphysical happenstance, should an element with the atomic number 14 somehow come into being, even in a world in which up to that point no nitrogen has existed (Hull 1978: 349; 1984: 22).

In contrast, a species can only exist at time $t_n$ if either it or a parent species existed at $t_{n-1}$ and there was some relationship of spatial contiguity between component individuals of the species at $t_n$ and the individuals belonging to either the same species or the parent species at $t_{n-1}$. This is because of the essential role of the causal relationship of heredity. Heredity generates both the coherence across a population requisite for the existence of a species and the variability of predominant traits within the population, without which a species would not evolve.

For this reason, the species Homo sapiens , like every other species taxon, must meet a historical or genealogical condition. (For pluralistic objections to even this condition, see Kitcher 1984: 320ff.; Dupré 1993: 49f.) This condition is best expressed as a segment of a population-level phylogenetic tree, where such trees represent ancestor-descendent series (Hull 1978: 349; de Queiroz 1999: 50ff.; 2005). Species, as the point is often put, are historical entities, rather than kinds or classes (Hull 1978: 338ff.; 1984: 19). The fact that species are not only temporally, but also spatially restricted has also led to the stronger claim that they are individuals (Ghiselin 1974; 1997: 14ff.; Hull 1978: 338). If this is correct, then organisms are not members, but parts of species taxa. Independently of whether this claim is true for all biological species, Homo sapiens is a good candidate for a species that belongs to the category individual . This is because the species is characterised not only by spatiotemporal continuity, but also by causal processes that account for the coherence between its component parts. These processes plausibly include not only interbreeding, but also conspecific recognition and particular forms of communication (Richards 2010: 158ff., 218).

Importantly, the genealogical condition is only a necessary condition, as genealogy unites all the segments of one lineage. The segment of the phylogenetic tree that represents some species taxon begins with a node that represents a lineage-splitting or speciation event. Determining that node requires attention to general speciation theory, which has proposed various competing criteria (Dupré 1993: 48f.; Okasha 2002: 201; Coyne & Orr 2004). In the case of Homo sapiens , it requires attention to the specifics of the human case, which are also controversial (see Crow 2003; Cela-Conde & Ayala 2017: 11ff.). The end point of the segment is marked either by some further speciation event or, as may seem likely in the case of Homo sapiens , by the destruction of the metapopulation. Only when the temporal boundaries of the segment have become determinate would it be possible to adduce sufficient conditions for the existence of such a historical entity. Hence, if “human nature” is understood to pick out the necessary and sufficient conditions that individuate the species taxon Homo sapiens , its content is not only controversial, but epistemically unavailable to us.

If we take such a view of the individuating conditions for the species Homo sapiens , what are the consequences for the question of which organisms belong to the species? It might appear that it leaves open the possibility that speciation has resulted in some intrinsic property or set of properties establishing the cohesion specific to the taxon and that such properties count as necessary and sufficient for belonging to it (cf. Devitt 2008: 17ff.). This appearance would be deceptive. To begin with, no intrinsic property can be necessary because of the sheer empirical improbability that all species specimens grouped together by the relevant lineage segment instantiate any such candidate property. For example, there are individuals who are missing legs, inner organs or the capacity for language, but who remain biologically human (Hull 1986: 5). Evolutionary theory clarifies why this is so: variability, secured by mechanisms such as mutation and recombination, is the key to evolution, so that, should some qualitative property happen to be universal among all extant species specimens immediately after the completion of speciation, that is no guarantee that it will continue to be so throughout the lifespan of the taxon (Hull 1984: 35; Ereshefsky 2008: 101). The common thought that there must be at least some genetic property common to all human organisms is also false (R. Wilson 1999a: 190; Sterelny & Griffiths 1999: 7; Okasha 2002: 196f.): phenotypical properties that are shared in a population are frequently co-instantiated as a result of the complex interaction of differing gene-regulatory networks. Conversely, the same network can under different circumstances lead to differing phenotypical consequences (Walsh 2006: 437ff.). Even if it should turn out that every human organism instantiated some property, this would be a contingent, rather than a necessary fact (Sober 1980: 354; Hull 1986: 3).

Moreover, the chances of any such universal property also being sufficient are vanishingly small, as the sharing of properties by specimens of other species can result from various mechanisms, in particular from the inheritance of common genes in related species and from parallel evolution. This doesn’t entail that there may be no intrinsic properties that are sufficient belonging to the species. There are fairly good candidates for such properties, if we compare humans with other terrestrial organisms. Language use and a self-understanding as moral agents come to mind. However, whether non-terrestrial entities might possess such properties is an open question. And decisively, they are obviously hopeless as necessary conditions (cf. Samuels 2012: 9).

This leaves only the possibility that the conditions for belonging to the species are, like the individuating conditions for the species taxon, relational. Lineage-based individuation of a taxon depends on its component organisms being spatially and temporally situated in such a way that the causal processes necessary for the inheritance of traits can take place. In the human case, the key processes are those of sexual reproduction. Therefore, being an organism that belongs to the species Homo sapiens is a matter of being connected reproductively to organisms situated unequivocally on the relevant lineage segment. In other words, the key necessary condition is having been sexually reproduced by specimens of the species (Kronfeldner 2018: 100). Hull suggests that the causal condition may be disjunctive, as it could also be fulfilled by a synthetic entity created by scientists that produces offspring with humans who have been generated in the standard manner (Hull 1978: 349). Provided that the species is not in the throes of speciation, such direct descent or integration into the reproductive community, i.e., participation in the “complex network […] of mating and reproduction” (Hull 1986: 4), will also be sufficient.

The lack of a “human essence” in the sense of intrinsic necessary and sufficient conditions for belonging to the species taxon Homo sapiens , has led a number of philosophers to deny that there is any such thing as human nature (Hull 1984: 19; 1986; Ghiselin 1997: 1; de Sousa 2000). As this negative claim concerns properties intrinsic both to relevant organisms and to the taxon, it is equally directed at the “nature” of the organisms as species specimens and at that of the species taxon itself. An alternative consists in retracting the condition that a classificatory essence must be intrinsic, a move which allows talk of a historical or relational essence and a corresponding relational conception of taxonomic human nature (Okasha 2002: 202).

Which of these ways of responding to the challenge from evolutionary theory appears best is likely to depend on how one takes it that the classificatory issues relate to the other matters at stake in the original human nature package. These concern the explanatory and normative questions raised by TP1–TP4. We turn to these in the following three sections of this article.

An exclusively genealogical conception of human nature is clearly not well placed to fulfil an explanatory role comparable to that envisaged in the traditional package. What might have an explanatory function are the properties of the entities from which the taxon or its specimens are descended. Human nature, genealogically understood, might serve as the conduit for explanations in terms of such properties, but will not itself explain anything. After all, integration in a network of sexual reproduction will be partly definitive of the specimens of all sexual species, whilst what is to be explained will vary enormously across taxa.

This lack of fit between classificatory and explanatory roles confronts us with a number of further theoretical possibilities. For example, one might see this incompatibility as strengthening the worries of eliminativists such as Ghiselin and Hull: even if the subtraction of intrinsicality were not on its own sufficient to justify abandoning talk of human nature, its conjunction with a lack of explanatory power, one might think, certainly is (Dupré 2003: 109f.; Lewens 2012: 473). Or one might argue that it is the classificatory ambitions associated with talk of human nature that should be abandoned. Once this is done, one might hope that certain sets of intrinsic properties can be distinguished that figure decisively in explanations and that can still justifiably be labelled “human nature” (Roughley 2011: 15; Godfrey-Smith 2014: 140).

Taking this second line in turn raises two questions: first, in what sense are the properties thus picked out specifically “human”, if they are neither universal among, nor unique to species specimens? Second, in what sense are the properties “natural”? Naturalness as independence from the effects of human intentional action is a key feature of the original package (TP1). Whether some such conception can be coherently applied to humans is a challenge for any non-classificatory account.

3. Characteristic Human Properties

The answer given by TP2 to the first question was in terms of the fully developed human form, where “form” does not refer solely to observable physical or behavioural characteristics, but also includes psychological features. This answer entails two claims: first, that there is one single such “form”, i.e., property or set of properties, that figures in explanations that range across individual human organisms. It also entails that there is a point in human development that counts as “full”, that is, as development’s goal or “telos”. These claims go hand in hand with the assumption that there is a distinction to be drawn between normal and abnormal adult specimens of the species. There is, common sense tells us, a sense in which normal adult humans have two legs, two eyes, one heart and two kidneys at specific locations in the body; they also have various dispositions, for instance, to feel pain and to feel emotions, and a set of capacities, such as for perception and for reasoning. And these, so it seems, may be missing, or under- or overdeveloped in abnormal specimens.

Sober has influentially described accounts that work with such teleological assumptions as adhering to an Aristotelian “Natural State Model” (Sober 1980: 353ff.). Such accounts work with a distinction that has no place in evolutionary biology, according to which variation of properties across populations is the key to evolution. Hence, no particular end states of organisms are privileged as “natural” or “normal” (Hull 1986: 7ff.). So any account that privileges particular morphological, behavioural or psychological human features has to provide good reasons that are both non-evolutionary and yet compatible with the evolutionary account of species. Because of the way that the notion of the normal is frequently employed to exclude and oppress, those reasons should be particularly good (Silvers 1998; Dupré 2003: 119ff.; Richter 2011: 43ff.; Kronfeldner 2018: 15ff.).

The kinds of reasons that may be advanced could either be internal to, or independent of the biological sciences. If the former, then various theoretical options may seem viable. The first grounds in the claim that, although species are not natural kinds and are thus unsuited to figuring in laws of nature (Hull 1987: 171), they do support descriptions with a significant degree of generality, some of which may be important (Hull 1984: 19). A theory of human nature developed on this basis should explain the kind of importance on the basis of which particular properties are emphasised. The second theoretical option is pluralism about the metaphysics of species: in spite of the fairly broad consensus that species are defined as units of evolution, the pluralist can deny the primacy of evolutionary dynamics, arguing that other epistemic aims allow the ecologist, the systematist or the ethologist to work with an equally legitimate concept of species that is not, or not exclusively genealogical (cf. Hull 1984: 36; Kitcher 1986: 320ff.; Hull 1987: 178–81; Dupré 1993: 43f.). The third option involves a relaxation of the concept of natural kinds, such that it no longer entails the instantiation of intrinsic, necessary, sufficient and spatiotemporally unrestricted properties, but is nevertheless able to support causal explanations. Such accounts aim to reunite taxonomic and explanatory criteria, thus allowing species taxa to count as natural kinds after all (Boyd 1999a; R. Wilson, Barker, & Brigandt 2007: 196ff.). Where, finally , the reasons advanced for privileging certain properties are independent of biology, these tend to concern features of humans’—“our”—self-understanding as participants in, rather than observers of, a particular form of life. These are likely to be connected to normative considerations. Here again, it seems that a special explanation will be required for why these privileged properties should be grouped under the rubric “human nature”.

The accounts to be described in the next subsection (3.2) of this entry are examples of the first strategy. Section 4 includes discussion of the relaxed natural kinds strategy. Section 5 focuses on accounts of human nature developed from a participant perspective and also notes the support that the pluralist metaphysical strategy might be taken to provide.

Begin, then, with the idea that to provide an account of “human nature” is to circumscribe a set of generalisations concerning humans. An approach of this sort sees the properties thus itemised as specifically “human” in as far as they are common among species specimens. So the privilege accorded to these properties is purely statistical and “normal” means statistically normal. Note that taking the set of statistically normal properties of humans as a non-teleological replacement for the fully developed human form retains from the original package the possibility of labelling as “human nature” either those properties themselves (TP3) or their developmental cause (TP2). Either approach avoids the classificatory worries dealt with in section 2 : it presupposes that those organisms whose properties are relevant are already distinguished as such specimens. What is to be explained is, then, the ways humans generally, though not universally, are. And among these ways are ways they may share with most specimens of some other species, in particular those that belong to the same order (primates) and the same class (mammals).

One should be clear what follows from this interpretation of “human”. The organisms among whom statistical frequency is sought range over those generated after speciation around 150,000 years ago to those that will exist immediately prior to the species’ extinction. On the one hand, because of the variability intrinsic to species, we are in the dark as to the properties that may or may not characterise those organisms that will turn out to be the last of the taxon. On the other hand, the time lag of around 100,000 years between the first anatomically modern humans and the general onset of behavioural modernity around the beginning of the Upper Palaeolithic means that there are likely to be many widespread psychological properties of contemporary humans that were not possessed by the majority of the species’ specimens during two thirds of the species’ history. This is true even if the practices seen as the signatures of behavioural modernity (see §1.1 ) developed sporadically, disappeared and reappeared at far removed points of time and space over tens of thousands of years before 50,000 ka (McBrearty & Brooks 2000; Sterelny 2011).

According to several authors (Machery 2008; 2018; Samuels 2012; Ramsey 2013), the expression “human nature” should be used to group properties that are the focus of much current behavioural, psychological and social science. However, as the cognitive and psychological sciences are generally interested in present-day humans, there is a mismatch between scientific focus and a grouping criterion that takes in all the properties generally or typically instantiated by specimens of the entire taxon. For this reason, the expression “human nature” is likely to refer to properties of an even more temporally restricted set of organisms belonging to the species. That restriction can be thought of in indexical terms, i.e., as a restriction to contemporary humans. However, some authors claim explicitly that their accounts entail that human nature can change (Ramsey 2013: 992; Machery 2018: 20). Human nature would then be the object of temporally indexed investigations, as is, for example, the weight of individual humans in everyday contexts. (Without temporal specification, there is no determinate answer to a question such as “How much did David Hume weigh?”) An example of Machery’s is dark skin colour. This characteristic, he claims, ceased to be a feature of human nature thus understood 7,000 years ago, if that was when skin pigmentation became polymorphic. The example indicates that the temporal range may be extremely narrow from an evolutionary point of view.

Such accounts are both compatible with evolutionary theory and coherent. However, in as far as they are mere summary or list conceptions, it is unclear what their epistemic value might be. They will tend to accord with everyday common sense, for which “human nature” may in a fairly low-key sense simply be the properties that (contemporary) humans generally tend to manifest (Roughley 2011: 16). They will also conform to one level of the expression’s use in Hume’s Treatise of Human Nature (1739–40), which, in an attempt to provide a human “mental geography” (1748 [1970: 13]), lists a whole series of features, such as prejudice (1739–40, I,iii,13), selfishness (III,ii,5), a tendency to temporal discounting (III,ii,7) and an addiction to general rules (III,ii,9).

Accounts of this kind have been seen as similar in content to field guides for other animals (Machery 2008: 323; Godfrey-Smith 2014: 139). As Hull points out, within a restricted ecological context and a short period of evolutionary time, the ascription of readily observable morphological or behavioural characteristics to species specimens is a straightforward and unproblematic enterprise (Hull 1987: 175). However, the analogy is fairly unhelpful, as the primary function of assertions in field guides is to provide a heuristics for amateur classification. In contrast, a list conception of the statistically normal properties of contemporary humans presupposes identification of the organisms in question as humans. Moreover, such accounts certainly do not entail easy epistemic access to the properties in question, which may only be experimentally discovered. Nevertheless, there remains something correct about the analogy, as such accounts are a collection of assertions linked only by the fact that they are about the same group of organisms (Sterelny 2018: 123).

More sophisticated nature documentaries may summarise causal features of the lives of animals belonging to specific species. An analogous conception of human nature has also been proposed, according to which human nature is a set of pervasive and robust causal nexuses amongst humans. The list that picks out this set would specify causal connections between antecedent properties, such as having been exposed to benzene or subject to abuse as a child, and consequent properties, such as developing cancer or being aggressive towards one’s own children (Ramsey 2013: 988ff.). Human nature thus understood would have an explanatory component, a component internal to each item on the list. Human nature itself would, however, not be explanatory, but rather the label for a list of highly diverse causal connections.

An alternative way to integrate an explanatory component in a statistical normality account involves picking out that set of statistically common properties that have a purely evolutionary explanation (Machery 2008; 2018). This reinterpretation of the concept of naturalness that featured in the original package (TP1) involves a contrast with social learning. Processes grouped together under this latter description are taken to be alternative explanations to those provided by evolution. However, learning plays a central role, not only in the development of individual humans, but also in the iterated interaction of entire populations with environments structured and restructured through such interaction (Stotz 2010: 488ff.; Sterelny 2012: 23ff.). Hence, the proposal raises serious epistemic questions as to how the distinction is precisely to be drawn and operationalised. (For discussion, see Prinz 2012; Lewens 2012: 464ff.; Ramsey 2013: 985; Machery 2018: 15ff.; Sterelny 2018: 116; Kronfeldner 2018: 147ff.).

4. Explanatory Human Properties

The replacement of the concept of a fully developed form with a statistical notion yields a deflationary account of human nature with, at most, restricted explanatory import. The correlative, explanatory notion in the original package, that of the fully developed form’s blueprint (TP2), has to some authors seemed worth reframing in terms made possible by advances in modern biology, particularly in genetics.

Clearly, there must be explanations of why humans generally walk on two legs, speak and plan many of their actions in advance. Genealogical, or what have been called “ultimate” (Mayr) or “historical” (Kitcher) explanations can advert to the accumulation of coherence among entrenched, stable properties along a lineage. These may well have resulted from selection pressures shared by the relevant organisms (cf. Wimsatt 2003; Lewens 2009). The fact that there are exceptions to any generalisations concerning contemporary humans does not entail that there is no need for explanations of such exception-allowing generalisations. Plausibly, these general, though not universal truths will have “structural explanations”, that is, explanations in terms of underlying structures or mechanisms (Kitcher 1986: 320; Devitt 2008: 353). These structures, so seems, might to a significant degree be inscribed in humans’ DNA.

The precise details of rapidly developing empirical science will improve our understanding of the extent to which there is a determinate relationship between contemporary humans’ genome and their physical, psychological and behavioural properties. There is, however, little plausibility that the blueprint metaphor might be applicable to the way DNA is transcribed, translated and interacts with its cellular environment. Such interaction is itself subject to influence by the organism’s external environment, including its social environment (Dupré 2001: 29ff.; 2003: 111ff.; Griffiths 2011: 326; Prinz 2012: 17ff.; Griffiths & Tabery 2013: 71ff.; Griffiths & Stotz 2013: 98ff., 143ff.). For example, the feature of contemporary human life for which there must according to Aristotle be some kind of blueprint, viz. rational agency, is, as Sterelny has argued, so strongly dependent on social scaffolding that any claim to the effect that human rationality is somehow genetically programmed ignores the causal contributions of manifestly indispensable environmental factors (Sterelny 2018: 120).

Nevertheless, humans do generally develop a specific set of physiological features, such as two lungs, one stomach, one pancreas and two eyes. Moreover, having such a bodily architecture is, according to the evidence from genetics, to a significant extent the result of developmental programmes that ground in gene regulatory networks (GRNs). These are stretches of non-coding DNA that regulate gene transcription. GRNs are modular, more or less strongly entrenched structures. The most highly conserved of these tend to be the phylogenetically most archaic (Carroll 2000; Walsh 2006: 436ff.; Willmore 2012: 227ff.). The GRNs responsible for basic physiological features may be taken, in a fairly innocuous sense, to belong to an evolved human nature.

Importantly, purely morphological features have generally not been the explananda of accounts that have gone under the rubric “human nature”. What has frequently motivated explanatory accounts thus labelled is the search for underlying structures responsible for generally shared psychological features. “Evolutionary Psychologists” have built a research programme around the claim that humans share a psychological architecture that parallels that of their physiology. This, they believe, consists of a structured set of psychological “organs” or modules (Tooby & Cosmides 1990: 29f.; 1992: 38, 113). This architecture is, they claim, in turn the product of developmental programmes inscribed in humans’ DNA (1992: 45). Such generally distributed developmental programmes they label “human nature” (1990: 23).

This conception raises the question of how analogous the characteristic physical and psychological “architectures” are. For one thing, the physical properties that tend to appear in such lists are far more coarse-grained than the candidates for shared psychological properties (D. Wilson 1994: 224ff.): the claim is not just that humans tend to have perceptual, desiderative, doxastic and emotional capacities, but that the mental states that realise these capacities tend to have contents of specific types. Perhaps an architecture of the former kind—of a formal psychology—is a plausible, if relatively unexciting candidate for the mental side of what an evolved human nature should explain. Either way, any such conception needs to adduce criteria for the individuation of such “mental organs” (D. Wilson 1994: 233). Relatedly, if the most strongly entrenched developmental programmes are the most archaic, it follows that, although these will be species-typical, they will not be species-specific. Programmes for the development of body parts have been identified for higher taxa, rather than for species.

A further issue that dogs any such attempts to explicate the “human” dimension of human nature in terms of developmental programmes inscribed in human DNA concerns Evolutionary Psychologists’ assertion that the programmes are the same in every specimen of the species. This assertion goes hand in hand with the claim that what is explained by such programmes is a deep psychological structure that is common to almost all humans and underlies the surface diversity of behavioural and psychological phenomena (Tooby & Cosmides 1990: 23f.). For Evolutionary Psychologists, the (near-)universality of both developmental programmes and deep psychological structure has an ultimate explanation in evolutionary processes that mark their products as natural in the sense of TP1. Both, they claim, are adaptations. These are features that were selected for because their possession in the past conferred a fitness advantage on their possessors. Evolutionary Psychologists conceive that advantage as conferred by the fulfilment of some specific function. They summarise selection for that function as “design”, which they take to have operated equally on all species specimens since the Pleistocene. This move reintroduces the teleological idea of a fully developed form beyond mere statistical normality (TP3).

This move has been extensively criticised. First, selection pressures operate at the level of groups and hence need not lead to the same structures in all a group’s members (D. Wilson 1994: 227ff.; Griffiths 2011: 325; Sterelny 2018: 120). Second, other evolutionary mechanisms than natural selection might be explanatorily decisive. Genetic drift or mutation and recombination might, for example, also confer “naturalness” in the sense of evolutionary genesis (Buller 2000: 436). Third, as we have every reason to assume that the evolution of human psychology is ongoing, evolutionary biology provides little support for the claim that particular programmes and associated traits evolved to fixity in the Pleistocene (Buller 2000: 477ff.; Downes 2010).

Perhaps, however, there might turn out to be gene control networks that do generally structure certain features of the psychological development of contemporary humans (Walsh 2006: 440ff.). The quest for such GNRs can, then, count as the search for an explanatory nature of contemporary humans, where the explanatory function thus sought is divorced from any classificatory role.

There has, however, been a move in general philosophy of science that, if acceptable, would transform the relationship between the taxonomic and explanatory features of species. This move was influentially initiated by Richard Boyd (1999a). It begins with the claim that the attempt to define natural kinds in terms of spatiotemporally unrestricted, intrinsic, necessary and sufficient conditions is a hangover from empiricism that should be abandoned by realist metaphysics. Instead, natural kinds should be understood as kinds that support induction and explanation, where generalisations at work in such processes need not be exceptionless. Thus understood, essences of natural kinds, i.e., their “natures”, need be neither intrinsic nor be possessed by all and only members of the kinds. Instead, essences consist of property clusters integrated by stabilising mechanisms (“homeostatic property clusters”, HPCs). These are networks of causal relations such that the presence of certain properties tends to generate or uphold others and the workings of underlying mechanisms contribute to the same effect. Boyd names storms, galaxies and capitalism as plausible examples (Boyd 1999b: 82ff.). However, he takes species to be the paradigmatic HPC kinds. According to this view, the genealogical character of a species’ nature does not undermine its causal role. Rather, it helps to explain the specific way in which the properties cohere that make up the taxon’s essence. Moreover, these can include extrinsic properties, for example, properties of constructed niches (Boyd 1991: 142, 1999a: 164ff.; Griffiths 1999: 219ff.; R. Wilson et al. 2007: 202ff.).

Whether such an account can indeed adequately explain taxonomic practice for species taxa is a question that can be left open here (see Ereshefsky & Matthen 2005: 16ff.). By its own lights the account does not identify conditions for belonging to a species such as Homo sapiens (Samuels 2012: 25f.). Whether it enables the identification of factors that play the explanatory roles that the term “human nature” might be supposed to pick out is perhaps the most interesting question. Two ways in which an account of human nature might be developed from such a starting point have been sketched.

According to Richard Samuels’ proposal, human nature should be understood as the empirically discoverable proximal mechanisms responsible for psychological development and for the manifestation of psychological capacities. These will include physiological mechanisms, such as the development of the neural tube, as well as environmentally scaffolded learning procedures; they will also include the various modular systems distinguished by cognitive science, such as visual processing and memory systems (Samuels 2012: 22ff.). Like mere list conceptions (cf. §3.2 ), such an account has a precedent in Hume, for whom human nature also includes causal “principles” that structure operations of the human mind (1739–40, Intro.), for example, the mechanisms of sympathy (III,iii,1; II,ii,6). Hume, however, thought of the relevant causal principles as intrinsic.

A second proposal, advanced by Paul Griffiths and Karola Stotz, explicitly suggests taking explanandum and explanans to be picked out by different uses of the expression "human nature". In both cases, the “nature” in question is that of the taxon, not of individual organisms. The former use simply refers to “what human beings are like”, where “human beings” means all species specimens. Importantly, this characterisation does not aim at shared characteristics, but is open for polymorphisms both across a population and across life stages of individual organisms. The causal conception of human nature, what explains this spectrum of similarity and difference in life histories, is equated by Griffiths and Stotz with the organism-environment system that supports human development. It thus includes all the genetic, epigenetic and environmental resources responsible for varying human life cycles (Griffiths 2011: 319; Stotz & Griffiths 2018, 66f.). It follows that explanatory human nature at one point in time can be radically different from human nature at some other point in time.

Griffiths and Stotz are clear that this account diverges significantly from traditional accounts, as it rejects assumptions that human development has a goal, that human nature is possessed by all and only specimens of the species and that it consists of intrinsic properties. They see these assumptions as features of the folk biology of human nature that is as scientifically relevant as are folk conceptions of heat for its scientific understanding (Stotz 2010: 488; Griffiths 2011: 319ff.; Stotz & Griffiths 2018: 60ff.). This raises the question as to whether such a developmental systems account should not simply advocate abandoning the term, as is suggested by Sterelny (2018) on the basis of closely related considerations. A reason for not doing so might lie in the fact that, as talk of “human nature” is often practised with normative intent or at least with normative consequences (Stotz & Griffiths 2018: 71f.), use of the term to pick out the real, complex explanatory factors at work might help to counter those normative uses that employ false, folk biological assumptions.

Explanatory accounts that emphasise developmental plasticity in the products of human DNA, in the neural architecture of the brain and in the human mind tend to reject the assumption that explanations of what humans are like should focus on intrinsic features. It should, however, be noted that such accounts can be interpreted as assigning the feature of heightened plasticity the key role in such explanations (cf. Montagu 1956: 79). Accounts that make plasticity causally central also raise the question as to whether there are not biological features that in turn explain it and should therefore be assigned a more central status in a theory of explanatory human nature.

A prime candidate for this role is what the zoologist Adolf Portmann labelled human “secondary altriciality”, a unique constellation of features of the human neonate relative to other primates: human neonates are, in their helplessness and possession of a relatively undeveloped brain, neurologically and behaviourally altricial, that is, in need of care. However they are also born with open and fully functioning sense organs, otherwise a mark of precocial species, in which neonates are able to fend for themselves (Portmann 1951: 44ff.). The facts that the human neonate brain is less than 30% of the size of the adult brain and that brain development after birth continues at the fetal rate for the first year (Walker & Ruff 1993, 227) led the anthropologist Ashley Montagu to talk of “exterogestation” (Montagu 1961: 156). With these features in mind, Portmann characterised the care structures required by prolonged infant helplessness as the “social uterus” (Portmann 1967: 330). Finally, the fact that the rapid development of the infant brain takes place during a time in which the infant’s sense organs are open and functioning places an adaptive premium on learning that is unparalleled among organisms (Gould 1977: 401; cf. Stotz & Griffiths 2018: 70).

Of course, these features are themselves contingent products of evolution that could be outlived by the species. Gould sees them as components of a general retardation of development that has characterised human evolution (Gould 1977: 365ff.), where “human” should be seen as referring to the clade—all the descendants of a common ancestor—rather than to the species. Anthropologists estimate that secondary altriciality characterised the lineage as from Homo erectus 1.5 million years ago (Rosenberg & Trevathan 1995: 167). We are, then, dealing with a set of deeply entrenched features, features that were in place long before behavioural modernity.

It is conceivable that the advent of secondary altriciality was a key transformation in generating the radical plasticity of human development beginning with early hominins. However, as Sterelny points out, there are serious difficulties with isolating any particular game changer. Secondary altriciality, or the plasticity that may in part be explained by it, would thus seem to fall victim to the same verdict as the game changers named by the traditional human nature slogans. However, maybe it is more plausible to think in terms of a matrix of traits: perhaps a game-changing constellation of properties present in the population after the split from pan can be shown to have generated forms of niche construction that fed back into and modified the original traits. These modifications may in turn have had further psychological and behavioural consequences in steps that plausibly brought selective advantages (Sterelny 2018: 115).

5. Human Nature, the Participant Perspective and Morality

In such a culture-mind coevolutionary account, there may be a place for the referents of some of the traditional philosophical slogans intended to pin down “the human essence“ or “human nature”—reason, linguistic capacity ( “ the speaking animal”, Herder 1772 [2008: 97]), a more general symbolic capacity ( animal symbolicum , Cassirer 1944: 44), freedom of the will (Pico della Mirandola 1486 [1965: 5]; Sartre 1946 [2007: 29, 47]), a specific, “political” form of sociality, or a unique type of moral motivation (Hutcheson 1730: §15). These are likely, at best, to be the (still evolving) products in contemporary humans of processes set in motion by a trait constellation that includes proto-versions of (some of) these capacities. Such a view may also be compatible with an account of “what contemporary humans are like” that abstracts from the evolutionary time scale of eons and focuses instead on the present (cf. Dupré 1993: 43), whilst neither merely cataloguing widely distributed traits ( §3.2 ) nor attempting explanations in terms of the human genome ( §4.1 ). The traditional slogans appear to be attempts to summarise some such accounts. It seems clear, though, that their aims are significantly different from those of the biologically, or otherwise scientifically orientated positions thus far surveyed.

Two features of such accounts are worth emphasising, both of which we already encountered in Aristotle’s contribution to the original package. The first involves a shift in perspective from that of the scientific observer to that of a participant in a contemporary human life form. Whereas the human—or non-human—biologist may ask what modern humans are like, just as they may ask what bonobos are like, the question that traditional philosophical accounts of human nature are plausibly attempting to answer is what it is like to live one’s life as a contemporary human. This question is likely to provoke the counter-question as to whether there is anything that it is like to live simply as a contemporary human, rather than as a human-in-a-specific-historical-and-cultural context (Habermas 1958: 32; Geertz 1973: 52f.; Dupré 2003: 110f.). For the traditional sloganeers, the answer is clearly affirmative. The second feature of such accounts is that they tend to take it that reference to the capacities named in the traditional slogans is in some sense normatively , in particular, ethically significant .

The first claim of such accounts, then, is that there is some property of contemporary humans that is in some way descriptively or causally central to participating in their form of life. The second is that such participation involves subjection to normative standards rooted in the possession of some such property. Importantly, there is a step from the first to the second form of significance, and justification of the step requires argument. Even from a participant perspective, there is no automatic move from explanatory to normative significance.

According to an “internal”, participant account of human nature, certain capacities of contemporary, perhaps modern humans unavoidably structure the way they (we) live their (our) lives. Talk of “structuring” refers to three kinds of contributions to the matrix of capacities and dispositions that both enable and constrain the ways humans live their lives. These are contributions, first, to the specific shape other features of humans lives have and, second, to the way other such features hang together (Midgley 2000: 56ff.; Roughley 2011: 16ff.). Relatedly, they also make possible a whole new set of practices. All three relations are explanatory, although their explanatory role appears not necessarily to correspond to the role corresponding features, or earlier versions of the features, might have played in the evolutionary genealogy of contemporary human psychology. Having linguistic capacities is a prime candidate for the role of such a structural property: human perception, emotion, action planning and thought are all plausibly transformed in linguistic creatures, as are the connections between perception and belief, and the myriad relationships between thought and behaviour, connections exploited and deepened in a rich set of practices unavailable to non-linguistic animals. Similar things could be claimed for other properties named by the traditional slogans.

In contrast to the ways in which such capacities have frequently been referred to in the slogan mode, particularly to the pathos that has tended to accompany it, it seems highly implausible that any one such property will stand alone as structurally significant. It is more likely that we should be picking out a constellation of properties, a constellation that may well include properties variants of which are possessed by other animals. Other properties, including capacities that may be specific to contemporary humans, such as humour, may be less plausible candidates for a structural role.

Note that the fact that such accounts aim to answer a question asked from the participant perspective does not rule out that the features in question may be illuminated in their role for human self-understanding by data from empirical science. On the contrary, it seems highly likely that disciplines such as developmental and comparative psychology, and neuroscience will contribute significantly to an understanding of the possibilities and constraints inherent in the relevant capacities and in the way they interact.

5.2. Human Nature and the Human ergon

The paradigmatic strategy for deriving ethical consequences from claims about structural features of the human life form is the Platonic and Aristotelian ergon or function argument. The first premise of Aristotle’s version ( Nicomachean Ethics 1097b–1098a) connects function and goodness: if the characteristic function of an entity of a type X is to φ, then a good entity of type X is one that φs well. Aristotle confers plausibility on the claim by using examples such as social roles and bodily organs. If the function of an eye as an exemplar of its kind is to enable seeing, then a good eye is one that enables its bearer to see well. The second premise of the argument is a claim we encountered in section 1.4 of this entry, a claim we can now see as predicating a structural property of human life, the exercise of reason. According to this claim, the function or end of individual humans as humans is, depending on interpretation (Nussbaum 1995: 113ff.), either the exercise of reason or life according to reason. If this is correct, it follows that a good human being is one whose life centrally involves the exercise of, or life in accordance with, reason.

In the light of the discussion so far, it ought to be clear that, as it stands, the second premise of this argument is incompatible with the evolutionary biology of species. It asserts that the exercise of reason is not only the key structural property of human life, but also the realization of the fully developed human form. No sense can be made of this latter notion in evolutionary terms. Nevertheless, a series of prominent contemporary ethicists—Alasdair MacIntyre (1999), Rosalind Hursthouse (1999), Philippa Foot (2001) and Martha Nussbaum (2006)—have all made variants of the ergon argument central to their ethical theories. As each of these authors advance some version of the second premise, it is instructive to examine the ways in which they aim to avoid the challenge from evolutionary biology.

Before doing so, it is first worth noting that any ethical theory or theory of value is engaged in an enterprise that has no clear place in an evolutionary analysis. If we want to know what goodness is or what “good” means, evolutionary theory is not the obvious place to look. This is particularly clear in view of the fact that evolutionary theory operates at the level of populations (Sober 1980: 370; Walsh 2006: 434), whereas ethical theory operates, at least primarily, at the level of individual agents. However, the specific conflict between evolutionary biology and neo-Aristotelian ethics results from the latter’s constructive use of the concept of species and, in particular, of a teleological conception of a fully developed form of individual members of the species “ qua members of [the] species” (MacIntyre 1999: 64, 71; cf. Thompson 2008: 29; Foot 2001: 27). The characterisation of achieving that form as fulfilling a “function”, which helps the analogy with bodily organs and social roles, is frequently replaced in contemporary discussions by talk of “flourishing” (Aristotle’s eudaimonia ). Such talk more naturally suggests comparisons with the lives of other organisms (although Aristotle himself excludes other animals from eudaimonia ; cf. Nicomachean Ethics 1009b). The concept of flourishing in turn picks out biological—etymologically: botanical—processes, but again not of a sort that play a role in evolutionary theory. It also seems primarily predicated of individual organisms. It may play a role in ecology; it is, however, most clearly at home in practical applications of biological knowledge, as in horticulture. In this respect, it is comparable to the concept of health.

Neo-Aristotelians claim that to describe an organism, whether a plant or a non-human or human animal, as flourishing is to measure it against a standard that is specific to the species to which it belongs. To do so is to evaluate it as a more or less good “specimen of its species (or sub-species)” (Hursthouse 1999: 198). The key move is then to claim that moral evaluation is, “quite seriously” (Foot 2001: 16), evaluation of the same sort: just as a non-defective animal or plant exemplifies flourishing within the relevant species’ life form, someone who is morally good is someone who exemplifies human flourishing, i.e., the fully developed form of the species. This metaethical claim has provoked the worry as to whether such attributions to other organisms are really anything more than classifications, or at most evaluations of “stretched and deflated” kinds that are missing the key feature of authority that we require for genuine normativity (Lenman 2005: 46ff.).

Independently of questions concerning their theory of value, ethical Neo-Aristotelians need to respond to the question of how reference to a fully developed form of the species can survive the challenge from evolutionary theory. Three kinds of response may appear promising.

The first adverts to the plurality of forms of biological science, claiming that there are life sciences, such as physiology, botany, zoology and ethology in the context of which such evaluations have a place (Hursthouse 1999: 202; 2012: 172; MacIntyre 1999: 65). And if ethology can legitimately attribute not only characteristic features, but also defects or flourishing to species members, in spite of species not being natural kinds, then there is little reason why ethics shouldn’t do so too. This strategy might ground in one of the moves sketched in section 3.1 of this entry. It might be argued, with Kitcher and Dupré, that such attributions are legitimate in other branches of biological science because there is a plurality of species concepts, indeed of kinds of species, where these are relative to epistemic interests. Or the claim might simply rest on a difference in what is taken to be the relevant time frame, where temporal relevance is indexed relative to the present. In ethics we are, it might be claimed, interested in humans as they are “at the moment and for a few millennia back and for maybe not much longer in the future” (Hursthouse 2012: 171).

This move amounts to the concession that talk of “the human species” is not to be understood literally. Whether this concession undermines the ethical theories that use the term is perhaps unclear. It leaves open the possibility that, as human nature may change significantly, there may be significant changes in what it means for humans to flourish and therefore in what is ethically required. This might be seen as a virtue, rather than a vice of the view.

A second response to the challenge from evolutionary biology aims to draw metaphysical consequences from epistemic or semantic claims. Michael Thompson has argued that what he calls alternatively “the human life form” and “the human species” is an a priori category. Thompson substantiates this claim by examining forms of discourse touched on in section 3.2 , forms of discourse that are generally taken to be of mere heuristic importance for amateur practices of identification, viz. field guides or animal documentaries. Statements such as “The domestic cat has four legs, two eyes, two ears and guts in its belly”, are, Thompson claims, instances of an important kind of predication that is neither tensed nor quantifiable. He calls these “natural historical descriptions” or “Aristotelian categoricals” (Thompson 2008: 64ff.). Such generic claims are not, he argues, made false where what is predicated is less than universal, or even statistically rare. Decisively, according to Thompson, our access to the notion of the human life form is non-empirical. It is, he claims, a presupposition of understanding ourselves from the first-person perspective as breathing, eating or feeling pain (Thompson 2004: 66ff.). Thus understood, the concept is independent of biology and therefore, if coherent, immune to problems raised by the Darwinian challenge.

Like Foot and Hursthouse, Thompson thinks that his Aristotelian categoricals allow inferences to specific judgments that members of species are defective (Thompson 2004: 54ff.; 2008: 80). He admits that such judgments in the case of the human life form are likely to be fraught with difficulties, but nevertheless believes that judgments of (non-)defective realization of a life form are the model for ethical evaluation (Thompson 2004: 30, 81f.). It may seem unclear how this might be the case in view of the fact that access to the human life form is supposed to be given as a presupposition of using the concept of “I”. Another worry is that the everyday understanding on which Thompson draws may be nothing other than a branch of folk biology. The folk tendency to ascribe teleological essences to species, as to “races” and genders, is no indication of the reality of such essences (Lewens 2012: 469f.; Stotz & Griffiths 2018: 60ff.; cf. Pellegrin 1982 [1986: 16ff., 120] and Charles 2000: 343ff., 368, on Aristotle’s own orientation to the usage of “the people”).

A final response to evolutionary biologists’ worries aims equally to distinguish the Neo-Aristotelian account of human nature from that of the sciences. However, it does so not by introducing a special metaphysics of “life forms”, but by explicitly constructing an ethical concept of human nature. Martha Nussbaum argues that the notion of human nature in play in what she calls “Aristotelian essentialism” is, as she puts it, “internal and evaluative”. It is a hermeneutic product of “human” self-understanding, constructed from within our best ethical outlook: “an ethical theory of human nature”, she claims,

should force us to answer for ourselves, on the basis of our very own ethical judgment, the question which beings are fully human ones. (Nussbaum 1995: 121f.; cf. Nussbaum 1992: 212ff.; 2006: 181ff.; McDowell 1980 [1998: 18ff.]; Hursthouse 1999: 229; 2012: 174f.)

There can be no question here of moving from a biological “is” to an ethical “ought”; rather, which features are taken to belong to human nature is itself seen as the result of ethical deliberation. Such a conception maintains the claim that the key ethical standard is that of human flourishing. However, it is clear that what counts as flourishing can only be specified on the basis of ethical deliberation, understood as striving for reflective equilibrium (Nussbaum 2006: 352ff.). In view of such a methodological proposal, there is a serious question as to what work is precisely done by the concept of human nature.

Neo-Aristotelians vary in the extent to which they flesh out a conception of species-specific flourishing. Nussbaum draws up a comprehensive, open-ended catalogue of what she calls “the central human capacities”. These are in part picked out because of their vulnerability to undermining or support by political measures. They include both basic bodily needs and more specifically human capacities, such as for humour, play, autonomy and practical reason (Nussbaum 1992: 216ff.; 2006: 76ff.). Such a catalogue allows the setting of three thresholds, below which a human organism would not count as living a human life at all (anencephalic children, for instance), as living a fully human life or as living a good human life (Nussbaum 2006: 181). Nussbaum explicitly argues that being of human parents is insufficient for crossing the first, evaluatively set threshold. Her conception is partly intended to provide guidelines as to how societies should conceive disability and as to when it is appropriate to take political measures in order to enable agents with nonstandard physical or mental conditions to cross the second and third thresholds.

Nussbaum has been careful to insist that enabling independence, rather than providing care, should be the prime aim. Nevertheless, the structure of an account that insists on a “species norm”, below which humans lacking certain capacities count as less than fully flourishing, has prompted accusations of illiberality. According to the complaint, it disrespects the right of members of, for example, deaf communities to set the standards for their own forms of life (Glackin 2016: 320ff.).

Other accounts of species-specific flourishing have been considerably more abstract. According to Hursthouse, plants flourish when their parts and operations are well suited to the ends of individual survival and continuance of the species. In social animals, flourishing also tends to involve characteristic pleasure and freedom from pain, and a contribution to appropriate functioning of relevant social groups (Hursthouse 1999: 197ff.). The good of human character traits conducive to pursuit of these four ends is transformed, Hursthouse claims, by the addition of “rationality”. As a result, humans flourish when they do what they correctly take themselves to have reason to do—under the constraint that they do not thereby cease to foster the four ends set for other social animals (Hursthouse 1999: 222ff.). Impersonal benevolence is, for example, because of this constraint, unlikely to be a virtue. In such an ethical outlook, what particular agents have reason to do is the primary standard; it just seems to be applied under particular constraints. A key question is thus whether the content of this primary standard is really determined by the notion of species-specific flourishing.

Where Hursthouse’s account builds up to, and attempts to provide a “natural” framework for, the traditional Aristotelian ergon of reason, MacIntyre builds his account around the claim that flourishing specific to the human “species” is essentially a matter of becoming an “independent practical reasoner” (MacIntyre 1999: 67ff.). It is because of the central importance of reasoning that, although human flourishing shares certain preconditions with the flourishing, say, of dolphins, it is also vulnerable in specific ways. MacIntyre argues that particular kinds of social practices enable the development of human reasoning capacities and that, because independent practical reasoning is, paradoxically, at core cooperatively developed and structured, the general aim of human flourishing is attained by participation in networks in local communities (MacIntyre 1999: 108). “Independent practical reasoners” are “dependent rational animals”. MacIntyre’s account thus makes room on an explanatory level for the evolutionary insight that humans can only become rational in a socio-cultural context which provides scaffolding for the development and exercise of rationality ( §4 ). Normatively, however, this point is subordinated to the claim that, from the point of view of participation in the contemporary human life form, flourishing corresponds to the traditional slogan.

MacIntyre, Hursthouse and Nussbaum (Nussbaum 2006: 159f.) all aim to locate the human capacity for reasoning within a framework that encompasses other animals. Each argues that, although the capacities to recognise reasons as reasons and for deliberation on their basis transform the needs and abilities humans share with other animals, the reasons in question remain in some way dependent on humans’ embodied and social form of life. This emphasis is intended to distinguish an Aristotelian approach from other approaches for which the capacity to evaluate reasons for action as reasons and to distance oneself from ones desires is also the “central difference” between humans and other animals (Korsgaard 2006: 104; 2018: 38ff.; cf. MacIntyre 1999: 71ff.). According to Korsgaard’s Kantian interpretation of Aristotle’s ergon argument, humans cannot act without taking a normative stand on whether their desires provide them with reasons to act. This she takes to be the key structural feature of their life, which brings with it “a whole new way of functioning well or badly” (Korsgaard 2018: 48; cf. 1996: 93). In such an account, “human nature” is monistically understood as this one structural feature which is so transformative that the concept of life applicable to organisms that instantiate it is no longer that applicable to organisms that don’t. Only “humans” live their lives, because only they possess the type of intentional control over their bodily movements that grounds in evaluation of their actions and self-evaluation as agents (Korsgaard 2006: 118; 2008: 141ff.; cf. Plessner 1928 [1975: 309f.]).

We have arrived at an interpretation of the traditional slogan that cuts it off from a metaphysics with any claims to be “naturalistic”. The claim now is that the structural effect of the capacity for reasoning transforms those features of humans that they share with other animals so thoroughly that those features pale into insignificance. What is “natural” about the capacity for reasoning for humans here is its unavoidability for contemporary members of the species, at least for those without serious mental disabilities. Such assertions also tend to shade into normative claims that discount the normative status of “animal” needs in view of the normative authority of human reasoning (cf. McDowell 1996 [1998: 172f.]).

The most radical version of this thought leads to the claim encountered towards the end of section 1.4 : that talk of “human nature” involves no essential reference at all to the species Homo sapiens or to the hominin lineage. According to this view, the kind to which contemporary humans belong is a kind to which entities could also belong who have no genealogical relationship to humans. That kind is the kind of entities that act and believe in accordance with the reasons they take themselves to have. Aliens, synthetically created agents and angels are further candidates for membership in the kind, which would, unlike biological taxa, be spatiotemporally unrestricted. The traditional term for the kind, as employed by Aquinas and Kant, is “person” (cf. Hull 1986: 9).

Roger Scruton has recently taken this line, arguing that persons can only be adequately understood in terms of a web of concepts inapplicable to other animals, concepts whose applicability grounds in an essential moral dimension of the personal life form. The concepts pick out components of a life form that is permeated by relationships of responsibility, as expressed in reactive attitudes such as indignation, guilt and gratitude. Such emotions he takes to involve a demand for accountability, and as such to be exclusive to the personal life form, not variants of animal emotions (Scruton 2017: 52). As a result, he claims, they situate their bearers in some sense “outside the natural order” (Scruton 2017: 26). According to such an account, we should embrace a methodological dualism with respect to humans: as animals, they are subject to the same kinds of biological explanations as all other organisms, but as persons, they are subject to explanations that are radically different in kind. These are explanations in terms of reasons and meanings, that is, exercises in “Verstehen”, whose applicability Scruton takes to be independent of causal explanation (Scruton 2017: 30ff., 46).

Such an account demonstrates with admirable clarity that there is no necessary connection between a theory of “human nature” and metaphysical naturalism. It also reinforces the fact, emphasised throughout this entry, that discussions of “human nature” require both serious conceptual spadework and explicit justification of the use of any one such concept rather than another.

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Library of Congress Catalog Data: ISSN 1095-5054

Greater Good Science Center • Magazine • In Action • In Education

What Happens When We Reconnect With Nature

Humans have long intuited that being in nature is good for the mind and body. From indigenous adolescents completing rites of passage in the wild, to modern East Asian cultures taking “forest baths,” many have looked to nature as a place for healing and personal growth.

Why nature? No one knows for sure; but one hypothesis derived from evolutionary biologist E. O. Wilson’s “ biophilia ” theory suggests that there are evolutionary reasons people seek out nature experiences. We may have preferences to be in beautiful, natural spaces because they are resource-rich environments—ones that provide optimal food, shelter, and comfort. These evolutionary needs may explain why children are drawn to natural environments and why we prefer nature to be part of our architecture.

Now, a large body of research is documenting the positive impacts of nature on human flourishing—our social, psychological, and emotional life. Over 100 studies have shown that being in nature, living near nature, or even viewing nature in paintings and videos can have positive impacts on our brains, bodies, feelings, thought processes, and social interactions. In particular, viewing nature seems to be inherently rewarding, producing a cascade of position emotions and calming our nervous systems. These in turn help us to cultivate greater openness, creativity, connection, generosity, and resilience.

In other words, science suggests we may seek out nature not only for our physical survival, but because it’s good for our social and personal well-being.

How nature helps us feel good and do good

The naturalist John Muir once wrote about the Sierra Nevada Mountains of California: “We are now in the mountains and they are in us, kindling enthusiasm, making every nerve quiver, filling every pore and cell of us.” Clearly, he found nature’s awe-inspiring imagery a positive, emotive experience.

But what does the science say? Several studies have looked at how viewing awe-inspiring nature imagery in photos and videos impacts emotions and behavior. For example, in one study participants either viewed a few minutes of the inspiring documentary Planet Earth , a neutral video from a news program, or funny footage from Walk on the Wild Side . Watching a few minutes of Planet Earth led people to feel 46 percent more awe and 31 percent more gratitude than those in the other groups. This study and others like it tell us that even brief nature videos are a powerful way to feel awe , wonder, gratitude , and reverence—all positive emotions known to lead to increased well-being and physical health.

Positive emotions have beneficial effects upon social processes, too—like increasing trust, cooperation, and closeness with others. Since viewing nature appears to trigger positive emotions, it follows that nature likely has favorable effects on our social well-being.

This has been robustly confirmed in research on the benefits of living near green spaces. Most notably, the work of Frances Kuo and her colleagues finds that in poorer neighborhoods of Chicago people who live near green spaces—lawns, parks, trees—show reductions in ADHD symptoms and greater calm, as well as a stronger sense of connection to neighbors, more civility, and less violence in their neighborhoods. A later analysis confirmed that green spaces tend to have less crime.

Viewing nature in images and videos seems to shift our sense of self, diminishing the boundaries between self and others, which has implications for social interactions. In one study , participants who spent a minute looking up into a beautiful stand of eucalyptus trees reported feeling less entitled and self-important. Even simply viewing Planet Earth for five minutes led participants to report a greater sense that their concerns were insignificant and that they themselves were part of something larger compared with groups who had watched neutral or funny clips.

Need a dose of nature?

A version of this essay was produced in conjunction with the BBC's newly released Planet Earth II : an awe-inspiring tour of the world from the viewpoint of animals.

Several studies have also found that viewing nature in images or videos leads to greater “prosocial” tendencies—generosity, cooperation, and kindness. One illustrative study found that people who simply viewed 10 slides of really beautiful nature (as opposed to less beautiful nature) gave more money to a stranger in an economic game widely used to measure trust.

All of these findings raise the intriguing possibility that, by increasing positive emotions, experiencing nature even in brief doses leads to more kind and altruistic behavior.

How nature helps our health

Besides boosting happiness, positive emotion, and kindness, exposure to nature may also have physical and mental health benefits.

The benefits of nature on health and well-being have been well-documented in different European and Asian cultures. While Kuo’s evidence suggests a particular benefit for those from nature-deprived communities in the United States, the health and wellness benefits of immersion in nature seem to generalize across all different class and ethnic backgrounds.

Why is nature so healing? One possibility is that having access to nature—either by living near it or viewing it—reduces stress. In a study by Catharine Ward Thompson and her colleagues, the people who lived near larger areas of green space reported less stress and showed greater declines in cortisol levels over the course of the day.

In another study , participants who viewed a one-minute video of awesome nature rather than a video that made them feel happy reported feeling as though they had enough time “to get things done” and did not feel that “their lives were slipping away.” And studies have found that people who report feeling a good deal of awe and wonder and an awareness of the natural beauty around them actually show lower levels of a biomarker (IL-6) that could lead to a decreased likelihood of cardiovascular disease, depression, and autoimmune disease.

Though the research is less well-documented in this area than in some others, the results to date are promising. One early study by Roger Ulrich found that patients recovered faster from cardiovascular surgery when they had a view of nature out of a window, for example.

A more recent review of studies looking at different kinds of nature immersion—natural landscapes during a walk, views from a window, pictures and videos, and flora and fauna around residential or work environments—showed that nature experiences led to reduced stress, easier recovery from illness, better physical well-being in elderly people, and behavioral changes that improve mood and general well-being.

Why we need nature

All of these findings converge on one conclusion: Being close to nature or viewing nature improves our well-being. The question still remains…how?

There is no question that being in nature—or even viewing nature pictures—reduces the physiological symptoms of stress in our bodies. What this means is that we are less likely to be anxious and fearful in nature, and thereby we can be more open to other people and to creative patterns of thought.

Also, nature often induces awe, wonder, and reverence, all emotions known to have a variety of benefits, promoting everything from well-being and altruism to humility to health.

There is also some evidence that exposure to nature impacts the brain. Viewing natural beauty (in the form of landscape paintings and video, at least) activates specific reward circuits in the brain associated with dopamine release that give us a sense of purpose, joy, and energy to pursue our goals.

But, regrettably, people seem to be spending less time outdoors and less time immersed in nature than before. It is also clear that, in the past 30 years, people’s levels of stress and sense of “busyness” have risen dramatically. These converging forces have led environmental writer Richard Louv to coin the term “ nature deficit disorder ”—a form of suffering that comes from a sense of disconnection from nature and its powers.

Perhaps we should take note and try a course corrective. The 19th century philosopher Ralph Waldo Emerson once wrote about nature, “There I feel that nothing can befall me in life—no disgrace, no calamity (leaving me my eyes), which nature cannot repair.” The science speaks to Emerson’s intuition. It’s time to realize nature is more than just a material resource. It’s also a pathway to human health and happiness.

About the Authors

Kristophe Green

Uc berkeley.

Kristophe Green is a senior Psychology major at UC Berkeley. He is fascinated with the study of positive emotions and how they inform pro-social behavior such as empathy, altruism and compassion.

Dacher Keltner

Dacher Keltner, Ph.D. , is the founding director of the Greater Good Science Center and a professor of psychology at the University of California, Berkeley. He is the author of The Power Paradox: How We Gain and Lose Influence and Born to Be Good , and a co-editor of The Compassionate Instinct .

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A Summary and Analysis of Ralph Waldo Emerson’s ‘Nature’

By Dr Oliver Tearle (Loughborough University)

‘Nature’ is an 1836 essay by the American writer and thinker Ralph Waldo Emerson (1803-82). In this essay, Emerson explores the relationship between nature and humankind, arguing that if we approach nature with a poet’s eye, and a pure spirit, we will find the wonders of nature revealed to us.

You can read ‘Nature’ in full here . Below, we summarise Emerson’s argument and offer an analysis of its meaning and context.

Emerson begins his essay by defining nature, in philosophical terms, as anything that is not our individual souls. So our bodies, as well as all of the natural world, but also all of the world of art and technology, too, are ‘nature’ in this philosophical sense of the world. He urges his readers not to rely on tradition or history to help them to understand the world: instead, they should look to nature and the world around them.

In the first chapter, Emerson argues that nature is never ‘used up’ when the right mind examines it: it is a source of boundless curiosity. No man can own the landscape: it belongs, if it belongs to anyone at all, to ‘the poet’. Emerson argues that when a man returns to nature he can rediscover his lost youth, that wide-eyed innocence he had when he went among nature as a boy.

Emerson states that when he goes among nature, he becomes a ‘transparent eyeball’ because he sees nature but is himself nothing: he has been absorbed or subsumed into nature and, because God made nature, God himself. He feels a deep kinship and communion with all of nature. He acknowledges that our view of nature depends on our own mood, and that the natural world reflects the mood we are feeling at the time.

In the second chapter, Emerson focuses on ‘commodity’: the name he gives to all of the advantages which our senses owe to nature. Emerson draws a parallel with the ‘useful arts’ which have built houses and steamships and whole towns: these are the man-made equivalents of the natural world, in that both nature and the ‘arts’ are designed to provide benefit and use to mankind.

The third chapter then turns to ‘beauty’, and the beauty of nature comprises several aspects, which Emerson outlines. First, the beauty of nature is a restorative : seeing the sky when we emerge from a day’s work can restore us to ourselves and make us happy again. The human eye is the best ‘artist’ because it perceives and appreciates this beauty so keenly. Even the countryside in winter possesses its own beauty.

The second aspect of beauty Emerson considers is the spiritual element. Great actions in history are often accompanied by a beautiful backdrop provided by nature. The third aspect in which nature should be viewed is its value to the human intellect . Nature can help to inspire people to create and invent new things. Everything in nature is a representation of a universal harmony and perfection, something greater than itself.

In his fourth chapter, Emerson considers the relationship between nature and language. Our language is often a reflection of some natural state: for instance, the word right literally means ‘straight’, while wrong originally denoted something ‘twisted’. But we also turn to nature when we wish to use language to reflect a ‘spiritual fact’: for example, that a lamb symbolises innocence, or a fox represents cunning. Language represents nature, therefore, and nature in turn represents some spiritual truth.

Emerson argues that ‘the whole of nature is a metaphor of the human mind.’ Many great principles of the physical world are also ethical or moral axioms: for example, ‘the whole is greater than its part’.

In the fifth chapter, Emerson turns his attention to nature as a discipline . Its order can teach us spiritual and moral truths, but it also puts itself at the service of mankind, who can distinguish and separate (for instance, using water for drinking but wool for weaving, and so on). There is a unity in nature which means that every part of it corresponds to all of the other parts, much as an individual art – such as architecture – is related to the others, such as music or religion.

The sixth chapter is devoted to idealism . How can we sure nature does actually exist, and is not a mere product within ‘the apocalypse of the mind’, as Emerson puts it? He believes it doesn’t make any practical difference either way (but for his part, Emerson states that he believes God ‘never jests with us’, so nature almost certainly does have an external existence and reality).

Indeed, we can determine that we are separate from nature by changing out perspective in relation to it: for example, by bending down and looking between our legs, observing the landscape upside down rather than the way we usually view it. Emerson quotes from Shakespeare to illustrate how poets can draw upon nature to create symbols which reflect the emotions of the human soul. Religion and ethics, by contrast, degrade nature by viewing it as lesser than divine or moral truth.

Next, in the seventh chapter, Emerson considers nature and the spirit . Spirit, specifically the spirit of God, is present throughout nature. In his eighth and final chapter, ‘Prospects’, Emerson argues that we need to contemplate nature as a whole entity, arguing that ‘a dream may let us deeper into the secret of nature than a hundred concerted experiments’ which focus on more local details within nature.

Emerson concludes by arguing that in order to detect the unity and perfection within nature, we must first perfect our souls. ‘He cannot be a naturalist until he satisfies all the demands of the spirit’, Emerson urges. Wisdom means finding the miraculous within the common or everyday. He then urges the reader to build their own world, using their spirit as the foundation. Then the beauty of nature will reveal itself to us.

In a number of respects, Ralph Waldo Emerson puts forward a radically new attitude towards our relationship with nature. For example, although we may consider language to be man-made and artificial, Emerson demonstrates that the words and phrases we use to describe the world are drawn from our observation of nature. Nature and the human spirit are closely related, for Emerson, because they are both part of ‘the same spirit’: namely, God. Although we are separate from nature – or rather, our souls are separate from nature, as his prefatory remarks make clear – we can rediscover the common kinship between us and the world.

Emerson wrote ‘Nature’ in 1836, not long after Romanticism became an important literary, artistic, and philosophical movement in Europe and the United States. Like Wordsworth and the Romantics before him, Emerson argues that children have a better understanding of nature than adults, and when a man returns to nature he can rediscover his lost youth, that wide-eyed innocence he had when he went among nature as a boy.

And like Wordsworth, Emerson argued that to understand the world, we should go out there and engage with it ourselves, rather than relying on books and tradition to tell us what to think about it. In this connection, one could undertake a comparative analysis of Emerson’s ‘Nature’ and Wordsworth’s pair of poems ‘ Expostulation and Reply ’ and ‘ The Tables Turned ’, the former of which begins with a schoolteacher rebuking Wordsworth for sitting among nature rather than having his nose buried in a book:

‘Why, William, on that old gray stone, ‘Thus for the length of half a day, ‘Why, William, sit you thus alone, ‘And dream your time away?

‘Where are your books?—that light bequeathed ‘To beings else forlorn and blind! ‘Up! up! and drink the spirit breathed ‘From dead men to their kind.

Similarly, for Emerson, the poet and the dreamer can get closer to the true meaning of nature than scientists because they can grasp its unity by viewing it holistically, rather than focusing on analysing its rock formations or other more local details. All of this is in keeping with the philosophy of Transcendentalism , that nineteenth-century movement which argued for a kind of spiritual thinking instead of scientific thinking based narrowly on material things.

Emerson, along with Henry David Thoreau, was the most famous writer to belong to the Transcendentalist movement, and ‘Nature’ is fundamentally a Transcendentalist essay, arguing for an intuitive and ‘poetic’ engagement with nature in the round rather than a coldly scientific or empirical analysis of its component parts.

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Relationship Between Human And Nature (Essay Sample)

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Humans and nature have a life-long relationship. This particular relation is as old as mankind itself. There was a time when nature and humans peacefully co-excited together in complete harmony but not anymore. Nature provided us with food, shelter, and everything else that we required but things changed drastically. For the past three centuries, humans have started to destroy nature. Diesel engines, smoke chimneys, factory waste, deforestation, nuclear waste, and whatnot are destroying the human relationship with nature. Nature is not just silent to all this, it has responded with global warming, wildfires, floods like a tsunami, and a rise in sea levels. In this essay, we will discuss events that led to this bad relationship between humans and nature.

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Table of Contents

Relationship Between Human And Environment Essay- 700 Word Long Essay

Humans and the environment have a centuries-long relationship with each other. For countless centuries mankind has peacefully coexisted and benefited from everything provided by nature. Mother nature on the other hand has been very kind to shower us with all its blessings. It has provided mankind with food, shelter, and all necessities of life without ever asking anything in return. For all these centuries human beings also cared for nature until the invention of diesel engines and large-scale factories that polluted the environment. In this essay, I will discuss how the relationship between humans and the environment is progressing after all this time.

Population explosion is the biggest factor that negatively affects the relationship between humans and the environment. Because of the rapid human population growth, the requirement for resources also increased by many folds. This huge population size created an imbalance and scarcity of resources. To fulfill growing demands for resources large-scale factories and production units were set up. These factories, chimneys, the petroleum industry, the textile industry, and whatnot released all the poisonous waste into the environment. These factories are exploiting nature and playing with human well-being by polluting the natural world.

Technological advancements, modernization, and economic growth have led humans away from mother nature. Modern society has seen an increase in demand for natural systems and natural materials changing the human perception of nature. Humans no longer respect, love, and value nature as they just exploit it for their own benefits. The bond of love and affection between humans and the environment is no longer there. These increased distances have negatively affected our mental health and psychological well-being. Deforestation has caused a major climate change which has led to global warming but humans continue to cut all trees without planting new ones.

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Humans are strong and smart enough to dominate the world, but they still can’t survive without natural resources. Nature was a silent watcher for all these centuries but now it has struck back. Humankind suffers because of the destruction of nature and is forced to withstand harsh temperatures due to deforestation. Global warming, sea-level rise, heatwaves, flooding, and wildfires are some signs from nature that we need to stop harming our environment.

The natural life that includes animals and other species has improved their nature relationship. In all these centuries every living thing other than human beings has strived towards achieving sustainability. They have learned how to survive with limited resources by providing benefits to the natural environment. These species created a strong relationship with nature and played their part to improve human health. Whenever they use any natural resource they add value to the environment. Humans should learn from all other species to avoid environmental disasters.

In conclusion, just like many animal species are now distant because of overhunting, natural resources are also depleting every day. Everyone should be taught to love and respect nature to improve the relationship between humans and the environment. If things continue like this we won’t be able to survive on planet earth.

Short Essay On Relation Between Human And Nature – 300 Word Short Custom Essay

Humans and nature share a life-long relationship. They have been in a relationship since the first man laid food on earth. The human-nature relationship is ever-evolving and changing but for the last two centuries, it has just gotten worse. The main reason for this negative change is that humans no longer love and respect nature. The digital age has made humans lazy, now they only exploit nature for their benefit. In this short essay, I will discuss why this relationship is worsening with each passing day.

Population explosion is the main culprit behind environmental pollution. The increased demand for resources has led to the establishment of factories, mills, industries, and even nuclear reactors. All this poisonous waste is released in the sea, air, and water that destroys everything nature has blessed us with. Humans also destroy natural resources like trees and don’t care about achieving a sustainable future. Deforestation has caused climate change and a lack of fresh air. This climate change is responsible for global warming and flooding.

After all these centuries of peacefully coexisting the nature has finally struck back. Humans now face the threat of natural disasters like heat waves, rising sea levels, wildfires, and ozone depletion challenges. Humans are also running out of fossil fuels and social capital that played a vital role in the progress of humanity.

During human evolution and human development, we all shared a bond of love and affection with nature. Our social development and social relationships have destroyed the natural relationship of love with the environment. Humans nowadays are constantly developing alternative ways of coping with nature. We are forced to contend with the changing patterns of weather, and other natural processes all because we don’t respect nature anymore.

In conclusion, to preserve our relationship with nature, we must launch a social movement and raise awareness to promote green space. We should raise awareness among kids so that they can learn to respect nature as this is the only way to redeem ourselves in the eyes of mother nature.

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FAQ About Relationship Between Human and Natural World Essay

Why is human connection to nature important.

The human connection to nature is very important because this way we can start to love and respect nature like we did 2-3 centuries before. This bond with nature is the only way to restore our connection with nature.

What Is The Difference Between Human And Natural Environments?

Humans and the natural environment are two different entities. Humans can’t survive without nature but nature can still survive without humans.

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Front Psychol

Editorial: One Health: The Well-being Impacts of Human-Nature Relationships

Eric brymer.

1 Australian College of Applied Psychology, Sydney, NSW, Australia

Elizabeth Freeman

2 Psychology, Sociology & Politics, Sheffield Hallam University, Sheffield, United Kingdom

Miles Richardson

3 Human Sciences Research Centre, University of Derby, Derby, United Kingdom

This special edition responds to two interrelated issues confronting humanity today: the health and well-being of populations and the state of the natural environment. Mental Health disorders are on the rise across the world. A report commissioned by Lancet in 2018 estimated that 1.1 billion people are currently affected by adverse mental health issues (Chandra and Chand, 2018 ; Frankish et al., 2018 ). At the same time, the planet is being pushed to its limits from the effects of climate change and there is an ongoing biological annihilation (Ceballos et al., 2017 ). The implications of these issues are not only financial; they threaten the future of human civilization itself (Ceballos et al., 2017 ) as it depends upon the Earth's natural systems (Whitmee et al., 2015 ). It is now vital that governments, policy makers and practitioners across all sectors focus efforts on improving the human-nature relationship. Recognition of the importance of finding ways to improve the human relationship with the rest of nature for the well-being of people and the wider natural world is now international and reflected in responses to the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (goal 3) (Chandra and Chand, 2018 ; Peacock and Brymer, 2019 ; Parsons et al., 2019 ; Sharma-Brymer and Brymer, 2019 ), “One Health” models of human, environmental and wildlife health (Rabinowitz et al., 2018 ) and clinical ecology (Nelson et al., 2019 ).

Some argue that globalization, the rise in technology, population growth, and the perceived diminution of nature's worth for human psychological, emotional and physical health has caused a disconnect between humanity and the rest of nature. As this disconnect continues and potentially grows, the prospects of achieving human well-being within the dominant economic development paradigm weakens. Vital alternative, sustainable, and integrated development paradigms are being developed that aim to re-address the balance between the human system and the Earth system (Rockström, 2015 ). Fortunately, research in this area continues to grow and we know a great deal more about the human-nature relationship, its benefits and ways to improve it (e.g., Lumber et al., 2017 ) than we did just a few years ago. The articles in this special edition clearly demonstrate this and provide hope that we will find a better way to relate to the rest of the natural world and consequently to ourselves.

It is now clear that the responsibility for mapping out the future for human health is not merely an issue for medicine and allied health. Perhaps more than any other issue affecting humanity, the future for the health of people and planet depends on multiple disciplines working together. This special edition reflects this notion with perspectives and evidence drawn from psychology, sport science, public health, environmental studies, biology, social science, forestry, education, occupational health, information technology, built environments, pharmaceutical and medical sciences, zoology, tourism, and philosophy. Researchers herald from the UK, Australia, United States, Finland, Norway, France, and Austria providing a wide, inclusive and multidisciplinary insight to this research area.

All of the papers argue that the human-nature relationship is an important one, one to understand, enhance, and protect. Human health and well-being benefits range from those that enhance flourishing and thriving to those where nature interactions protect against the onset of illness, to those where nature is an effective intervention for ill health. The contexts explored in this special edition are equally diverse and include the workplace ( Hyvönen et al. ), semi-natural or urban green spaces ( Pasanen et al. ; Wood et al. ; Tracey et al. ; Roe et al. ) as well as wilder contexts ( Niedermeier et al. ), which all found nature experiences in these contexts beneficial to improving well-being. Importantly, Barnes et al. ; Roe et al. ; Schebella et al. and Wood et al. provide wider evidence of the link between the natural environment, biodiversity and well-being, and Hyvönen et al. show that nature should be included in models of workplace well-being. Additionally, there is recognition of the challenges of accessing nature and research on the use of nature-based guided imagery ( Nguyen and Brymer ) and simulations of natural scenes ( Wooller et al. ; Calogiuri et al. ) find they are effective anxiety and stress management interventions. Roe et al. highlight well, highlight well, however, the need to understand the complexities of stress-management arguing that age and other demographic variables are important to consider.

The special issue supports and notes (e.g., Barnes et al. ) the growing evidence that nature is good for well-being. The issue presents specific interventions (e.g., Nguyen and Brymer ) and nature as a therapeutic environment ( Tracey et al .). However, Barnes et al. and Summers and Vivian show how nature is still an unrecognized health resource despite evidence of the benefits from numerous sources, including large scale national campaigns such as 30 Days Wild which benefits well-being by improving nature connectedness ( Richardson and McEwan ).

We also see different concepts, theories and therapies considered in attempts to better understand and work with nature. For example, Schweitzer et al. argue that phenomenological and psychoanalytic perspectives offer a richness to understanding experiences, finding that nature is an integral part of the sense of self among people who considered nature as essential to their health and well-being. Stoic and Buddhist traditions are considered by Fabjanski and Brymer who argue mindful attention to natural patterns and rhythms, cognitive interventions and deconstructing and relinquishing anthropomorphic perceptions are key aspects to how nature enhances health and well-being. Acceptance and Commitment Therapy (ACT) was also combined with Adventure Therapy (AT) to explore ways of promoting the well-being of children “at-risk” ( Tracey et al .). A review of Ecotherapy ( Summers and Vivian ) highlights the role of human-ecosystems interaction as a therapeutic device claiming that nature provides a service that is undervalued in ecological literature.

Evidence in this special edition, alongside an increasingly vast array of published work, seems to support a push for a health service built around the integration of human experience with nature (Natural England, 2009 ), and the need to improve and diversify nature-based provision for social prescribing to suit different contexts, preferences, resources and needs. Caution is rightly encouraged though by van Heezik and Brymer who question the prevalent use of nature as a commodity and reveal the often brushed aside tensions between human-nature relationship work and the need to protect the very thing that keeps us healthy. Often such challenging topics are avoided. Wood et al. and Schebella et al. , demonstrate further why such questioning is so essential when they showed that biodiversity underpinned people's choice of favorite places and their perceptions of restorative impacts. Challenges also still exist in understanding mechanisms underpinning the well-being benefits of human-nature relationship (though some research is edging closer e.g., Richardson and McEwan ; Lawton et al. ) which reflect the need to move beyond the limitations exposed when examining traditional and well-established theories, such as Attention Restoration Theory and Biophilia.

Crucially, we need to understand more about how we can both enhance well-being through nature exposure and experiences, and become stewards of nature, working toward protecting it more effectively, and allowing nature to also flourish—developing a closer, connected relationship with the rest of the natural world. Continuing research in this area in an interdisciplinary and trans-disciplinary way is therefore vital. All too often researchers work within the safety of their own disciplines. Pioneers within this specialism should demonstrate (more often) how to work together across disciplines and showcase the fruits of their work widely and in ways that can be applied.

Despite the breadth of evidence, nature based solutions remain inexplicably absent from the dominant models of health, health behavior change (e.g., Gritti, 2017 ) and workplace well-being (Richardson et al., 2017 ). Yet this special issue presents clear evidence of the benefits of human embeddedness within the natural world (e.g., papers by Fabjanski and Brymer and Schweitzer et al. ) and the importance of moving forward with a multidisciplinary approach. Both these perspectives (embeddedness and multidisciplinary work) can be seen to underpin the benefits, for example, of nature-based exercise ( Wooller et al. ) and engagement with nature's beauty ( Richardson and McEwan ). Research in this special edition demonstrates that the human-nature relationship as it pertains to health and well-being is clearly more nuanced than traditionally understood. How this relationship provides for such a broad impact on psychological health, including increased flourishing and decreases in a broad array of mental illness, needs further exploration. However, what seems clear is that much depends on understanding the relationship between activity, individual characteristics and environmental characteristics.

Future research should focus on two areas. Firstly, there is no human well-being without nature's well-being, and the threats to biodiversity, wildlife and the living planet are present and severe. In order to maximize the opportunities for both humans and nature to thrive, further research is needed to understand how the human-nature relationship works and following on from this, how best to improve the human-nature relationship. This will require investigations that recognize and explore the complexities of the human-nature relationship, acknowledge the role of meaning and meaning-making (Freeman et al., 2016 ; Freeman and Akhurst, 2018 ) and respond to this call for further research in a nuanced manner, avoiding reductionist or narrow tendencies. The continuation of interdisciplinary collaboration is therefore vital. Future research that provides a deeper understanding of the human-nature relationship has the potential to aid the development and improvement of these broader efforts. The continuation of current funding that supports these research needs and the expansion of funding opportunities in this area are therefore needed if current crises in health, mental health and our planetary future are to be addressed.

Secondly, there is an urgent need to find ways to improve the human-nature relationship through interventions, campaigns ( Richardson and McEwan ), activities, curricula, green infrastructure and urban design. Bringing together artists, planners, designers, and researchers to create places that afford a connection to nature. Such research should go beyond understanding to application, creating accessible and effective tools for practitioners from all aspects of human-environment interaction to address the human-nature relationship. An exemplar and catalyst for this movement is provided in the recommendations below.

Recommendations

There will always be a need for further research and understanding, but owing to the crises in well-being and biodiversity a new relationship with nature, where nature and well-being are central determinants of human development, is needed now. Therefore, the research in the special issue can be distilled into a number of recommendations that recognize the importance of human-nature relationships for both human and nature's well-being:

Everyday experiences of nature matter. Provide green spaces, close to home and work, with opportunities and prompts for people across the lifespan to notice nature and its beauty. See Richardson and McEwan and Roe et al.
Encourage a broader range of seasonal experiences in nature, of various durations, at various times and calling on insight from a range of approaches to human-nature relationships (e.g., Stoic and Buddhist Traditions; nature connectedness). See Barnes et al. ; Fabjanski and Brymer ; and Richardson and McEwan .
Provide habitats for a variety of wildlife. Biodiversity matters for human health. Micro-variables such as birds, plants, wildlife, and native species create a bond between people and natural places. See van Heezik and Brymer and Schebella et al.
Activity in natural environments is good and better than in other environments. Provide opportunities to encourage walking and exercise in nature in residential and work contexts. Compared to indoor exercise there are additive benefits of a closer relationship with nature and reduced anxiety. See Lawton et al. ; Wooller et al. ; Hyvönen et al. ; and Niedermeier et al.
Provide nature based therapeutic environments. See Tracey et al. and Summers and Vivian
For those with limited access to nature, provide imagery and VR alternatives. See Nguyen and Brymer and Calogiuri et al.

Together the articles in this special issue provide one bounded example of how interdisciplinary approaches to appreciating the nuances involved in uniting human and planetary health can help rethink the human-nature relationship and inform the international need for a perspective that positively impacts on the well-being of human beings and our planet. The evidence is clear; the well-being of future populations and the planet depends on a cross sector commitment and an authentic desire to refocus political and practical efforts on effective human-nature relationships.

Author Contributions

All authors listed have made a substantial, direct and intellectual contribution to the work, and approved it for publication.

Conflict of Interest Statement

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

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Essay on Nature

Here we have shared the Essay on Nature in detail so you can use it in your exam or assignment of 150, 250, 400, 500, or 1000 words.

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Essay on Nature in 150-250 words

Essay on nature in 300-450 words, essay on nature in 500-1000 words.

Nature is a precious gift that surrounds us, encompassing the world’s landscapes, ecosystems, and living beings. It is a source of immense beauty, inspiration, and solace. From towering mountains to vast oceans, lush forests to serene meadows, nature provides us with breathtaking sights and a sense of awe.

Nature is not only visually captivating but also essential for our survival and well-being. It sustains life by providing clean air, fresh water, and fertile soil. It is home to a diverse array of plants and animals, each playing a vital role in maintaining ecological balance.

Furthermore, spending time in nature has numerous benefits for our physical and mental health. It rejuvenates our spirits, reduces stress, and enhances our overall well-being. Immersing ourselves in nature’s tranquility allows us to disconnect from the fast-paced world and reconnect with our inner selves.

However, human activities have taken a toll on nature. Deforestation, pollution, and climate change threaten the delicate balance of ecosystems and the survival of countless species. It is our responsibility to protect and conserve nature for future generations.

Appreciating nature’s beauty and recognizing its significance is crucial. We must strive to live in harmony with nature, practicing sustainable lifestyles and preserving natural resources. By valuing and respecting nature, we can ensure its preservation and continue to enjoy its countless gifts.

In conclusion, nature is a precious and awe-inspiring entity that sustains life and provides solace and inspiration. It is essential for our physical and mental well-being. As stewards of the Earth, it is our responsibility to protect and conserve nature, ensuring its preservation for future generations to cherish and enjoy.

Nature is a magnificent and awe-inspiring gift that surrounds us, encompassing the diverse landscapes, ecosystems, and living beings that make up our planet. From the majestic mountains to the serene lakes, from the vibrant forests to the vast oceans, nature captivates us with its beauty, power, and serenity.

Nature provides us with numerous benefits and is essential for our survival and well-being. It is the source of clean air, freshwater, and fertile soil that sustains life on Earth. The intricate web of ecosystems, comprising plants, animals, and microorganisms, works together to maintain the delicate balance of nature.

Beyond its practical importance, nature has a profound impact on our physical and mental health. Spending time in nature has been shown to reduce stress, improve mood, and enhance overall well-being. The sight of a breathtaking sunset, the sound of waves crashing on the shore, or the touch of grass beneath our feet can have a soothing and therapeutic effect, allowing us to reconnect with ourselves and find solace in the beauty of the natural world.

Unfortunately, human activities have had a detrimental impact on nature. Deforestation, pollution, climate change, and habitat destruction threaten the delicate balance of ecosystems and the survival of countless species. It is imperative that we recognize the urgency of preserving and protecting nature for future generations.

Conservation and sustainable practices are vital for ensuring the continued well-being of our planet. We must strive to live in harmony with nature, embracing sustainable lifestyles and adopting practices that minimize our ecological footprint. This includes reducing waste, conserving energy and water, practicing responsible consumption, and supporting conservation efforts.

Furthermore, education and awareness play a crucial role in fostering a deeper appreciation and understanding of nature. By learning about the intricate interconnectedness of ecosystems and the importance of biodiversity, we can develop a sense of responsibility and take action to protect and conserve the natural world.

Preserving nature is not just about ensuring our own well-being; it is a moral obligation to future generations and a commitment to the intrinsic value of all living beings and ecosystems. By valuing and respecting nature, we can create a more sustainable and harmonious future, where humans coexist with the natural world in a mutually beneficial relationship.

In conclusion, nature is a source of wonder, beauty, and vital resources. It sustains life, nourishes our souls, and provides us with a profound sense of connection. As custodians of the Earth, it is our responsibility to protect and preserve nature, adopting sustainable practices and fostering a deep appreciation for the natural world. By doing so, we can ensure a vibrant and thriving planet for ourselves and future generations to enjoy and cherish.

Title: Nature – A Pristine Gift Nurturing Life and Inspiring the Human Spirit

Introduction :

Nature, with its awe-inspiring landscapes, diverse ecosystems, and intricate web of life, is a pristine gift that surrounds us. It captivates us with its beauty, serenity, and transformative power. This essay explores the profound relationship between humans and nature, highlighting its importance for our physical, mental, and spiritual well-being. It also emphasizes the urgent need to protect and preserve nature in the face of environmental challenges.

The Beauty and Diversity of Nature

Nature encompasses a vast array of breathtaking landscapes, from snow-capped mountains to lush forests, from vast oceans to tranquil meadows. Each holds its unique charm, captivating us with its grandeur, tranquility, and raw beauty. From the vibrant colors of blooming flowers to the graceful flight of birds, nature’s diversity evokes wonder and ignites our imagination.

Nurturing Life and Ecosystems

Nature sustains life on Earth, providing vital resources and supporting intricate ecosystems. It supplies us with clean air, freshwater, and fertile soil, enabling the growth of crops and the survival of diverse species. The delicate balance of ecosystems ensures the survival of plants, animals, and microorganisms, each playing a crucial role in maintaining biodiversity and ecological harmony.

Physical and Mental Well-being

Spending time in nature has numerous physical and mental health benefits. It reduces stress, anxiety, and depression, promoting a sense of calm and well-being. The healing power of nature can be seen in activities such as forest bathing, where individuals immerse themselves in natural environments to enhance their overall health. Nature provides a respite from the fast-paced urban life, allowing us to disconnect, recharge, and rejuvenate our spirits.

Inspiration and Spiritual Connection

Nature inspires us and stirs our innermost emotions. The grandeur of a mountain range, the rhythmic crashing of waves, or the delicate beauty of a flower can evoke a profound sense of awe and wonder. Nature’s beauty stimulates our creativity, kindles our imagination, and nurtures our spirit. It serves as a reminder of our place in the larger tapestry of life, connecting us to something greater than ourselves.

Environmental Challenges and the Need for Conservation

Nature is facing unprecedented challenges due to human activities. Deforestation, pollution, climate change, and habitat destruction pose significant threats to the delicate balance of ecosystems and the survival of countless species. The urgency to protect and preserve nature has never been greater. Conservation efforts, sustainable practices, and environmental awareness are crucial in mitigating these challenges and ensuring a sustainable future.

Cultivating a Connection with Nature

To protect and preserve nature, it is essential to cultivate a deep connection and appreciation for the natural world. Education plays a vital role in fostering environmental awareness and instilling a sense of responsibility. Encouraging outdoor experiences, nature-based activities, and environmental stewardship programs can nurture a love for nature and promote a sense of guardianship of the planet.

Conclusion :

Nature is a remarkable and invaluable gift, nurturing life, inspiring the human spirit, and offering solace and serenity. It is essential for our physical, mental, and spiritual well-being. However, it faces significant challenges that threaten its delicate balance and the well-being of future generations. By protecting and preserving nature, adopting sustainable practices, and fostering a deep connection with the natural world, we can ensure a vibrant and thriving planet for ourselves and future generations to enjoy and cherish. Let us embrace our role as stewards of the Earth and work collectively to safeguard nature’s invaluable gifts.

Environmental Topics and Essays

Just another sb you: web publishing for you site, our role and relationship with nature.

I. Introduction

Earth as we know it is an incredibly complex and fragile network of interconnected systems that have developed slowly over the last 4.5 billion years or so. From the ashes of the Big Bang this planet emerged as a mass of energy and elements. From that newly born mass of energy and elements evolved structured, dynamic systems of solids, liquids, and gases. The evolution of this planet continued to unfold over billions of years in such a unique way that eventually conditions arose with the ability to foster life.

From the smallest microorganisms to the largest animals, all life on Earth has a common ancestor. Everything is connected to everything. So how is it that our species has come to dominate the landscape in such a short period of time? Furthermore, what gives us the right to do so? In 3.5 billion years of life on Earth everything has followed a natural course of evolution. However, our rapid success as a species has begun to affect this natural order. With our population at seven billion and climbing, we have played a tremendous role in the disruption of the Earth’s natural systems. As we continue to grow and have a greater impact on the Earth’s systems, it is imperative that we address our role and relationship with nature.

The ability of humans to manipulate the landscape and recognize the consequences of doing so puts us in a peculiar position. As a species we are assigned the duty to provide and proliferate. Our goal is to achieve stability for ourselves and our kin. However we also have an obligation to maintain the environment, as we depend on the resources and services it provides. The question then becomes: what is our role in nature? Do we have the right to manipulate the land, factory farm animals, and pollute waterways? Or do we have an obligation to reduce our numbers and merely subsist? In order to answer these questions we must rely on our knowledge of Earth, evolution, and our influence on the environment.

II. History

Our relationship with nature has historically been one of imbalance and overuse. Nearly every step in human history has unfortunately been accompanied with a leap in environmental degradation. At first, humans were incredibly in-tune with their surroundings. Nomadic hunter-gatherer tribes used to roam the lands, following the ebb and flow of the seasons. These tribes had a measurable impact on the environment, but their influence was relatively manageable due to their population size. With advancements in technology and agriculture though, humans began to find more efficient ways of sustaining themselves. These advancements allowed for more permanent settlements, which led to rapid population growth and a distancing from nature.

As society evolved, populations grew and more and more resources were required to fuel the expansion. With breakthroughs in agriculture, settlements became more permanent and cities began to take shape. This shift to city life inadvertently led to a distancing from nature. While many people were still in-tune with nature on a subsistent level, the need for more and more resources began to change our regard for nature.

Although our distancing from nature began several thousand years ago with advancements in agriculture and social order, it is the age of industry to which we owe our modern regard for nature. The growth of cities allowed for a separation between people and nature and our obsession with convenience and efficiency beckoned a new perspective on the environment. With technological advancements, nature became something we were no longer apart of and entirely subject to, but something that we could control and profit off of. The growth of industry enabled humans to truly dominate the landscape and disrupt the natural systems that have been in place for billions of years.

As we have removed ourselves further and further from nature, we have developed a willing ignorance of our role and relationship within it. With the growth of cities and trade we have moved from a subsistent, sustainable economy to one of greed and exploitation. Humans have always had an impact on the environment, but with the age of industry that impact has been ultra-magnified. Population growth has been exponentiated, cities have become the primary place of residence, and the majority of the world is now out of touch with the workings of nature.

Although every species plays a unique role in the biosphere and inherently has its own impact, not every species has the cognitive ability to measure their influence or the capacity to change it. Humans are unique in that respect, which is the root of the problem. We are capable of understanding our influence over nature, but we tend to ignore the Earth’s reaction to our presence. I am not arguing that we purposefully degrade nature, but that environmental degradation is an inherent trait of our population’s perpetual progression. We know we are crippling the environment. We have the ability to do something about it. Therefore, we should make change where change is necessary.

III. Economy

The size of our population and its incessant desire to expand has an obvious impact on the environment. However, that impact is magnified with the demands of industry and capitalism. In his book, Regarding Nature , Andrew McLaughlin identifies industrialism and the capitalist mindset as being especially influential on our regard for nature: “The economic systems that we construct and live within are, I suggest, the primary immediate causes of our relations between society and the rest of nature” (Regarding Nature, P. 12). Further causing a perceived division from nature is the economic structure we have allowed to infect most of the world.

Capitalism is an especially destructive force in our regard for nature as it encourages a monetary-driven social hierarchy based on the encroaching exploitation of our world’s resources. Our relationship with nature has now become purely economic. We do not associate ourselves as a part of nature because we use it for profit. Forests are cut down for the profits of the lumber industry and to make room for livestock. Animals that we are undoubtedly related to, that have senses and the ability to socialize are slaughtered by the billions to feed an increasingly carnivorous population. Resources such as oil and food are all unevenly distributed throughout the world and therefore used as a platform for profit. All the while the environment bears the grunt of our greed.

We not only encourage a division amongst ourselves through the commoditization of the world’s resources, we encourage a division between man and nature. In order to reconstruct our views of nature and understand our place within it, it is important to reconsider our relationship with each other and our surroundings. As Aldo Leopold puts it, man “…has not learned to think like a mountain” ( A Sand County Almanac, P. 11). We have to consider ourselves as part of a bigger picture. Industry and capitalism rely heavily on ignorance and individualism. However, the reality is that we are all dependent upon each other in one way or another.

IV. Time for Change

Humans play a vital role in nature just like everything else. What separates us from nature though, is the ability to understand our place within it. This cognitive capacity of ours has historically been the cause of a perceived division between man and nature. However, in order to achieve a sustainable future in which humans assume a more natural role and have less of an impact it is imperative that we reconsider our role and relationship with nature. A change in the way we regard nature has obvious political, economic, and social repercussions, but our cognitive ability obliges us to reevaluate our position in the world rather than continue to degrade it.

There are a number of ways in which we can begin to reconsider our relationship with nature, but all of which require an enormous effort. Through a universal education curriculum, it is possible to encourage people everywhere to consider themselves as part of a larger picture. By teaching people about the environment, evolution, and ecology, we can provide them with the tools for change. Lewis Mumford imagined a social revolution brought about by a change in values through educational reform: “The humanizing of technology and the protection of diversity were both contingent on a fundamental change in values” ( Minding Nature , P.219). In order to bring about necessary change it is critical that people take action. Through a universal environmental education program it is possible to galvanize people into forming new ideas and opinions of the world and to understand their place within it.

A universal education program would go a long way in encouraging change in how we view each other and our environment. Changing attitudes are a primary component in achieving a sustainable future – one in which nature is allowed to run its course without human intervention. Gregg Easterbrook discusses a similar future in his The Ecorealist Manifesto : “…the long-term purview of nature might be combined with the short-term insights of the genus Homo in ways that allow people, machines, and nature to work together for each other’s mutual benefit” ( The Ecorealist Manifesto, P. 1). In order for the Earth to retain its balance, it is important that we not overstep our bounds as a species. This requires a universal effort to reevaluate our relationship with nature and make adjustments as needed.

V. Conclusion

After thousands of years of societal evolution, we find ourselves at the peak of technology and pollution. We are already seeing the effects of our industrial ways through the extinction of species, the melting of glaciers, and the destruction of the landscape. As we continue to disturb the world’s natural systems we are recognizing a rippling of consequences. Our recognition of these effects suggests that our role in nature is far more influential than it should be. Therefore it is necessary that we make major changes and that we make them soon.

Our role within nature should be one of subsistence rather than commercialization. We have exploited the world for too long and the consequences of doing so are everywhere. As everything is related to everything, we have no right to infringe on the livelihood of any other species. In fact, our cognitive ability and understanding of nature obliges us to maintain the integrity of the environment. So we must change how we influence the land. We must respect the natural order of things and find a way to live accordingly.

Although a change in attitudes would require a complete overhaul of our current economic and political structures, it is something that must be done. As history shows, if we continue to encourage expansion and development it is very likely that we will see major effects in climate and ecology. We have seen the destructive nature of industrialism and capitalism. We can predict and measure the effects of our actions on the environment. We know we are headed in the wrong direction and we are expecting major consequences. So why don’t we do something about it?

VI. References

McLaughlin, Andrew. Regarding Nature: Industrialism and Deep Ecology . Albany: State University of New York, 1993. Print.
Leopold, Aldo, Charles Walsh Schwartz, and Aldo Leopold. A Sand County Almanac. With Other Essays on Conservation from Round River . New York: Oxford UP, 1966. Print.
Macauley, David. Minding Nature: The Philosophers of Ecology . New York: Guilford, 1996. Print.
Easterbrook, Gregg. “The Ecorealist Manifesto.” The Atlantic . Atlantic Media Company, 1995. Web. 13 Apr. 2014.

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I have been diagnosed of genital Herpes for 3years and lived in pain with the knowledge that I wasn’t going to ever be well again I contacted so many herbal doctors on this issue and wasted a large sum of money but my condition never got better I was determined to get my life back so one day I saw several post about Dr Aba the herbalist how he’s used natural herbal roots and herbs to cure this particular virus. immediately I contacted Aba on his email address dr.abaherbalhome@ gmail. com we spoke on the issue I told him all that I went through and he told me not to worry everything will be fine again so he prepared the medicine and send it to me through ups delivery including a tree root which he said was very important and told me how to use it.. after 14days of usage the Pain, itching, and sores were gone after about 2months, am the happiest woman on earth now. This testimony is real. Thanks to Dr aba God bless you. you can reach him on his WhatsApp number on 2348107155060

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Hi everyone I’m here to testify of a great and powerful spell caster called DR GREAT. I was so confused and devastated when my husband left our house and moved in with another woman, I needed him back desperately because I love him so much. I spoke to my closest friend about what happened and she advised we search for a spell caster online because she do believe in psychics and readings so we searched for spell casters and we saw a lot of different spell casters then we read testimonies of how DR GREAT has helped a lot of people with similar issues as mine, so I contacted him on WhatsApp and I explained everything to him and he promised that in 48 hours he will come back to me. After I did all he asked, to my greatest surprise my husband who refused to speak with me came to my house and asked for forgiveness for all he made me go through and now we are living happily together, if you have any relationship problem I will advise you contact him for your fast result. Below are his contact details.

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I can’t express my gratitude to Dr Aba for making me a living testimony. i have battled with HERPES SIMPLEX VIRUS 2 for about 7years now, and i have done all i can to make sure i am cured but nothing worked out, but miraculously my friend invited me to see a video on his Blog and as i visited i decided to see few of the comment below, and i found some people talking about Dr Aba, and i decided to contact this great herbal healer to also help me,so i wrote to him, and he replied me back and assure me that i will get a cure for my HERPES SIMPLEX VIRUS 2. and after preparing my medicine he sent it to me and when i started using it for 2weeks i was completely cured, I am assuring you that you will be cured if you also contact this great man on his Email: dr.abaherbalhome@ gmail. com or whatsapp is mobile number on +2348107155060.

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To everyone around this world, I’m telling you all about the great and powerful spellcaster DR UGHULU, the almighty man. My boyfriend left me 6 months ago all because he saw my ex-boyfriend send me a message thinking I was cheating on him, so he left me alone I have begged him and done all I can do yet he hasn’t come back I have almost got frustrated all because he left me a day can’t go without I didn’t think about him because we share our thought together. One day I was browsing on the internet when I saw the great testimonies about DR UGHULU and I went through them and saw his spiritual powerful works, it was fantastic. I made up my mind to send him a message so that he could help me bring my boyfriend back, so luckily he did everything he told me and returned my boyfriend within 24 hours. Now my boyfriend and I are living a good life. DR UGHULU thank you so much, sir. His email:[email protected] Website: https://drughulupowerfulsp.wixsite.com/my-site-ughulu or Text/Call:+1 (252) 409-1841

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My name is Ashley Jason from Canada, my husband and I have been quarreling almost all the time because he barely gives me attention. I didn’t know that it was because he was seeing another woman. One day I went through his phone and found his chat with her and how he was always spending time with her so i confronted him and he told me that he has fallen out of love with me and he wanted a divorce I told him I don’t want us to end our marriage because I love him so much, he didn’t even listen to me he went to our room packed his clothes and left. I tried reaching out to him but to no avail, I cried and cried for weeks but nothing changed so I decided to search for ways to get my husband back online and I came across a testimony on how Dr. Great use his spell to reunite two lovers so i decided to contact him on WhatsApp and we spoke and he assured me that my husband will come back to me 24 hours after he finish casting the spell. And exactly 24 hours after I heard a knock on the door I went to open the door and I saw my husband on his knees begging me to accept him back again and he promised never to leave me or do anything to hurt me again. I let him plead for a few minutes before I accepted him again. I’m so happy today to tell the world that Dr Great is truly a man of his words. Do you have a problem with your marriage or relationship then contact Dr Great at

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I was diagnosed of herpes 3 years, and ever since then i have been taking treatment to prevent outbreaks, burning and blisters, but there was no improvement until i came across testimonies of Dr. Aba on how he has been curing different people from different diseases all over the world, then i contacted him. After our conversation he sent .me the medicine which I took according to his instructions for up to 2 weeks. After completing the medication I went back to my doctor for another test and the virus was all gone and I was completely cured, since then I have not had any signs of outbreak. I’m so filled with joy. With herbal medication .Herpes Virus is 100% curable. I refer Dr. Aba to everyone out there with the virus. His email address is [email protected] you can also Add Dr.Aba on whatsApp number on +2348107155060.

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I’m here to testify about the great work Dr Aba did for me. I have been suffering from (HERPES) disease for the past 5 years and had constant pain, especially in my knees. During the first year, I had faith in God that i would be healed someday.This disease started circulating all over my body and i have been taking treatment from my doctor, few weeks ago i came across a testimony of one lady on the internet testifying about a Man called Dr Aba on how he cured her from Herpes Simplex Virus. And she also gave the email address of this man and advise anybody to contact him for help for any kind of sickness that he would be of help, so I emailed him telling him about my (HERPES Virus) he told me not to worry that i was going to be cured!! Well i never believed it,, well after all the procedures and remedy given to me by this man few weeks later i started experiencing changes all over me as Dr Aba assured me that i will be cured,after some time i went to my doctor to confirmed if i have be finally healed behold it was TRUE, So friends my advise is if you have such sickness or any other at all you can contact Dr Aba via email [email protected] You can also call or whatsApp his telephone number on +2348107155060. Thanks once again Dr Aba. ..

I’m not here to bore you with too much story rather I want to share with you a very useful info about herpes virus and how I got cured. herpes virus is curable contrarily to what they made us to believe all this while. I got cured using herbal medicine from the local herbal doctor behind this email: [email protected] . it was simple but my obedience an determination contributed to the success of the curing process so I’m boldly saying that nobody should suffer from the cruel hand of the nasty herpes virus. take the bull by the horns

Dr. Salem I want to start first by saying a big “thank you” to you . There are a bunch of nuts out there just trying to make a fast buck, but you are genuine! I prayed before I went online that God would send me exactly where I needed to go to find help for my problems concerning my love life.. And I mean I went directly to your site and felt it was the place I needed to be. now my family is reunited and my lover is back to me with masses of love. I’m forever grateful! Dr. Salem is legitimate and his gift is for real. Of that I am certain, Thank you thank you!!! you can contact him via- salemmanifestloverspell @ g mail. com…

I will forever be grateful and thankful for what Dr Osalu has done for me and my family. I Was having Hepatitis for good three years with no solution, the diseases almost took my life and because I was unable to work and I was also losing lots of-6 money for medication, but one faithful day when I went online, I met lots of testimonies about this great man so I decided to give it a try and to God be the glory he did it. He cured me of my virus and I am so happy and pleased to Write about him today. If you need his help or you also want to get cured just the way I got mine, just email him below drosaluherbalhome@gmail. com or WhatApp, +2348078668950 and get your healing. He has cure for other deadly diseases like Diabetes, Hiv/Aids, Hepatitis and all types and Cancer . his website is https://drosaluherbalhome.wixsite.com/drosaluherbshome

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HOW I GOT CURED FROM HERPES: I already gave up on ever getting cured of herpes because I have tried many treatment and none has work, I have gone to different hospitals they always recommend me same drugs and it not working on me, until I came across a post about DR ABA on the net from a lady who is recommending people, then i contacted him that day, and he started giving me hope and then prepared some herbal medicine which I took according to his prescription on them, so I was still doubting if it was working on me so at a time my Husband just ask me to go for check up and I did, so I found out that I was cure and free from the herpes virus, thanks to DR ABA once again. his email address is [email protected] or WhatsApp him on +2348107155060.

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My husband left me for another woman 3 months ago and ever since then my life has been filled with pain, sorrow and heart break because he was my first love whom I have spent my entire life with. A friend of mine told me he saw some testimonies of a spell caster called Dr Great that he can bring back lover within some few days, i laugh it out and said i am not interested but because of the love my friend has for me, she consulted the great spell caster on my behalf and to my greatest surprise after 2 days my husband called me for the very first time after three months that he is missing me and that he is so sorry for every thing he made me went through. He came back to me and now we are happy together. I still can’t believe it, because it is highly unbelievable. Thank you Dr.Great for bringing back my lover and also to my lovely friend who interceded on my behalf, for any one who might need the help of this great spell caster here is the email address:

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My name is Amelia Jonathan from the United States, Using this opportunity to thank Dr. Ughulu is a grateful thing to me, for over years I have been sick with Hepatitis B disease, I have done a lot of things to get cured of my diseases and nothing has worked out. I have taken different types of medication for it , but it still doesn’t work for me. I still keep going for a check up so that the doctor will tell me my disease has gone, because i’m taking my medicine with no result nothing has been cured, I have spent a lot of money just to get cure of Hepatitis B. until my old time friend came to my place and saw what am going through, and then direct me to contact Dr. Ughulu who is a very powerful man, which I did explain my problem to Dr. Ughulu and send me a herbal remedy bottle and explain to me how I should drink it. So I started to drink the herbal tea in one week that I drink the herbal tea. I went for a check up to check if I’m cured from Hepatitis B disease, then the nurse told me nothing is wrong with me anymore and said I’m fine. I am the happiest person right now. I promise Dr Ughulu I will testify about his good work on the internet. Reach out to Dr. Ughulu Via: drughulupowerfulspelltemple @gmail.com TEXT OR CALL: +1(252) 409-1841 Thank you so much sir for what you did for me you’re the best of all.

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My name is Amelia Jonathan from the United States, Using this opportunity to thank Dr. Ughulu is a grateful thing to me, for over years I have been sick with Hepatitis B disease, I have done a lot of things to get cured of my diseases and nothing has worked out. I have taken different types of medication for it , but it still doesn’t work for me. I still keep going for a check up so that the doctor will tell me my disease has gone, because i’m taking my medicine with no result nothing has been cured, I have spent a lot of money just to get cure of Hepatitis B. until my old time friend came to my place and saw what am going through, and then direct me to contact Dr. Ughulu who is a very powerful man, which I did explain my problem to Dr. Ughulu and send me a herbal remedy bottle and explain to me how I should drink it. So I started to drink the herbal tea in one week that I drink the herbal tea. I went for a check up to check if I’m cured from Hepatitis B disease, then the nurse told me nothing is wrong with me anymore and said I’m fine. I am the happiest person right now. I promise Dr Ughulu I will testify about his good work on the internet. Reach out to Dr. Ughulu Via: drughulupowerfulspelltemple @gmail.com TEXT OR CALL: +1(252) 409-1841 Thank you so much sir for what you did for me you’re the best of all.

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My name is Amelia Jonathan from the United States, Using this opportunity to thank Dr. Ughulu is a grateful thing to me, for over years I have been sick with Hepatitis B disease, I have done a lot of things to get cured of my diseases and nothing has worked out. I have taken different types of medication for it , but it still doesn’t work for me. I still keep going for a check up so that the doctor will tell me my disease has gone, because i’m taking my medicine with no result nothing has been cured, I have spent a lot of money just to get cure of Hepatitis B. until my old time friend came to my place and saw what am going through, and then direct me to contact Dr. Ughulu who is a very powerful man, which I did explain my problem to Dr. Ughulu and send me a herbal remedy bottle and explain to me how I should drink it. So I started to drink the herbal tea in one week that I drink the herbal tea. I went for a check up to check if I’m cured from Hepatitis B disease, then the nurse told me nothing is wrong with me anymore and said I’m fine. I am the happiest person right now. I promise Dr Ughulu I will testify about his good work on the internet. Reach out to Dr. Ughulu Via: drughulupowerfulspelltemple @ gmail.com TEXT OR CALL: +1(252) 409-1841 Thank you so much sir for what you did for me you’re the best of all.

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My name is Amelia Jonathan from the United States, Using this opportunity to thank Dr. Ughulu is a grateful thing to me, for over years I have been sick with Hepatitis B disease, I have done a lot of things to get cured of my diseases and nothing has worked out. I have taken different types of medication for it , but it still doesn’t work for me. I still keep going for a check up so that the doctor will tell me my disease has gone, because i’m taking my medicine with no result nothing has been cured, I have spent a lot of money just to get cure of Hepatitis B. until my old time friend came to my place and saw what am going through, and then direct me to contact Dr. Ughulu who is a very powerful man, which I did explain my problem to Dr. Ughulu and send me a herbal remedy bottle and explain to me how I should drink it. So I started to drink the herbal tea in one week that I drink the herbal tea. I went for a check up to check if I’m cured from Hepatitis B disease, then the nurse told me nothing is wrong with me anymore and said I’m fine. I am the happiest person right now. I promise Dr Ughulu I will testify about his good work on the internet. Reach out to Dr. Ughulu Via: drughulupowerfulspelltemple @ gmail. com TEXT OR CALL: +1(252) 409-1841 Thank you so much sir for what you did for me you’re the best of all.

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Hello everyone my names are ALEX JACKSON from the UK, I want to use this golden medium to appreciate Doctor Abdul a great spell caster for helping me retrieving back my relationship with my ex lover when he ended and turned back on me for quite a long time now (6 months ago). He performed a spell for me and within 48 hours after the spell had been cast I received a text from my ex saying that he is sorry for the pains and tears that he had caused me and that he will not do such a thing to me again in his life. I was surprised but later accepted him back again. Anyone that is in the same line of problem or different one that wants to contact a spell caster should happily contact Doctor Abdul now on this email [email protected] or message him through his Whatsapp +2348108728256

My name is Amelia Jonathan from the United States, Using this opportunity to thank Dr. Ughulu is a grateful thing to me, for over years I have been sick with Hepatitis B disease, I have done a lot of things to get cured of my diseases and nothing has worked out. I have taken different types of medication for it , but it still doesn’t work for me. I still keep going for a check up so that the doctor will tell me my disease has gone, because i’m taking my medicine with no result nothing has been cured, I have spent a lot of money just to get cure of Hepatitis B. until my old time friend came to my place and saw what am going through, and then direct me to contact Dr. Ughulu who is a very powerful man, which I did explain my problem to Dr. Ughulu and send me a herbal remedy bottle and explain to me how I should drink it. So I started to drink the herbal tea in one week that I drink the herbal tea. I went for a check up to check if I’m cured from Hepatitis B disease, then the nurse told me nothing is wrong with me anymore and said I’m fine. I am the happiest person right now. I promise Dr Ughulu I will testify about his good work on the internet. Reach out to Dr. Ughulu Via: drughu lupowerfulspelltemple @ gmail.com TEXT OR CALL: +1(252) 409-1841 Thank you so much sir for what you did for me you’re the best of all.

Hello! I’m very excited to share what worked for me to everyone. I’m completely cured from my HSV1&2 with the use of natural medicine. I have used Oregano oil, Coconut oil, Acyclovir, Valacyclovir, Famciclovir and some other products/supplements and it hasn’t helped ever since I was diagnosed. I got outbreaks frequently and was completely devastated and I went online for a possible cure and how to get rid of Herpes. On a fateful day after taking my bath, I took my phone and was going through some research, I bumped into a testimonial of a Herbs doctor { Dr Awase } who cures diverse diseases/viruses with Herbal medication. I was hopeful but also doubted the claim. But after a while I thought “what do I have to lose?” so I decided to reach out. He prepared a cure using roots and herbs which I steadily took for 14days as prescribed by him. I am quite glad I decided to reach out because I am totally cured from Herpes after a medical checkup was done by my Dr. So I’ve decided to make a quick testimony for anyone out there who is probably suffering from an illness they can’t handle to reach out to Dr Awase. He specializes in curing lots of illnesses such as HIV, ENDOMETRIOSIS, PCOS, OVARIAN CYST, INFERTILITY, HEPATITIS A,B,C and lots more. I’m here to let you all know that you can also be cured just like me and you don’t have to live with any sort of illness for the rest of your life. To reach out, Contact him via WhatsApp below or Email

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Dr.Aba herbal medicine is a good remedy for Herpes, I was a carrier of Herpes before now it was hell living with it until I saw testimony on how .email Dr. Aba cured Herpes and I decided to contact him and he guided me because we talked over the phone. I asked him for solutions and he started the remedy for my health. Thanks to God that now everything is fine, I’m cured by Dr.Aba herbal meds I’m very thankful to him, you contact him through his address on dr.abaherbalhome@ gmail. com or whatsapp his mobile number on 2348107155060.

I am so happy, i never believe i will be this happy again in life, I was working as an air-hoster ( cabby crew ) for 3years but early this year, i loose my job because of this deadly disease. called Herpes virus (HSV), I never felt sick or have any symptom, till all workers were ask to bring their doctors report, that was how i got tested and i found out that am HSV positive that make me loose my job, because it was consider as an STD and is incurable disease, i was so depress was thinking of committing suicide, till i explain to a friend of mine, who always said to me a problem share is a problem solved, that was how she directed me to Dr Aba, that was how i contacted him and get the medication from this .doctor and i got cured for real, I just went back to my work and they also carry out the test to be real sure and i was negative. Please contact this doctor if you are herpes positive or any STD diseases his email is: dr.abaherbalhome@ gmail. com or you can call or whatsApp his mobile number on 2348107155060.

I was diagnosed of genital Herpes 6months ago and was in pain with the knowledge that there is no cure for the virus! there was a day I saw several post about a herbalist how he’s used natural herbal medicine to cure this particular virus, Immediately I contacted him on his website and he prepared and sent me the herbal medicine through DHL delivery and after 14days of usage, the Pain, and sores were gone i went to the hospital for test I’m the happiest woman on earth because I just tested negative to the virus! this testimony is real and thanks to Dr Ehiagwina you can also reach him on his Email: [email protected] or on whatsapp: +2348162084504.

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REVIEW article

The human–nature relationship and its impact on health: a critical review.

$\r\nValentine Seymour*\r\n$

Department of Civil, Environmental and Geomatic Engineering, University College London, London, UK

Within the past four decades, research has been increasingly drawn toward understanding whether there is a link between the changing human–nature relationship and its impact on people’s health. However, to examine whether there is a link requires research of its breadth and underlying mechanisms from an interdisciplinary approach. This article begins by reviewing the debates concerning the human–nature relationship, which are then critiqued and redefined from an interdisciplinary perspective. The concept and chronological history of “health” is then explored, based on the World Health Organization’s definition. Combining these concepts, the human–nature relationship and its impact on human’s health are then explored through a developing conceptual model. It is argued that using an interdisciplinary perspective can facilitate a deeper understanding of the complexities involved for attaining optimal health at the human–environmental interface.

Introduction

During the last century, research has been increasingly drawn toward understanding the human–nature relationship ( 1 , 2 ) and has revealed the many ways humans are linked with the natural environment ( 3 ). Some examples of these include humans’ preference for scenes dominated by natural elements ( 4 ), the sustainability of natural resources ( 5 , 6 ), and the health benefits associated with engaging with nature ( 7 – 9 ).

Of these examples, the impacts of the human–nature relationship on people’s health have grown with interest as evidence for a connection accumulates in research literature ( 10 ). Such connection has underpinned a host of theoretical and empirical research in fields, which until now have largely remained as separate entities.

Since the late nineteenth century a number of descriptive models have attempted to encapsulate the dimensions of human and ecosystem health as well as their interrelationships. These include the Environment of Health ( 11 ), the Mandala of Health ( 12 ), the Wheel of Fundamental Human Needs ( 13 ), the Healthy Communities ( 14 ), the One Health ( 15 ), and the bioecological systems theory ( 16 ). Each, however, have not fully incorporated all relevant dimensions, balancing between the biological, social, and spatial perspectives ( 17 , 18 ). In part this is due to the challenges of the already complex research base in relation to its concept, evidence base, measurement, and strategic framework. Further attention to the complexities of these aspects, interlinkages, processes, and relations is required for a deeper sense of understanding and causal directions to be identified ( 19 ).

This article reviews the interconnectivities between the human–nature relationship and human health. It begins by reviewing the each of their concepts and methodological approaches. These concepts will be converged to identify areas of overlap as well as existing research on the potential health impacts in relation to humanity’s degree of relationship to nature and lifestyle choices. From this, a developing conceptual model is proposed, to be inclusive of the human-centered perspective of health, viewing animals and the wider environment within the context of their relationship to humans. The model combines theoretical concepts and methodological approaches from those research fields examined in this review, to facilitate a deeper understanding of the intricacies involved for improving human health.

Defining the Human–Nature Relationship

It is beyond the scope of this paper to review the various connections at the intersect of humanity and the natural environment. Instead, I summarize key concepts and approaches from those four research fields (Evolutionary Biology, Social Economics, Evolutionary Psychology, and Environmentalism) outlined below, which have paid most attention to studying this research area. I then summarize areas of convergence between these connections in an attempt to describe the human–nature relationship, which will serve as background to this review.

It is anticipated that through drawing on these different fields of knowledge, a deeper level of understanding can be brought to the growing issue of humanity’s relationship with nature and its impact on health. This is because examining the human–nature relationship from a single disciplinary perspective could lead to partial findings that neglect other important sources as well as the complexities that exist between interlinkages, causal directions, processes, and relations.

Evolutionary Biology

Evolutionary biology is a branch of research that shortly followed Darwin’s ( 20 ) Theory of Evolution. It concerns the adaptive nature of variation in all animal and plant life, shaped by genetic architecture and developmental processes over time and space ( 21 ). Since its emergence over a century ago, the field has made some significant advances in scientific knowledge, but with intense debate still remaining among its central questions, including the rate of evolutionary change, the nature of its transitional processes (e.g., natural selection) ( 22 ). This in part owes to the research field’s interdisciplinary structure, formulated on the foundations of genetics, molecular biology, phylogeny, systematics, physiology, ecology, and population dynamics, integrating a diverging range of disciplines thus producing a host of challenging endeavors ( 23 , 24 ). Spanning each of these, human evolution centers on humanity’s life history since the lineage split from our ancestral primates and our adaptive synergy with nature.

In the last four decades, evolutionary biology has focused much attention on the cultural–genetic interaction and how these two inherent systems interrelate in relation to lifestyle and dietary choices [ Culturgen Evolution ( 25 ); Semi-Independent ( 26 ); Dual-Inheritance model ( 27 )]. Some of the well-known examples include humans’ physiological adaptation to agricultural sustenance ( 28 ), the gradual increase in lactose tolerance ( 29 ) as well as the susceptibility of allergic diseases (e.g., asthma and hay fever) in relation to decreasing microbial exposure ( 30 ).

This coevolutionary perspective between human adaptation and nature has been further conceptualized by Gual and Norgaard ( 31 ) as embedding three integrated systems (biophysical, biotic, and cultural). In this, culture is both constrained and promoted by the human genetics via a dynamic two-way interaction. However, bridging the gap between these research fields continues to generate much controversy, particularly as the nature of these evolutionary development processes differs widely (e.g., internal and external factors). This ongoing discussion is fueled by various scholars from multiple disciplines. Some have argued that one cannot assume all evolutionary mechanisms can be carried over into other areas ( 32 , 33 ), where genomes cannot evolve as quickly to meet modern lifestyle and dietary requirements ( 34 ). Conversely, others believe that humans have not entirely escaped the mechanisms of biological evolution in response to our cultural and technological progressions ( 35 ).

Evolutionary Psychology

Evolutionary psychology is a recently developed field of study, which has grown exponentially with interest since the 1980s. It centers on the adaptation of psychological characteristics said to have evolved over time in response to social and ecological circumstances within humanity’s ancestral environments ( 36 – 38 ). This reverse engineering approach to understanding the design of the human mind was first kindled by evolutionary theorist Charles Darwin ( 20 ) in the last few pages of Origin of Species ;

In the distant future … Psychology will be based on a new foundation, that of the necessary acquirement of each mental power and capacity by gradation [p. 447].

As such, evolutionary psychology is viewed by some to offer a metatheory that dissolves the traditional boundaries held in psychology (e.g., cognitive, social, personality, and development). Within this metatheory, all psychological theories implicitly believed by some to unify under this umbrella ( 37 ). However, the application of evolution to the study of psychology has not been without controversial debate in areas relating to cognitive adaptation, testability of hypotheses, and the uniformity of human nature ( 39 ).

During the past few decades, the field has presented numerous concepts and measures to describe human connectedness to nature. These include Deep Ecology ( 40 ), Extinction of Experience ( 41 ), Inclusion of Nature in Self ( 42 ), and Connectedness to Nature ( 43 ). However, the Biophilia hypothesis ( 44 ) remains the most substantially contributed to theory and argues for the instinctive esthetic preference for natural environments and subconscious affiliation for other living organisms. Supportive findings include humans’ preference for scenes dominated by natural elements ( 4 ), improved cognitive functioning through connectivity with nature ( 45 ) as well as instinctive responses to specific natural stimuli or cues (e.g., a common phobia of snakes) ( 46 ). More recently, evidence is emerging to suggest that connectivity to nature can generate positive impacts on one’s health, increasing with intensity and duration ( 47 ).

The underpinning of the Biophilia hypothesis centers on humanity’s source of attachment to nature beyond those on the surface particulars. Instead, it reflects thousands of years of evolutionary experience closely bonding with other living organisms ( 44 ). Such process is mediated by the rules of prepared and counter-prepared learning that shape our cognitive and emotional apparatus; evolving by natural selection via a cultural context ( 48 ). This innate value for nature is suggested to be reflected in the choices we make, experiences expressed as well as our longstanding actions to maintain our connection to nature ( 49 ). Nevertheless, many have gone on to recognize the research field’s need for revision and further evidentiary support through empirical analysis ( 50 ). Similarly, as other researchers have argued, these innate values should be viewed in complementary to other drivers and affinities from different sources that can also be acquired (e.g., technology and urban landscapes). This is because at the commonest level, as Orr ( 51 ) explains, humanity can learn to love what becomes familiar, a notion also reflected in the Topophilia (“love of place”) hypothesis ( 52 ).

Social Economics

Social economics is a metadiscipline in which economics is embedded in social, political, and cultural behaviors. It examines institutions, choice behavior, rationality as well as values in relation to markets ( 53 ). Owing to its diverse structure, the human–nature relationship has been explored in various contexts. These include the reflections of society’s values and identities in natural landscapes ( 54 ), condition of placelessness ( 55 ), and humanity’s growing ecosynchronous tendencies ( 56 ) as well as how the relationship has evolved with historical context ( 57 – 59 ). While the dynamics of human and nature coupled systems has become a growing interdisciplinary field of research, past work within social economics has remained more theoretical than empirically based ( 59 ).

The connection between the start of industrialized societies and the dynamically evolving human–nature relationship has been discussed by many ( 60 ), revealing a host of economic–nature conflicts. One example includes those metaphorically outlined in the frequently cited article “ The Tragedy of the Commons .” In this, it argues that the four laws of ecology are counter intuitive with the four laws of capitalism ( 5 , 6 ). Based on this perspective, the human–nature relationship is simplified to one of exchange value, where adverse costs to the environment are rarely factored into the equation ( 6 ). However, this is not to say that humanity’s increasing specialization and complexity in most contemporary societies are distinct from nature but still depend on nature to exert ( 61 ).

Central to the tenets outlined in Tragedy of the Commons is the idea of “gradually diminishing freedom” where a population can increasingly exceed the limits of its resources if avoidance measures are not implemented (e.g., privatization or publicly owned property with rights of entry) ( 5 , 62 ). Yet, such avoidance measures can be seen to reflect emerging arguments in the field of environmental justice, which researches the inequalities at the intersection between environmental quality, accessibility, and social hierarchies ( 63 ). These arguments derive from the growing evidence that suggests the human–nature relationship is seemingly disproportionate to those vulnerable groups in society (e.g., lack of green spaces and poor air quality), something public health researchers believe to be a contributing factor to health inequities ( 64 ). As such, conflicts between both private and collective interests remain a challenge for future social economic development ( 65 ). This was explored more fully in Ostrom’s ( 66 ) research on managing a common pool of resources.

Environmentalism

Environmentalism can be broadly defined as an ideology or social movement. It focuses on fundamental environmental concerns as well as associated underlying social, political, and economic issues stemming from humanity’s interactions affecting the natural environment ( 67 , 68 ). In this context, the human–nature relationship has been explored through various human-related activities, from natural resource extraction and environmental hazards to habitat management and restoration. Within each of these reflects a common aspect of “power” visible in much of the literature that centers on environmental history ( 69 ). Some examples included agricultural engineering ( 70 ), the extinction of animals through over hunting ( 71 ) as well as the ecological collapse on Easter Island from human overexploitation of natural resources, since disproven ( 72 – 74 ). Yet, in the last decade, the field’s presupposed dichotomy between humans and nature in relation to power has been critically challenged by Radkau ( 75 ) who regards this perspective as misleading without careful examination. Instead, they propose the relationship to be more closely in synchrony.

Power can be characterized as “ A person, institution, physical event or idea … because it has an impact on society: It affects what people do, think and how they live ” ( 76 ). Though frequently debated in other disciplines, in the context of the human–nature relationship, the concept of “power” can be exerted by both nature and humanity. In regards to nature’s power against humanity, it has the ability to sustain society as well as emphasize its conditional awareness, environmental constraints, and fragilities ( 77 ). In contrast, humanity’s power against nature can take the form of institutions, artifacts, practices, procedures, and techniques ( 70 ). In the context of this review, it focuses on nature’s powers against humanity.

It has been argued that human power over nature has altered and weakened in dominance ( 75 ) since the emergence of Rachel Carson’s book Silent Spring in 1962, and later concepts of Gaia ( 78 ), Deep Ecology ( 40 ), and Sustainable Development ( 79 ). Instead, humanity’s power toward nature has become one of a moral sense of protectionism or the safeguarding of the environment ( 80 ). This conservative behavior (e.g., natural defenses, habitat management, and ecological restoration) can be termed “Urgent Biophilia” ( 81 ) and is the conscious urge to express affinity for nature pending an environmental disaster. As Radkau ( 69 ) suggests, with warnings of climatic change, biodiversity loss, and depletions in natural resources, this poses a threat to humanity. As such, this will eventually generate a turning point where human power is overwhelmed by the power of nature, bringing nature and power into a sustainable balance. Nonetheless, as many also highlight, humanity’s responses to environmental disasters can directly impinge on an array of multi-causalities of intervening variables (e.g., resource depletion and social economics) and the complexity of outcomes ( 82 ).

An Interdisciplinary Perspective of the Human–Nature Relationship

Through exploring the key concepts found in evolutionary biology, social economics, evolutionary psychology, and environmentalism, this has enabled a broader understanding of the various ways humans are connected to the natural environment. Each should not be viewed as separate entities, but rather that they share commonalities in terms of mutual or conjoint information and active research areas where similarities can occur (see Table 1 below). For example, there is a clear connection between social economics, evolutionary psychology, and biology in areas of health, lifestyle, and biophilic nature ( 40 , 53 , 81 ) as well as between social economics and the environment in regards to balancing relationships of power ( 5 , 75 ). Similarly, economic–nature conflicts can occur between disciplines evolutionary psychology and social economics in relation to people’s affiliation for nature and industrial growth.

Table 1. A summarized overview of human–nature relationship connections between those research fields explored .

Our understanding of the human–nature relationship and its underlying mechanisms could be further understood from an interdisciplinary perspective. In essence, the human–nature relationship can be understood through the Biophilia concept of humanity’s affiliation with nature as well as related concepts and measures to describe human connectedness to nature ( 49 – 53 ). Equally, Orr’s ( 51 ) perspective that at the commonest level humans can acquire other affinities to or learn to love different elements than those of the natural world (e.g., technology and urban environments) adds to this understanding. Further, while humanity, and indeed nature also, has not entirely escaped change, it cannot be assumed that all have been shaped by evolutionary mechanisms ( 42 , 44 ). Some have been shaped by what Radkau ( 75 ) terms as the power shift between humans and nature, which is evolving, as it has and will keep on doing. As such, the human–nature relationship goes beyond the extent to which an individual believes or feels they are part of nature. It can also be understood as, and inclusive of, our adaptive synergy with nature as well as our longstanding actions and experiences that connect us to nature. Over time, as research and scientific knowledge progresses, it is anticipated that this definition of the human–nature relationship will adapt, featuring the addition of other emerging research fields and avenues.

Defining Health

Conceptualizing “health” has often generated complex debates across different disciplines owing to its multidimensional and dynamic nature ( 83 ). It is, however, beyond the scope of this paper to review the many ways these concepts have been previously explored ( 84 – 86 ). Instead, “health” is reviewed and viewed more generally through the lens of the World Health Organization 1948 definition.

The World Health Organization defined “health” simply as the physical, social, and mental well-being of humanity, in which “health” was widened beyond those biomedical aspects (e.g., disease and illness) to encompass the socioeconomic and psychological domains ( 85 ). This classical definition advocated health’s shift toward a holistic perspective, with emphasis on more positive attributes ( 84 , 87 ) and was not simply “ the mere absence of disease and infirmity ” [( 83 ), p. 1]. It also reflected people’s ambitious outlook after the Second World War, when health and peace were seen as inseparable ( 83 , 84 ). Since then, this shift has seen a major growth in the last 30 years, primarily in areas of positive health and psychology ( 88 – 92 ).

Despite its broad perspective of human health, the definition has also encountered criticism in relation to its description and its overall reflectance of modern society. For instance, the use of the term “completeness” when describing optimal health has been regarded by many as impractical. Instead, Huber et al ( 83 ) propose health to be the “ability to adapt and to self-manage” and invite the continuation of further discussions and proposals of this definition to be characterized as well as measured through its three interrelated dimensions; physical, mental, and social health. Similarly, others have highlighted the need to distinguish health from happiness ( 84 ) or its inability to fully reflect modern transformations in knowledge and development (e.g., technology, medicine, genomics as well as physical and social environments) ( 86 ). As such, there have been calls to reconceptualize this definition, to ensure further clarity and relevance for our adaptive societies ( 83 ).

Broadly, health has been measured through two theoretical approaches; subjective and objective ( 85 ). The subjective approach is based on individual’s perceived physical, emotional, and cognitive experiences or functioning. By contrast, the objective approach measures those variables, which are existing and measurable external to an individual’s internal experience such as living conditions or human needs that enable people to lead a good life (e.g., health markers, education, environment, occupational attainment, and civic involvement) ( 85 ). Together, these approaches provide a more comprehensive picture of a person’s health status, which are applicable across its three health components (physical, mental, and social), as described below.

First, physical health is defined as a healthy organism capable of maintaining physiological fitness through protective or adaptive responses during changing circumstances ( 83 ). While it centers on health-related behaviors and fitness (including lifestyle and dietary choices), physiological fitness is considered one of the most important health markers thought to be an integral measure of most bodily functions involved in the performance of daily physical exercise ( 93 ). These can be measured through various means, with examples including questionnaires, behavioral observations, motion sensors, and physiological markers (e.g., heart rate) ( 94 ).

Second, mental health is often regarded as a broad concept to define, encapsulating both mental illness and well-being. It can be characterized as the positive state of well-being and the capacity of a person to cope with life stresses as well as contribute to community engagement activities ( 83 , 95 ). It has the ability to both determine as well as be determined by a host of multifaceted health and social factors being inextricably linked to overall health, inclusive of diet, exercise, and environmental conditions. As a result, there are no single definitive indicators used to capture its overall measurement. This owes in part to the breadth of methods and tends to represent hedonic (e.g., life satisfaction and happiness) and eudaimonic (e.g., virtuous activity) aspects of well-being, each known to be useful predictors of physical health components ( 96 ).

Third, social health can be generalized as the ability to lead life with some degree of independence and participate in social activities ( 83 ). Indicators of the concept revolve around social relationships, social cohesion, and participation in community activities. Further, such mechanisms are closely linked to improving physical and mental well-being as well as forming constructs, which underline social capital. Owing to its complexity, its measurement focuses on strengths of primary networks or relationships (e.g., family, friends, neighborliness, and volunteering in the community) at local, neighborhood, and national levels ( 97 ).

Current Knowledge on the Human–Nature Relationship and Health

This section summarizes existing theoretical and literature research at the intersection of the human–nature relationship and health, as defined in this review. This has been explored through three Subsections “Physical Health,” “Mental Health,” and “Social Health.” It aims to identify areas of convergence as well as gaps and limitations.

Physical Health

Though it is widely established that healthy eating and regular exercise have major impacts on physical health ( 98 ), within the past 30 years research has also identified that exposure to nature (e.g., visual, multisensory, or by active engagement) is equally effective for regulating our diurnal body rhythms to ensure physical vitality ( 99 ). Such notion stems from Wilson’s ( 44 ) proposed “Three Pillars of Biophilia” experience categories (Nature of Space, Natural Analogs, and Nature in Space), which relate to natural materials and patterns experienced in nature, inducing a positive impact on health ( 9 ). Empirical research in this domain was first carried out by Ulrich ( 46 ) who found that those hospital patients exposed to natural scenery from a window view experienced decreased levels of pain and shorter recovery time after surgery. Following this, research in this academic field has grown exponentially and encompasses a large literature base on nature’s health benefits. These include improvements in neurological and circadian rhythms relating to exposures to natural sunlight ( 100 , 101 ), undergoing “Earthing” or physical contact with the Earth’s surface regulates diurnal body rhythms ( 102 ) as well as walking activities in forest environments reducing blood pressure levels ( 8 ).

In spite of its increasing findings, some have suggested the need for further objective research at the intersect of nature-based parameters and human health ( 9 ). One reason for this is that most studies have yet to be scrutinized to empirical scientific analysis ( 55 , 103 ) owing to the research area’s reliance on self-reported measures with the need for inclusion of more quantitative forms of data (e.g., physiological and biochemical indicators). This presents inherent difficulty in comparing assessment measures or different data types relative to the size and scale of the variables being evaluated ( 9 ). Further, there still remain evidence gaps in data on what activities might increase levels of physical health as well as limited amount of longitudinal datasets from which the frequency, duration, and causal directions could be inferred ( 104 ).

Mental Health

Mental health studies in the context of connecting with nature have also generated a growing research base since the emergence of the Biophilia concept in the mid-1980s ( 45 ). Much of its research within the Evolutionary Psychology discipline examines the recuperative effects of nature on well-being and its beneficial properties following researcher’s arguments of humanity’s affiliation for nature ( 105 ). Supporting research has been well documented in literature during the last few decades. These include “Heraclitean motion” or natural movement ( 14 ), natural sounds ( 106 ), children’s engagement activities within green settings ( 7 , 107 ) as well as esthetic preferences for nature and natural forms ( 4 , 49 ).

Criticisms of this research area center on the inability to decipher causal effects and direction of such benefits and in part relates to its predominant focus on “recuperative measure” than that of detecting its “source” ( 105 ). In light of this, reviewers repeatedly remark on researchers’ tendencies to focus on outcomes of well-being, neglecting the intervening mechanisms that sustain or inhibit well-being ( 108 ). Similarly, further mixed-method approaches and larger sample sizes are needed in this research field. This would enhance existing evidence gaps to enhance existing knowledge of variable interlinkages with other important sources (e.g., physical and social health aspects) as well as the diversity that exists between individuals ( 104 ).

Social Health

In the last two decades, the relationship between people and place in the context of green spaces has received much attention in academic literature in regards to its importance for the vitality of communities and their surrounding environments ( 109 ). As studies have shown, the presence of green space can promote social cohesion and group-based activities, aspects that are crucial for maintaining social ties, developing communities, and increasing individual’s well-being (e.g., horticulture and ecological restoration) ( 110 ). Examples of findings include usage of outdoor space exponentially increases with number and locality of trees ( 111 ), children’s activities in green spaces improves social development ( 7 ) as well as accessibility to green spaces enhances social bonds in communities ( 112 ).

One of the main limitations within this field relates to the generally perceived idea that public green spaces are freely open to everyone in all capacities ( 113 ). This limitation has been, as already, highlighted from the emerging arguments in the field of environmental justice and economic–nature conflicts ( 63 ). As such, many researchers highlight the need to maintain awareness of other barriers that might hinder cohesion and community participation (e.g., semi-public space and social exclusion). Further, there still remains a gap between academic research and local knowledge, which would otherwise lead to more effective interventions. However, without implementing participatory engagement, many studies risk misrepresenting the true social, economic, and political diversity that would increase both our understanding of “real life” problems of concern as well as bringing depth to data collected ( 114 ). Nonetheless, for such approach to be implemented requires sufficient time, cost, and an adequate scale of resources to ensure for aspects of coordination, communication, and data validation ( 115 ).

Impacts of the Human–Nature Relationship on Health

During the past four decades, researchers, health practitioners, and environmentalists alike have begun to explore the potential link between the human–nature relationship and its impact people’s health ( 10 ). This in part owes to the increasing evidence accumulating in research literature centering on the relationships between the following areas: chronic diseases and urbanization, nature connectedness and happiness, health implications of contemporary society’s lifestyle choices as well as the adverse impacts of environmental quality on the health of humans and non-humans alike ( 116 , 117 ).

Such health-related effects that have been alluded to include chronic diseases, social isolation, emotional well-being as well as other psychiatric disorders (e.g., attention deficit disorders and anxiety) and associated physical symptoms ( 7 , 118 ). Reasons for these proposed links have been suggested to stem from various behavioral patterns (e.g., unhealthy diets and indoor lifestyles) associated with consumerism, urbanization, and anthropogenic polluting activities ( 117 , 119 ). Further, these suggested links have been inferred, by some, to be visible in other species (e.g., insects, mice, and amphibians) as a consequence to living in unnatural habitats or enclosures ( 120 – 122 ). Nonetheless, research within this field remains speculative with few counter examples (e.g., some species of wildlife adapting to urban environments), requiring further empirical analysis ( 108 ).

With a growing trend in the number of chronic diseases and psychiatric disorders, costs to the U. K.’s National Health Service (NHS) could rise as the use of prescriptive drugs and medical interventions increases ( 123 ). However, this anticipated trend is considered to be both undesirable and expensive to the already overwhelmed health-care system ( 124 ). In concurrence are the associated impacts on health equity ( 125 , 126 ), equating to further productivity and tax losses every year in addition to a growing gap in health inequalities ( 127 ).

Furthermore, population growth in urbanized areas is expected to impact future accessibility to and overall loss of natural spaces. Not only would this have a direct detrimental effect on the health of both humans and non-humans but equally the functioning and integrity of ecosystem services that sustain our economic productivity ( 128 ). Thereby, costs of sustaining our human-engineered components of social–ecological systems could rise, having an indirect impact on our economic growth and associated pathways connecting to health ( 129 , 130 ). As such, researchers have highlighted the importance of implementing all characteristics when accounting ecosystem services, particularly the inclusion of natural and health-related capital, as well as their intervening mechanisms. This is an area, which at present remains difficult to synthesize owing to fragmented studies from a host of disciplines that are more conceptually rather than empirically based ( 131 ).

Toward an Interdisciplinary Perspective of Human and Ecosystem Health

Since the late nineteenth century, a number of descriptive models have been developed to encapsulate the dimensions of human health and the natural environment as well as their interrelationships ( 17 ). These include the Environment of Health ( 11 ), the Mandala of Health ( 12 ), the Wheel of Fundamental Human Needs ( 13 ), and the Healthy Communities ( 14 ). As VanLeeuwen et al ( 17 ) highlight in their review, each have not fully incorporated all relevant characteristics of ecosystems (e.g., multiple species, trade-offs, and feedback loops, as well as the complex interrelationships between socioeconomic and biophysical environments). Further, the Bioecological systems theory model encapsulates the biopsychological characteristics of an evolving theoretical system for scientific study of human development over time ( 16 , 132 ). However, the model has been suggested by some ( 133 , 134 ) to be static and compartmentalized in nature, emphasizing instead the importance of evolving synergies between biology, culture, and technology.

More recently, the concept “One Health” has gradually evolved and increased with momentum across various disciplines ( 15 ). It is broadly defined as the attainment of optimal health across the human–animal–environmental interfaces at local, national, and global levels. It calls for a holistic and universal approach to researching health, an ideology said to be traceable to pathologist Rudolf Virchow in 1858 ( 18 ). Yet, the concept has received criticisms regarding its prominence toward the more biological phenomena (e.g., infectious diseases) than those of a social science and spatial perspective ( 18 , 135 ). Some have therefore suggested its need to adopt an interdisciplinary approach to facilitate a deeper understanding of the complexities involved ( 13 ).

To address these limitations identified in the above models, a suggested conceptual model has been outlined below (Figure 1 ). It is both inclusive of all relevant characteristics of ecosystems, their continuously evolving synergies with human health as well as a balance between the biological, social, and spatial perspectives. This is achieved through combining the perspective of the human–nature relationship, as summarized in Section “Defining the Human–Nature Relationship” of this review, with those human-centered components of health (physical, mental, and social), as defined by the World Health Organization in 1948 in Section “Defining Health.” It aims to facilitate a deeper understanding of the complexities involved for attaining optimal human health ( 19 ). I will now describe the conceptual model.

Figure 1. Interdisciplinary perspective of human and ecosystem health [image on the inside circle is by Baird ( 136 ) with the background image, added text, and embedded illustrations being the author’s own work] .

First, the outer circle is representative of “nature” that both encompasses and interconnects with the three human-centered components of health (physical, mental, and social). Through this it emphasizes humanity’s interrelationship with the environment. As identified in Section “Defining the Human–Nature Relationship” of this review, the human–nature relationship can be experienced through various biological, ecological, and behavioral connections. For instance, social, political, and economic issues stemming from humanity’s interactions affecting the natural environment (e.g., natural resources, environmental hazards, habitat management, and restoration), as explored in Subsections “Social Economics” and “Environmentalism.”

Second, in the inner circle, the three components of human health (physical, mental, and social) are interconnected through a cohesive triangle to reflect their interdisciplinary and dynamic natures, as outlined in Section “Defining Health.” Further, this cohesive triangle acts on two levels. First, as a single construct of health based on these components combined. Second, the underlying intervening mechanisms that sustain or inhibit health, which can derive from each of these separately ( 105 ). Thereby, it not only focuses on the outcomes or “recuperative measure” of health but also the source of such outcomes and their directions, as highlighted in Section “Mental Health” ( 104 ).

The middle circle represents the interconnected relationship between humanity and the natural environment with relevance to human health (see Current Knowledge on the Human–Nature Relationship and Health). This has been indicated by the two-way arrows and incorporates Gual and Norgaard’s ( 31 ) coevolutionary perspective between human adaptation and the natural environment. In this way, the relationship is continually interconnected via two-way physical and perceptual interactions. These are embedded within three integrated systems (biophysical, biotic, and cultural), with all humanity knows of the world comes through such mediums ( 31 ). As such, the human–nature relationship goes beyond the extent to which an individual believes or feels they are affiliated with nature (e.g., Biophilia concept). It can also be understood as, and inclusive of, our adaptive synergy with nature as well as our longstanding actions and experiences that connect us to nature.

Utilizing this developing conceptual model, methodological approaches can be employed from those research fields explored in this review, enabling a more interdisciplinary framework. The characteristics, descriptions, implications, and practicalities of this are detailed in Table 2 below. The advantage of this is that a multitude of knowledge from both rigorous scientific analysis as well as collaborative participatory research can be combined bringing a greater depth to data collected ( 114 ). This could be achieved through using more mixed-method approaches and adopting a pragmatic outlook in research. In this way, the true social, economic, and political diversity of “real life” as well as the optimal human health at the human–environmental interface can be identified. As such, a more multidimensional perspective of human health would be gained, knowledge that could be implemented to address those issues identified in Section “Impacts of the Human–Nature Relationship on Health” (e.g., improving nature and health ecosystem service accounting). Nonetheless, adopting a pragmatic outlook brings its own challenges, as explored by Onwuegbuzie and Leech ( 137 ), with several researchers proposing frameworks that could be implemented to address these concerns ( 138 , 139 ).

Table 2. A summarized overview of human and ecosystem health from an interdisciplinary perspective .

Summary and Conclusion

One of the imperatives for this article is to review existing theoretical and research literature on the many ways that humans are linked with the natural environment within various disciplines. Although widely discussed across the main four research fields – evolutionary psychology, environmentalism, evolutionary biology, and social economics – there has been comparatively little discussion of convergence between them on defining the human–nature relationship. This paper therefore attempts to redefine the human–nature relationship to bring further understanding of humanity’s relationship with the natural environment from an interdisciplinary perspective. The paper also highlights important complex debates both within and across these disciplines.

The central discussion was to explore the interrelationships between the human–nature relationship and its impact on human health. In questioning the causal relationship, this paper addresses existing research on potential adverse and beneficial impacts in relation to humanity’s degree of relationship to nature and lifestyle choices. The paper also acknowledged current gaps and limitations of this link relative to the different types of health (physical, mental, and social), as characterized by the World Health Organization in 1948. Most of these relate to research at the intersect of nature-based parameters and human health being in its relative infancy. It has also been highlighted that the reorientation of health toward a well-being perspective brings its own challenges to the already complex research base in relation to its concept, measurement, and strategic framework. For a deeper sense of understanding and causal directions to be identified requires further attention to the complexities of these aspects’ interlinkages, processes, and relations.

Finally, a developing conceptual model of human and ecosystem health that is inclusive of the human-centered perspective is proposed. It is based on an interdisciplinary outlook at the intersection of the human–nature relationship and human health, addressing the limitations identified in existing models. To achieve this, it combines theoretical concepts and methodological approaches from those research fields examined in this review, bringing a greater depth to data collected. In attempting this, a balance between both rigorous scientific analysis as well as collaborative participatory research will be required, adopting a pragmatic outlook. In this way, an interdisciplinary approach can facilitate a deeper understanding of the complexities involved for attaining optimal health at the human–environmental interface.

Author Contributions

The author confirms being the sole contributor of this work and approved it for publication.

Conflict of Interest Statement

The author declares that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Acknowledgments

The author would like to thank the following people for their advice and feedback during the writing of this manuscript: Muki Haklay, Pippa Bark-Williams, Mike Wood, Peter J. Burt, Catherine Holloway, Jenny Mindell, Claire Ellul, Elizabeth H. Boakes, Gianfranco Gliozzo, Chris Spears, Louisa Hooper, and Roberta Antonica. University College London and The Conservation Volunteers sponsored this research.

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Keywords: human health, human–nature relationship, natural environment, interdisciplinary

Citation: Seymour V (2016) The Human–Nature Relationship and Its Impact on Health: A Critical Review. Front. Public Health 4:260. doi: 10.3389/fpubh.2016.00260

Received: 21 July 2016; Accepted: 03 November 2016; Published: 18 November 2016

Reviewed by:

Copyright: © 2016 Seymour. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY) . The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) or licensor are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.

*Correspondence: Valentine Seymour, valentine.seymour.12@ucl.ac.uk

Disclaimer: All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article or claim that may be made by its manufacturer is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

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Relationship Between Human And Nature Essay

The relationship between humans and nature has long been a source of debate and discussion. In this essay, we will explore the complex and often conflicting relationship between humans and nature and discuss the ways in which we can better understand and appreciate this important connection. We will look at the environmental effects of human activities, the need for sustainable development, and the importance of protecting our natural ecosystems.

The interaction of human and nature in the natural environment

Humans have a complex relationship with nature. On one hand, we rely on nature for our basic needs such as food, shelter, and clothing. On the other hand, humans have a tendency to disrupt and exploit nature for their own gain.

This essay can also explore the effects of human activities on the environment, and examine the ways in which humans can work to protect and restore ecosystems. Ultimately, an essay on the relationship between human and nature can help us better understand our place in the natural world and our responsibility to protect it.

Exploring the impact of human activity on nature

Humans have always had a profound relationship with nature, and it’s become even more important to explore the impact of human activity on our environment. From the industrial revolution to climate change, human activity is having a far-reaching impact on the natural world.

We’ll consider the effects of human activities on the environment and suggest ways to reduce our environmental footprint. By understanding the relationship between humans and nature, we can take steps to protect our planet and ensure a sustainable future.

Examining the ways nature affects humans

In this essay, we will explore the various ways that nature affects us and how we can cultivate a healthier relationship with the world around us. We will consider the physical, mental, and spiritual benefits of immersing ourselves in the natural world and explore how it can positively influence our lives. Ultimately, we will discuss the importance of protecting and preserving our environment for future generations.

The benefits of preserving and enhancing the relationship between humans and nature

Preserving and enhancing the relationship between humans and nature is essential for both our physical and mental well-being. Our connection to the natural world helps us to better understand our place in the universe and how we can work in harmony with the environment.

The challenges of achieving balance between human and nature

It’s no secret that the relationship between humans and nature is a complex and ever-changing one. How do we balance our need to use natural resources with our need to protect and preserve them? This is a question that has been debated for centuries, and it is one that continues to be relevant in today’s world.

This is a question that has been debated for centuries, and it is one that continues to be relevant in today’s world. A relationship between human and nature essay can explore this delicate balance and the various challenges that come with it. Such an essay could look at the importance of sustainability, the impact of human activities on the environment, and the importance of preserving the natural world.

Final Touch

In conclusion, the relationship between humans and nature is complex and ever-changing. We have the power to shape our environment and create a better, more sustainable future, but we must do so with respect and understanding of the natural world. Our actions must be guided by our knowledge of the delicate balance between human activity and the environment.

Our actions must be guided by our knowledge of the delicate balance between human activity and the environment. By doing so, we can create a better world for both humans and nature.

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Published: 16 August 2024

Mapping the structure-function relationship along macroscale gradients in the human brain

Evan Collins ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-0774-6975 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 ,
Omar Chishti ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-1789-0030 1 , 2 , 5 ,
Sami Obaid 1 , 6 , 7 ,
Hari McGrath ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-0037-4761 1 , 8 ,
Alex King 1 , 9 ,
Xilin Shen 10 ,
Jagriti Arora 10 ,
Xenophon Papademetris 2 , 10 , 11 ,
R. Todd Constable ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-5661-9521 1 , 2 , 10 , 12 ,
Dennis D. Spencer 1 &
Hitten P. Zaveri ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-7830-0052 13

Nature Communications volume 15 , Article number: 7063 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

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Functional coactivation between human brain regions is partly explained by white matter connections; however, how the structure-function relationship varies by function remains unclear. Here, we reference large data repositories to compute maps of structure-function correspondence across hundreds of specific functions and brain regions. We use natural language processing to accurately predict structure-function correspondence for specific functions and to identify macroscale gradients across the brain that correlate with structure-function correspondence as well as cortical thickness. Our findings suggest structure-function correspondence unfolds along a sensory-fugal organizational axis, with higher correspondence in primary sensory and motor cortex for perceptual and motor functions, and lower correspondence in association cortex for cognitive functions. Our study bridges neuroscience and natural language to describe how structure-function coupling varies by region and function in the brain, offering insight into the diversity and evolution of neural network properties.

Decoupling of brain function from structure reveals regional behavioral specialization in humans

Intrinsic Functional Connectivity is Organized as Three Interdependent Gradients

Individual Brain Charting dataset extension, second release of high-resolution fMRI data for cognitive mapping

Introduction.

The relationship between structure and function drives the organization of many biological systems. For example, proteins adopt conformational structures which shape their biological functions. Analogously, structure is thought to affect function in the brain 1 . Complex networks of synapses enable signaling between neurons, forming neural circuits 2 . The tracts of axons that make up neural circuits constitute the white matter (WM) connectome, which enables both short- and long-distance interactions between brain regions 3 , 4 . These neuronal interactions are considered to be the physiological origin of meaningful behavior, perception, and cognition 5 , hence, suggesting structure-function (SF) coupling. How this observed SF correspondence varies for specific functions is incompletely understood 1 .

With advancements in imaging technology, SF correspondence of the human brain has been computed using a variety of statistical and biophysical approaches 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 . To analyze SF correspondence means to assess the extent to which functional properties shared between brain regions can be attributed to their shared structural networks. This commonly involves testing for the relationship between structural connectivity (SC), i.e., the extent of white matter connections between pairs of brain regions, and functional connectivity (FC), i.e., the extent of systematic coactivation between pairs of brain regions.

Early studies computed global SF correspondence by calculating the correlation between whole-brain SC and whole-brain FC, making the limiting assumption that the factors driving SF correspondence are uniform across the brain 1 , 11 . Although SC and FC are significantly correlated in global measures, the majority of variance of these measures was unexplained, suggesting an imperfect correlation 1 , 11 . Recent research has shown SF correspondence varies across the cortex 9 , 10 . A study in 2019 with 40 subjects used a multiple linear regression model to evaluate whether SC from diffusion MRI (dMRI) predicts FC from resting-state fMRI (rsfMRI) 10 . The study demonstrated that SF correlations were higher in sensory-motor regions and lower in default mode network, following a cortical gradient they characterize as unimodal to transmodal 12 , 13 . Another study in 2019 suggested SF correspondence was higher for regions involved in motor activity 14 ; however, how SF correspondence varies across many functions remains unexplored.

Hence, we identified two key areas for further investigation. First, most prior studies use imaging data from a relatively small cohort of subjects. Although having a small cohort from a single imaging facility helps minimize confounding variables, interindividual variability in both FC and SC data reduces statistical power, potentially leading to unrepresentative group-wise associations. Second, prior studies typically estimate FC from rsfMRI. Coactivation patterns at rest, however, are significantly different from those when performing tasks 15 , so SF correspondence computed from rsfMRI may be different than that computed from task-based fMRI. Moreover, it is arguably more biologically and evolutionarily meaningful to evaluate how structure corresponds to function during specific mental tasks.

Altogether, the effect of task activation on SF correspondence is incompletely understood 1 , 14 , and, more generally, a representative map of the SF relationship in the human brain across specific regions and specific functions is critically lacking. We sought to overcome these limitations by using big data and natural language processing (NLP) approaches to compute the most generalizable, representative map of the varying relationship between structure and function across the human brain. We sourced structural and functional data from large repositories and localized them to a high-resolution anatomical atlas. Structural data was acquired from the WM connectomes of 1065 subjects from the dMRI data of Human Connectome Project (HCP). Functional data was acquired from Neurosynth and NeuroQuery meta-analytic repositories of fMRI activation data across 334 different functions. We computed SF correspondence globally, locally, and by specific function. We next used NLP techniques to predict SF correspondence for specific functions and to identify macroscale gradients that correlate with structure-function correspondence across the brain. We observed SF correspondence varies along a sensory-fugal organizational axis, with higher correspondence in primary sensory and motor cortex for externally-oriented, perceptual functions and lower correspondence in association cortex for internally-oriented, cognitive functions. We lastly related SF correspondence to cortical thickness.

Generating representative structural connectivities and functional connectivities

We sourced structural data in the form of streamline counts and lengths from the WM tractograms of N = 1065 healthy adult individuals from HCP (Fig. 1a ). End-to-end streamline count matrices and streamline length matrices were generated for each individual using the Yale Brain Atlas parcellation. Yale Brain Atlas is a high-resolution anatomical atlas consisting of 696 parcels covering the cortex and hippocampus, amygdala, and corpus callosum 16 . In addition to its relevance for epilepsy studies 16 , 17 , the Yale Brain Atlas parcellation was well-suited for this study due to its relatively small and uniform parcel size, enabling precise and meaningful analyses of structural and functional patterns. Arithmetic averages of these matrices were computed to generate the group-level streamline count (SC-Count) and streamline length (SC-Length) matrices. In addition, we computed the pairwise Euclidean distances between centroids of Yale Brain Atlas parcels (SC-Eucl Dist) (Fig. 1b ). These three group-level SC matrices were used as inputs for network analysis scripts from Zamani Esfahlani et al. 9 to generate additional group-level SC matrices, bringing the total of SC metrics considered to thirteen (Fig. 1c ).

a Structural measures of white matter (WM) streamline counts and WM lengths were acquired from the tractograms of N = 1065 healthy subjects from HCP and registered into Yale Brain Atlas space consisting of 696 parcels. b The averaged WM streamline count matrix, averaged WM length matrix, and Euclidean distance matrix were computed to create the aggregated SC matrices used as inputs for additional network analyses. c Network measures were computed from the three SC matrices of Fig. 1b to generate 13 total SC matrices, spanning a diversity of network measures to capture different characteristics of neuroanatomical organization. d For both Neurosynth and NeuroQuery, z-score activation values for 334 functional terms across all voxels in MNI152 space were extracted from the respective meta-analytic fMRI data repository. e Activation values from constituent voxels were averaged for each Yale Brain Atlas parcel. Separately, NLP techniques were employed for the 334 functional terms to analyze macroscale gradients. f Cosine similarity was lastly computed between every pair of parcels, in each instance comparing two vectors containing activation values across the 334 functional terms. The output is the functional connectivity (FC) matrix. g For each pair of parcels, we assessed the relationship between FC derived from Fig. 1f and the 13 SC measures derived from Fig. 1c. The result is the structure-function relationship across 334 functions and 696 parcels in the human brain.

We sourced functional data from both Neurosynth and NeuroQuery meta-analytic repositories of fMRI activation data. Neurosynth is a large open-source platform that uses text-mining, NLP techniques, and meta-analysis to collate fMRI activation data from 14,371 peer-reviewed articles and provide a voxelwise map of activations for 1334 terms 18 . These terms in Neurosynth are not strictly tasks conventionally used for fMRI, as they emerge from NLP topic analysis. Nevertheless, the terms represent the major topics of the web-scraped articles, which include both rsfMRI- and diverse task-based studies. Many terms are basic positional descriptors of the voxel (e.g., “prefrontal”); therefore, we selected and synthesized a subset of 334 terms that describe functional tasks (e.g., “vision”). NeuroQuery was created more recently to update Neurosynth namely through a larger, updated dataset of text and the use of semantic smoothing based on word embeddings to merge the results of similar terms 19 . We additionally analyzed the activation data of NeuroQuery using the same 334 functional terms that we subsetted from Neurosynth.

Separately for Neurosynth and NeuroQuery, we extracted the z-score activation values for 334 functional terms across all voxels in MNI152 space (Fig. 1d ). Activation values from constituent voxels were averaged for each parcel of the Yale Brain Atlas (Fig. 1e ). To transform these parcel-wise average activation values into connectivity data, we computed cosine similarity between the activation vectors of each pair of parcels (Fig. 1f ). In addition, to compare our meta-analytic FC approach with the rsfMRI-derived FC approach of prior studies 9 , 10 , we computed a group-average rsfMRI connectivity matrix for 34 healthy age- and sex-representative subjects. Once the SC and FC measures were estimated, we proceeded to analyze SF relationships across 334 functions and 696 parcels (Fig. 1g ).

Structural and functional connectivities exhibit imperfect global correspondence

To compare with prior approaches, we first sought to analyze global SF correspondence across the whole brain, which for our analyses included the cortex and hippocampus, amygdala, and corpus callosum. Spectral clustering and diffusion mapping of parcels to visualize the different patterns of SC and FC illustrate inexact global correspondence (Figs. 2b, c , S1a ; see “Methods”). From pairwise linear regression models between different SC and FC types across the whole brain, we observe R 2 values no greater than 0.3 (Fig. 2d ) and Spearman r absolute values no greater than 0.5 (Fig. S1b ), again suggesting limited explained correspondence between structure and function globally. We additionally evaluated mean out-of-sample R 2 values across ten cross-validation folds to assess more appropriately the extent to which different SC types can predict FC (Fig. S1c ); minimal differences exist between the in-sample R 2 values (Fig. 2d ) and out-of-sample R 2 values (Fig. S1c ).

a Network graph of the brain (left to right: left lateral, right lateral, superior, basal) with nodes representing all 696 parcels and edges representing the binarized end-to-end WM connections (only top 5000 shown for clarity). Node size corresponds to structural connectivity (SC)-Count degree. Node color reflects brain region. Edge weight corresponds to functional connectivity (FC)-Neurosynth values. b Spectral clustering of parcels based on FC-Neurosynth (top). Two-dimensional diffusion map for FC-Neurosynth with each parcel colored according to FC-Neurosynth spectral cluster designation (bottom). c Spectral clustering of parcels based on SC-Cosine (top). Two-dimensional diffusion map for FC-Neurosynth with each parcel colored according to SC-Cosine spectral cluster designation (bottom). d R 2 values from linear regression models evaluating the relationship between specific SC and FC values across the whole brain. All estimates within the gold box represent structure-function relationships. e Mean out-of-sample adjusted R 2 values across 10 cross-validation folds from linear regression models to predict either FC-Neurosynth, FC-NeuroQuery, or FC-rsfMRI with varying number of SC predictors. Comparable plots for mean squared error (MSE) are also shown. For each cross-validation fold and for each number of SC predictors, the optimal model was selected via exhaustive search. The list of terms in green reflect the optimal SC predictors that maximize adjusted R 2 , beyond which adding more SC predictors does not significantly improve performance for that FC type. Points denote mean values and error bars denote +/−SEM. Source data are provided as a Source data file.

To select optimal multiple linear regression models to predict either FC-Neurosynth, FC-NeuroQuery, or FC-rsfMRI, we plotted mean out-of-sample adjusted R 2 values and mean squared error (MSE) values across ten cross-validation folds with varying numbers of SC predictors (Fig. 2e ). This prediction-centric approach was chosen to prevent overfitting, which can be the case when in-sample R 2 values are used for model selection (Fig. S1d ). For each cross-validation fold and for each number of SC predictors, the optimal model plotted was selected via exhaustive search. For each FC type, we selected the optimal SC predictors that maximized out-of-sample adjusted R 2 , where additional SC predictors did not significantly improve performance. The optimal SC predictors were cosine, flow graph, and navigation length for FC-Neurosynth; cosine and Euclidean distance for FC-NeuroQuery; and cosine, Euclidean distance, and flow graph for FC-rsfMRI (Fig. 2e ). These optimal multiple linear regression models still have adjusted R 2 values no larger than 0.34, meaning the vast majority of functional variance is not explained by structural metrics globally. Altogether, this limited global SF correspondence motivated us to explore its variation by specific region and function.

Structure-function correspondence is higher in primary sensory and motor cortex and lower in association cortex, and changes with task activation

To evaluate how SF correspondence varies locally, we computed the strength of SF correspondence in each parcel as the adjusted R 2 value resulting from a multiple linear regression model relating FC with the optimal SC measures selected in Fig. 2e . This analysis was done for FC-Neurosynth (Fig. 3a ), FC-NeuroQuery (Fig. 3b ), and FC-rsfMRI (Fig. 3c ). In addition, to enable effective comparisons between the SF correspondence maps produced from these three FC types, we plotted the R 2 by brain region, i.e., larger groupings of parcels (Figs. 3d , S4 ).

a Matrix schematic demonstrating how strength of structure-function (SF) correspondence in each parcel was computed as the adjusted R 2 value resulting from a multiple linear regression model relating functional connectivity (FC)-Neurosynth with the optimal structural connectivity (SC) measures selected in Fig. 2e (top). Pattern of SF correspondence across the brain, with parcels colored by these R 2 values (bottom). b Analogous to Fig. 3a for FC-NeuroQuery. c Analogous to Fig. 3a for FC-rsfMRI. d Bar chart of SF R 2 z-scores by region for each FC type, with each bar representing the mean +/− SEM among constituent parcels for a particular region ( N = 19). Each point (total N = 696) reflects a constituent parcel for a region. z-scores were used to enable more effective comparisons between FC types. Source data are provided as a Source data file.

Overall, for all three FC types, we observed SF correspondence was higher in primary sensory and motor cortex closer to the longitudinal fissure, and lower in association cortex, aligning with a so-called sensory-fugal organizational axis 20 , 21 . Moreover, our SF correspondence gradients for FC-Neurosynth, FC-NeuroQuery, and FC-rsfMRI largely align with that of a prior study which exclusively used FC-rsfMRI from a small cohort 10 . Comparing between our FC types, FC-Neurosynth and FC-rsfMRI exhibit R 2 = 0.32, FC-NeuroQuery and FC-rsfMRI R 2 = 0.34, and FC-Neurosynth and FC-NeuroQuery R 2 = 0.37. This overall alignment mitigated some of our concerns about the noise level from the meta-analytic approaches and motivated us to leverage the main advantage of these meta-analytic repositories, i.e., being able to analyze activity across hundreds of specific functions, in the next section of our study.

Nevertheless, we found using meta-analytic FC produced some significant differences compared to using FC-rsfMRI (Fig. 3d ). When compared to FC-rsfMRI, using FC-Neurosynth yielded an even greater discrepancy in SF correspondence between primary sensory & motor cortex and association cortex. Using FC-NeuroQuery increased SF correspondence in many regions, most notably the orbitofrontal cortex. In addition, another marked difference from FC-rsfMRI was observed in the amygdala, with significantly greater SF correspondence when using either meta-analytic FC. These findings underscore the impact of using meta-analytic data, i.e., diverse fMRI data across many tasks and states, in SF analysis.

We next considered the possibility that some parcels have higher SF correspondence due to high SC or FC degree, i.e., having more WM connections or greater functional similarly with more parcels, respectively (Fig. S5 ). We determined there was an insignificant relationship with SC-Count degree, suggesting the number of WM streamlines per parcel had minimal effect on SF correspondence. However, we found there was a significant relationship with FC-Neurosynth degree, suggesting parcels that were functionally similar to many other parcels in Neurosynth generally had lower SF correspondence. This was not as significantly the case for FC-rsfMRI degree or FC-NeuroQuery degree, potentially due to their activation data being less sparse than that of Neurosynth.

Structure-function correspondence predictably varies by specific function

Recognizing the principal advantage of using meta-analytic FC across many isolable functional terms, we next analyzed how SF correspondence varies by specific function. For this effort, we chose FC-Neurosynth over FC-NeuroQuery due to our intended use of word embeddings, which compromise statistical independence with the latter given NeuroQuery’s word embedding-based processing of activation data. To compute SF correspondence for a specific functional term, the active (i.e., non-zero activation in Neurosynth) and inactive parcels were determined. We then executed a Wilcoxon rank-signed test to compare a vector of WM streamline counts (i.e., SC-Count) between active-active parcel pairs and another vector of WM streamline counts between active-inactive parcel pairs for each functional term (Fig. 4a ). Plotting each term by its resulting p value and fold change dimensionalized SF correspondence (Fig. 4b ; see “Methods”). Applying significance thresholds, functional terms with high SF and low SF were selected; the labeled terms are more extensively shown in Fig. S6 . Among those greater than the fold change threshold, the functional terms with most significant p values were “visual”, “semantic”, and “sensorimotor”. Among those with significant p values, the functional terms with the greatest fold change were “sensorimotor”, “foot”, and “vision”; those with the least were “sensitivity”, “retention”, and “spectrum”. Altogether, we observed functions related to sensory-motor, perceptual, and language tasks have higher SF correspondence.

a Schematic illustrating how structure-function (SF) correspondence was evaluated for each specific functional term. For each of the 334 functional terms in Neurosynth, a Wilcoxon rank-signed test compared a vector of SC-Count values (i.e., number of white matter (WM) paths) between active-active parcel pairs and another vector of SC-Count values between active-inactive parcel pairs for each term. b The resulting p values and fold changes are plotted, with significance thresholds at p = 0.05 and log 2 (Fold Change) ≈ 0.94, reflecting the 20 th percentile cutoff among significant terms. A select number of functional terms are labeled in the plot, shaded red to indicate high SF or blue to indicate low SF. Table shows opposite ends of functional terms list ranked by fold change. c Word embeddings were computed via word2vec from a corpus of 12,909 web-scraped fMRI article abstracts used in Neurosynth. Schematic with mock word embeddings illustrates the basic idea underlying embedding space: words closer to each other in this space are more semantically similar in natural language. Plot below shows tSNE visualization of word embeddings of the 334 functional terms, colored by the same convention in Fig. 4b. d Boxplots demonstrating significant fundamental differences in embedding space between high SF functional terms ( N = 39) and low SF functional terms ( N = 49); the first component from tSNE shown left, and the first component from PCA shown right. Two-sided Wilcoxon signed-rank tests were performed; p values were Bonferroni-corrected (exact p values are 5.84 × 10 −13 (left), 4.23 × 10 −11 (right)). e Boxplot demonstrating significant difference in concreteness score between high SF functional terms ( N = 34) and low SF functional terms ( N = 46). Concreteness scores for each term were sourced from Brysbaert et al. and reflect the degree of sensory and motor responses involved 22 ; 8 terms were not featured in this source and were thus omitted from analysis. Two-sided Wilcoxon signed-rank test was performed. All boxplots have a box that signifies the interquartile range (IQR; 25th percentile to 75th percentile), a center bar that denotes the median, whiskers that extend up to 1.5 × IQR, and a notch that extends 1.58 × IQR/√ n , where n is the sample size for that condition, to estimate the 95% confidence interval. f Schematic demonstrating the two ways how word embeddings of the functional terms were used as inputs to either (1) a support vector machine (SVM) to classify functional terms as high SF or low SF, or (2) a fully connected feedforward neural network (NN) to predict SF fold change. The mean ROC curve over four cross-validation folds for the SVM is shown left with its AUC and mean accuracy reported; note that high SF is the positive class. The predicted vs. actual value plot over four cross-validation folds for the neural network is shown right with the mean out-of-sample R 2 value, Spearman r value, and p value (exact p value of 1.93 × 10 −5 ) from the correlation test reported. Both SVM and neural network results demonstrate how word embeddings can be used to predict the SF relationship elicited by specific functions in the brain. Source data are provided as a Source data file.

We next leveraged NLP to assess if functional terms with higher SF correspondence clustered together when mapped in semantic space, derived from computing word embeddings of the terms based on a corpus of abstracts from Neurosynth (Fig. 4c ). The first components of both tSNE and PCA in dimensionally-reduced semantic space significantly discriminated between high SF and low SF terms (Fig. 4d ), suggesting the semantics of functional terms fundamentally organize their SF correspondence in the brain.

Next, we more precisely evaluated how the semantics differed between functional terms with high SF and those with low SF. Considering we observed higher SF correspondence localized to sensory and motor cortex in Fig. 3 , we were motivated to reference a sensory-motor ratings resource from Brysbaert et al. to assign a so-called concreteness score to each functional term 22 . Concreteness scores were given in this prior study by asking scorers to rate words based on involvement of senses and motor responses. We found terms with high SF on average had significantly higher concreteness (i.e., sensory-motor) scores (Fig. 4e ), reinforcing the spatial findings displayed in Fig. 3 . Moreover, we also evaluated how using SC-Cosine rather than SC-Count affects this analysis, revealing a largely similar grouping of high SF and low SF terms separable by fundamental embeddings (Fig. S7a, b ).

As opposed to discretizing words as either high SF or low SF, we also computed how these predictors relate to the fold change value as a continuous measure of SF (Fig. S8a–d ); the same relationships shown in Fig. 4b–e were reinforced. Moreover, the fold change value of SF did not strongly relate to the mean distance between active parcels for a functional term (Fig. S8e ), suggesting the proximity of activation areas was not superficially driving SF correspondence.

To assess how well semantics of functional terms in natural language can actually predict their SF correspondence, word embeddings of the functional terms were used as inputs to either a support vector machine (SVM) binary classifier or a fully connected neural network for regression (Fig. 4f ). The SVM classified functional terms as either high SF or low SF. The fully connected feedforward neural network predicted the SF fold change of the functional terms. The SVM performed well with a mean AUC of 0.85. Moreover, the neural network performed modestly with a mean out-of-sample R 2 value of 0.15 and a Spearman r of 0.44. Altogether, both machine learning implementations demonstrate how semantic embeddings can be used to predict the SF relationship elicited by specific functions.

Structure-function correspondence unfolds along macroscale functional gradients

In addition to analyzing individual functional terms, we next explored macroscale functional gradients that correlate with SF correspondence across the brain. Using both dimensionality reduction and additional NLP techniques, we analyzed how parcel-wise metrics correlate with the SF correspondence pattern derived from FC-Neurosynth shown in Fig. 3a .

A prior study identified the first dimension of the diffusion map for FC-rsfMRI to correlate well with SF correspondence by region 10 . We replicated this key finding for FC-Neurosynth, computing relatively strong correlation between SF correspondence and the first component of the diffusion map for FC-Neurosynth ( R 2 = 0.2, Spearman r = 0.44) (Fig. 5a ). We explored another dimensionality reduction technique, PCA, and found that the first principal component derived from Neurosynth functional activation (FA) data also significantly correlated with SF correspondence ( R 2 = 0.15, Spearman r = 0.35) (Fig. 5b ), although with less explanatory power than the first diffusion component. The prior study hypothesized that a unimodal-to-transmodal gradient was the central driver of the FC diffusion component, which in turn correlates well with the SF correspondence gradient 10 . However, this modality hypothesis has not been directly testable with rsfMRI-derived FC. Thus, we exploited the diversity of our meta-analytic FC along many isolable functional dimensions. Moreover, we used NLP techniques based on semantics of the functional terms to identify additional macroscale functional gradients that predict SF correspondence across the brain.

a Schematic demonstrating the first component of the diffusion map for FC-Neurosynth (left). Pattern of this first diffusion component across the brain is mapped, with parcel color representing z-score (center). Correlation between the first component of the FC-Neurosynth diffusion map and the parcel-wise SF R 2 values as shown in Fig. 3A ; R 2 and Spearman r values noted (right). b Schematic demonstrating the first principal component for Neurosynth functional activation (FA-Neurosynth) data as introduced in Fig. 1e (left). Pattern map across the brain (center) and correlation with SF R 2 (right) are shown for the first FA principal component (PC) analogous to Fig. 5a. Note that parcel color here denotes log-transformed z-score value; log was applied to reduce skewness. c Measures derived with NLP techniques selected the ten functional terms with the highest Neurosynth activation values for each parcel. Functional diversity was quantified as the weighted mean distance between word embeddings of the ten most activated terms and their corresponding centroid for each parcel (left). Pattern map across the brain (center) and correlation with SF R 2 (right) are shown for functional diversity analogous to Fig. 5a. d Extent of sensory-motor function was quantified as the weighted mean concreteness score for the ten most activated terms for each parcel. Concreteness scores were sourced from Brysbaert et al. 22 (left). Pattern map across the brain (center) and correlation with SF R 2 (right) are shown for concreteness scores analogous to Fig. 5a. e Extent of perceptual function was quantified as the weighted proportion of the ten most activated terms labeled as “perceptual” in LIWC for each parcel 24 (left). Pattern map across the brain (center) and correlation with SF R 2 (right) are shown for perceptual function scores analogous to Fig. 5a. f Analogous to Fig. 5e for cognitive function. g Analogous to Fig. 5e for biological function. Source data are provided as a Source data file.

To operationalize the previously hypothesized unimodal-to-transmodal gradient 10 , we defined unimodality as low functional diversity and transmodality as high functional diversity. To quantify functional diversity, we began by determining the word embeddings of the ten functional terms with the highest Neurosynth activation values for each parcel. We did not consider all activated terms for each parcel to reduce noise from Neurosynth. Pairwise distances between word embeddings capture semantic differences 23 . Thus, we computed functional diversity for each parcel as the weighted mean distance between word embeddings of the ten most activated terms and their corresponding centroid. We discovered functional diversity (i.e., uni-/transmodality) negatively correlates with SF correspondence; however, the relationship was weak ( R 2 = 0.02, Spearman r = −0.13) (Fig. 5c ).

Next, we explored how the extent of sensory-motor function in each parcel correlated with SF correspondence. As in Fig. 4e , we referenced the concreteness ratings resource from Brysbaert et al. to assign concreteness (i.e., sensory-motor function) scores for each parcel 22 . We found the extent of sensory-motor function by parcel positively correlates with SF correspondence ( R 2 = 0.23, Spearman r = 0.44) (Fig. 5d ), with even higher explanatory power as the first diffusion component.

Lastly, we identified three more functional gradients that correlated with SF correspondence: the extent of perceptual, cognitive, and biological functions. We referenced the psychometric categorization of words found in the Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count (LIWC2015) dictionary 24 . Note the biological category in LIWC2015 denotes words related to core body, health, sexual, and ingestion processes. We found the extent of perceptual function by parcel positively correlates with SF correspondence ( R 2 = 0.07, Spearman r = 0.34) (Fig. 5e ), the extent of cognitive function by parcel negatively correlates with SF correspondence ( R 2 = 0.11, Spearman r = −0.33) (Fig. 5f ), and the extent of biological function by parcel positively correlates with SF correspondence ( R 2 = 0.13, Spearman r = 0.35) (Fig. 5g ). With respect to the multicollinearity of these predictor variables, we found they have variance inflation factors (VIFs) ranging from 1.1 to 3, suggesting relatively limited multicollinearity.

Organization of cortical thickness relates to structure-function correspondence

Prior research indicated structural measures like intracortical myelination 25 and laminar differentiation 26 correlate with functional organization in the cortex. Moreover, recent evidence has suggested cortical thickness follows similar organizational axes as myeloarchitecture, cytoarchitecture, and functional networks 27 , 28 , 29 . Here, hypothesizing the importance of neuroanatomical features to SF coupling, we assessed the correlations of cortical thickness with SF correspondence, as well with macroscale functional gradients. We first computed an average cortical thickness map in Yale Brain Atlas space for 200 healthy young adults from HCP (Fig. 6a ). We omitted the six corpus callosum parcels from this analysis, thus, bringing the total Yale Brain Atlas parcels evaluated to 690.

a Map of cortical thickness values for each parcel. b Significant negative correlation between cortical thickness and SF R 2 values as shown in Fig. 3a ; R 2 and Spearman r values noted above plot. Parcels colored according to axial Cartesian coordinates, and its R 2 value with cortical thickness noted above legend. c The strongest correlation between cortical thickness and SF R 2 values was found in the parietal lobe, similarly colored according to axial coordinates. Correlations between cortical thickness and four macroscale functional gradients introduced in Fig. 5 : d the first component of the FC-Neurosynth diffusion map, e functional diversity, f sensory-motor function, and g perceptual function. R 2 and Spearman r values reported. Source data are provided as a Source data file.

In light of recent evidence suggesting cortical thickness follows key gradients that run coronally and axially 27 , we found cortical thickness correlates with coronal ( R 2 = 0.01, Spearman r = 0.14) and, especially, axial ( R 2 = 0.44, Spearman r = −0.67) Cartesian coordinates of parcels. We observed a negative, albeit weak, correlation between cortical thickness and SF correspondence ( R 2 = 0.03, Spearman r = −0.2) (Fig. 6b ). More localized comparisons revealed that the strongest correlation between cortical thickness and SF correspondence exists in the parietal lobe ( R 2 = 0.61, Spearman r = −0.81) (Fig. 6c ).

Comparing with the macroscale functional gradients in Fig. 5 , cortical thickness significantly correlates with the first component of the FC diffusion map ( R 2 = 0.23, Spearman r = −0.46) (Fig. 6d ), functional diversity ( R 2 = 0.04, Spearman r = 0.22) (Fig. 6e ), sensory-motor function ( R 2 = 0.12, Spearman r = −0.33) (Fig. 6f ), and perceptual function ( R 2 = 0.03, Spearman r = −0.21) (Fig. 6g ). Cortical thickness demonstrates insignificant correlations with the two other functional gradients derived from psychometric categorization, i.e., cognitive function and biological function. These correlations that are significant suggest some degree of multicollinearity between cortical thickness and other correlates of SF correspondence. Despite having relatively low VIFs ranging from 1.2 to 3.4, multicollinearity concerns prevent definitive conclusions about the way in which cortical thickness directly influences SF correspondence; nevertheless, our study reports an association with cortical thickness pertinent to SF coupling and other macroscale functional gradients.

Despite prior research on the spatial gradient of SF correspondence in the human brain 10 , 14 , 26 , 30 , the effect of different specific functions on the SF relationship has remained unknown. Our analysis of large data repositories reveals converging evidence that SF correspondence unfolds along macroscale functional and neuroanatomical gradients that follow a sensory-fugal organizational axis, with higher correspondence in primary sensory and motor cortex for perceptual and motor functions, and lower correspondence in association cortex for cognitive functions.

To compute SF correspondence across more than 300 specific functions, we sourced functional data from the meta-analytic repositories Neurosynth 18 and NeuroQuery 19 and transformed them into high-resolution atlas space. The former was included because it has been an essential meta-analytic resource for neuroscience research for more than a decade, the latter as a secondary point of comparison because it offers an updated repository with smoothed data. Although meta-analytic functional data presents many limitations, namely, minimally interpretable topic analysis and lack of individual-specific data, we nevertheless recognized its value for diverse functional activation data. Nevertheless, considering other studies have observed individual differences in SF coupling 31 , future research should explore individual-specific analyses based on alternative functional databases. The observed similarity in the SF correspondence gradients derived from meta-analytic FC (i.e., FC-Neurosynth or FC-NeuroQuery) and FC-rsfMRI suggests the former, despite being sourced from noisy meta-analysis, aligns moderately well with the traditional approach of analyzing FC patterns of a small resting-state cohort. Meta-analytic FC data, importantly, has the unique benefit of spanning many isolable functional dimensions, allowing for analysis by specific function. Coupled with WM tractograms for 1065 subjects from HCP dMRI data, our results demonstrate how SF correspondence varies across specific regions and functions in the human brain.

This study contributes to a growing body of evidence that our understanding of SF correspondence is incomplete. Many early reports analyzed the relationship between structure and function at the whole-brain level 11 , 32 . Like these studies which used FC-rsfMRI measures, the findings reported here based on meta-analytic FC indicate an imperfect SF correspondence globally, with the majority of functional variance not explained by direct structural metrics 11 , motivating further investigation into new analytical methods and experimental techniques besides dMRI for SC and fMRI for FC.

We demonstrate SF correspondence is not spatially uniform across the brain. We performed multilinear regression model selection via exhaustive search over ten cross-validation folds to select the optimal SC measures to predict FC and in turn quantify SF correspondence at every parcel of a high-resolution anatomical atlas 16 . Our results largely agree with a prior study which used FC-rsfMRI, illustrating higher SF correspondence in primary sensory and motor cortex especially along the longitudinal fissure, and lower in association cortex. However, using FC-Neurosynth importantly yielded an even more pronounced discrepancy between these regions. Using FC-NeuroQuery led to a marked increase in SF correspondence in most regions, most notably in the orbitofrontal cortex. We hypothesize the overall higher SF correspondence when using FC-NeuroQuery is a consequence of its use of semantic smoothing to generate activation data, which in turn likely enhances the predictive power of Euclidean distance in our analyses. The most notable difference between meta-analytic FC and FC-rsfMRI was observed in the amygdala, a region involved in emotional learning and behavior including fear and anxiety 33 . Like other regions with relatively high SF correspondence, the activity of the amygdala is evolutionarily important for efficient processing of environmental stimuli 34 . Prior SF studies using rsfMRI did not emphasize the amygdala, potentially due to low activation during resting state. Overall, this demonstrates how incorporating specific functions in SF analysis can highlight more biologically and evolutionarily meaningful patterns.

We next leveraged NLP techniques to discover functional terms with different SF correspondence strengths have fundamentally different semantics. We found that semantic embeddings of functional terms could successfully predict their SF correspondence strength. This suggests humans’ conception about the extent of difference between meanings of functional words mirrors the extent of difference in the SF patterns they elicit in the brain. Hence, this study reveals a notable convergence of the neural basis of functions and our conscious discernment of these functions as expressed in natural language: we potentially conceive functional terms as different due to the different network properties they elicit in our brain; alternatively or in combination, conceived diversity of functional terms could only manifest as a consequence of variable SF correspondence. To further define what is driving the semantic axis discriminating SF correspondence, we demonstrated functions with greater sensory-motor characteristics have higher SF correspondence on average.

In addition to analyzing individual functional terms, we also explored macroscale functional gradients that predict SF correspondence across many parcels in the brain. Using dimensionality reduction, we found both the diffusion map component from FC-Neurosynth and principal component from FA-Neurosynth (i.e., functional activation data of Neurosynth) significantly discern SF correspondence across parcels. Both the diffusion map component and principal component, by mathematical definition 35 , 36 , represent an underlying representative dimension of brain function; thus, we next analyzed the contributions of specific functional characteristics that were potentially driving these global gradients. Using NLP approaches, we discovered higher SF correspondence in regions that have less functional diversity (i.e., unimodality), more sensory-motor function, less higher-order cognitive function, more perceptual function, and more basic biological function. Overall, SF correspondence is greater for externally-oriented sensory-motor functions, and lower for internally-oriented cognitive functions.

Altogether, the localized SF correspondence gradient from primary sensory to association areas aligns with a so-called sensory-fugal gradient 37 , shown previously to serve as the organizational axis of intracortical myelination, laminar differentiation, and cortical thickness 26 , 27 , 38 . Our findings reinforce this axis for cortical thickness organization, as we observed cortical thickness associated mildly with our SF correspondence gradient, with thinner cortex having higher SF correspondence on average. We also observed cortical thickness to be associated with select macroscale functional gradients, including the FC diffusion map component, functional diversity, sensory-motor function, and perceptual function. One hypothesis is thinner cortex prioritizes fewer, more functionally-essential direct WM connections; however, with cortical thickness potentially being colinear with other predictors of SF correspondence, future research is warranted to further explore how neuroanatomical features drive SF coupling.

Why do externally-oriented, perceptual functions in primary sensory and motor cortex have greater SF coupling? One possibility could once again involve the evolutionary cortical expansion of the human brain along the sensory-fugal axis 12 . As mammalian brains evolved and evolutionary pressures shifted from lower-level environmental processing to higher-order cognitive functions 12 , 39 , 40 , it is possible that useful functionality achieved from direct structural connections had been exhausted, and organisms established more indirect structural connections to enable emergent functional properties in what would become the association cortex. A second possibility could pertain to the dual processing theory of automatic and controlled processing 41 . More direct WM connections potentially evolved to enable faster responses during lower-level functions especially important for survival, and a multitude of indirect WM connections evolved to optimize response time for higher-level functions 42 , 43 . This explanation is complemented by the finding that sensory-motor regions have lower dynamic range, enabling them to quickly transition between low and high activity levels 44 .

Our results altogether explore how the relationship between structure and function varies by specific region and function in the human brain. Future research using new data modalities, individualized connectomes, additional cytoarchitectural features, and specialized connectivity metrics could be essential for more comprehensively linking structure to function. Nevertheless, by identifying the sensory-fugal dimension as a central organizational axis of SF correspondence across many functions, this study advances our understanding of the diversity and evolution of network properties in the human brain.

All analyses used the Yale Brain Atlas (YBA). YBA is a high-resolution anatomical parcellation of the human brain. YBA consists of parcels spanning the cortex, hippocampus, and amygdala. It also includes a comprehensive anatomical nomenclature to facilitate communication and aid analyses 16 . For all analyses except those involving cortical thickness, the 696-parcel-version of YBA was used, which includes 6 parcels in the corpus callosum; these parcels were excluded from cortical thickness analysis. Atlas position and indices files for both the 690- and 696-parcel-version of YBA used in this study can be downloaded from https://github.com/evancollins1/brain_structure_function/tree/master/data . YBA can be interactively viewed at https://yalebrainatlas.github.io/YaleBrainAtlas/ .

Structural connectivity

Structural data was acquired from Yeh 45 , which includes processed tractograms derived from dMRI data for 1,065 young adult subjects (575 females, 490 males; mean age 28.74 years; age range from 22 to 37 years). The dMRI data originated from HCP and was converted to the DSI Studio file format. Yeh reconstructed the dMRI data in the MNI common space using q-space diffeomorphic reconstruction 45 , 46 . For our analysis, a deterministic fiber tracking algorithm was used, and a seeding region was placed across the whole brain in DSI Studio. The anisotropy threshold was 0.05208 (0.6 × Otsu’s threshold). The angular threshold was 60 degrees. The step size was 0.5 voxels. Tracks with length shorter than 10 mm or longer than 300 mm were discarded. A total of 1,000,000 streamlines were generated for each subject, and two iterations of topology-informed pruning were performed to remove false positive streamlines 47 . The SC matrix for WM streamline count was calculated for each subject by counting streamlines with endpoints in distinct parcel pairs. To compute a representative group-level SC matrix for WM streamline count (i.e., SC-Count), we averaged subject-specific WM streamline matrices. As was done in a prior study 9 , we normalized SC-Count by dividing the averaged streamline count between any two parcels by the geometric mean volume of the two parcels. We experimented with differing zeroing thresholds (i.e., there must exist non-zero WM streamlines in more than some X % of subjects for inclusion in the group-level matrix) and found maximal SF correspondence without any zeroing threshold (Fig. S2A ). In addition, we evaluated the effect of weighting SC-Count either by multiplying or dividing by WM length and found maximal SF correspondence without any weighting (Fig. S2B ). Thus, with our primary interest being SF correspondence, we maintained the unthresholded, unweighted, volume-normalized SC-Count group-level matrix. Nevertheless, further research is encouraged to explore how thresholding and weighting better capture underlying group-level neuroanatomy.

Next, the SC matrix for WM length between structurally connected parcel pairs was computed for each subject by taking the arithmetic mean of streamline lengths between them. The 1065 WM length matrices were then averaged to yield a single group-representative matrix (i.e., SC-Length). Lastly, the SC matrix for Euclidean distance (i.e., SC-Eucl Dist) was calculated as the Euclidean distance between centroids of parcels. These three group-level SC matrices—SC-Count, SC-Length, SC-Eucl Dist—were next inputted into network analysis scripts from Zamani Esfahlani et al. 9 to yield an additional eight group-level SC matrices. These additional weighted SC metrics are cosine similarity (i.e., SC-Cosine), flow graphs (i.e., SC-Flow Graph), matching index (i.e., SC-Matching Index), navigation count and length (i.e., SC-Nav Count, SC-Nav Length), path transitivity (i.e., SC-Path Transitivity), search information (i.e., SC-Search Info), and mean first passage time (i.e., SC-MFPT). Mathematical definitions of each can be found in Zamani Esfahlani et al. 9 .

In addition to these SC metrics, we computed two additional SC metrics: path length (i.e., SC-Path Length) and path count (i.e., SC-Path Count). Path length is defined as the total WM length of the shortest path connecting two parcels. Path count is the minimum number of end-to-end streamline connections needed to connect two parcels.

We strove to include these 13 different SC measures in order to comprehensively capture network information corresponding to neuroanatomical organization. Although geodesic distance is commonly included as an SC measure 13 , our use of a volumetric atlas with parcels in deep structures precluded us from using this surface-based measure 48 . Moreover, because we sought to conduct analyses at the whole-brain level rather than at the level of single hemispheres, we included corpus callosum parcels to better capture interhemispheric connections.

Neurosynth-derived functional connectivity

Functional data for Neurosynth was acquired from the GitHub repository at https://github.com/neurosynth/neurosynth-data . Neurosynth has collated fMRI activation data from 14,371 peer-reviewed articles and features voxelwise z-score maps of activations across 1334 terms 18 . The z-scores by term in Neurosynth were calculated from a one-way ANOVA assessing whether the proportion of studies that tabulate activation at a certain voxel differs from the proportion that would be anticipated if activations were uniformly distributed in gray matter. The 1334 terms emerge from topic analysis of the web-scraped articles, which include both rsfMRI- and diverse task-based studies. The number of terms to keep in Neurosynth (i.e., 1334) was determined by a minimum threshold for the number of studies involving each term. For our analyses, a team of expert neuroscientists further reduced this list to 334 functional terms by removing terms that described locations (e.g., “prefrontal”) and averaging terms that shared roots (e.g., “emotional” and “emotion”). The limitation of a topic-analysis approach for defining functions is mainly one of specificity; however, prior analysis suggests these NLP-derived functional terms are sufficiently representative proxies of functional processes 18 . For each of the 334 functional terms, we averaged activation z-scores from the voxels contained within each YBA parcel. The resulting data included the averaged z-scores associated with 334 functional terms for 696 atlas parcels; we call this the Neurosynth functional activation (FA-Neurosynth) data. To produce connectivity data with dimensions 696 by 696, cosine similarity was calculated between the functional vectors of each pair of parcels; we call this the FC-Neurosynth data. We chose the cosine similarity metric to minimize the effect of magnitude differences across parcels; cosine similarity importantly captures only the relative differences in activation across terms for each parcel. We considered thresholding FC to match the sparsity of SC; however, this would have resulted in a significant loss of data. We instead opted to report correlations using rank-based approaches.

NeuroQuery-derived functional connectivity

Functional data for NeuroQuery was acquired using the model included in the neuroquery Python package. Much like Neurosynth, NeuroQuery is a meta-analytic tool for fMRI activation data across a variety of terms. NeuroQuery expands Neurosynth namely through a larger, updated dataset of text (i.e., about 75 million words) and the use of semantic smoothing based on word embeddings to synthesize activation maps 19 . We evaluated the activation data of NeuroQuery using the same 334 functional terms that we subsetted from Neurosynth. As with Neurosynth, for each of the 334 functional terms, we averaged NeuroQuery activation z-scores from the voxels contained within each YBA parcel. The resulting data included the averaged z-scores associated with 334 functional terms for 696 atlas parcels, forming the NeuroQuery functional activation (FA-NeuroQuery) data. Cosine similarity was used to compute connectivity values (i.e., FC-NeuroQuery). For our downstream analyses involving word embeddings, we chose to reference FC-Neurosynth data rather than FC-NeuroQuery to not compromise statistical independence considering NeuroQuery uses word embeddings to generate and process activation data.

rsfMRI-derived functional connectivity

For rsfMRI data acquisition, imaging was performed on a 3-Tesla Siemens Trio scanner (Siemens Medical Systems, Erlangen, Germany) using a 64-channel head coil for 34 subjects (17 females, 17 males; mean age 33 years; age range 18 to 55 years) (IRB 1003006485 & 0702002395). Informed consent was signed by all subjects. Sex was based on that assigned at birth. Each subject was compensated for their participation. Each subject was positioned in the coil, and head movements were minimized with pillows. After a three-plane localizer, a high-resolution whole-brain T1-weighted three-dimensional magnetization-prepared rapid gradient echo volume scan was acquired for multisubject registration. An oblique axial T1 image parallel to the anterior commissure–posterior commissure (AC-PC) line was acquired. Two to three 5-min resting-state runs were then acquired. All scans were converted from Digital Imaging and Communication in Medicine format to NIfTI format. During the conversion process, six images were omitted to allow the signal to attain steady-state equilibrium between radio frequency pulsing and relaxation. Resting-state images were motion corrected using SPM8. Trials with linear motion that had a displacement more than 2 mm or rotation more than 3° were omitted. Artefact time courses related to cardiovascular and breathing effects (i.e., mean time courses from CSF and white matter) and global signal were regressed out. Bandpass filtering with a passband between 0.008 and 0.12 Hz was applied such that the output time course accurately represented the hemodynamic change of the BOLD signal. To take the individual subject data into a common reference space, we calculated sequential registrations within Yale BioImage Suite 49 : first, a linear registration between the individual subject’s rsfMRI image and their anatomical image, and, second, a nonlinear registration between the subject’s anatomical image and the standard whole-brain template (MNI152 1 mm template). Mean rsfMRI activations across the entire time course were computed for each parcel. Finally, the connectivity matrix was obtained using the Fisher transformation of the Pearson correlation coefficient for each pair of parcels. Hence, the final output from this processing was a rsfMRI pairwise correlation connectivity matrix (i.e., FC-rsfMRI) of size 696 by 696 (parcels) for each of the 34 healthy subjects.

Diffusion map and spectral clustering

Diffusion mapping is a nonlinear dimensionality reduction technique which computes a set of low-dimensional embeddings from high-dimensional data to map underlying manifolds 50 . Diffusion mapping has been used in prior studies investigating how connectivity patterns unravel in the brain 10 , 13 . In short, the diffusion map algorithm computes an embedding of the points based on the right eigenvectors of the powered Markov transition matrix M t where M = D −1 W with W as an affinity matrix and D as the diagonal matrix of row sums 35 . To compute the diffusion map from our FC-Neurosynth data (computed from cosine similarities), we treated FC as a precomputed affinity matrix and set the diffusion parameter t = 1. The same was done for SC-Cosine for Fig. S3 .

To perform spectral clustering of parcels based on the eigenvectors of the graph Laplacian for FC and SC, we used the Python library scikit-learn . We inputted the FC-Neurosynth data as a precomputed affinity matrix. We also considered applying a Gaussian kernel to construct the affinity matrix for FC; however, the spectral clusters produced were similar to those produced from the cosine affinity matrix, so we maintained the simpler cosine approach. The eigengap heuristic was used to determine an optimal number of FC-Neurosynth clusters, k = 5. The same procedure was applied to obtain spectral clustering results for FC-NeuroQuery and SC-Cosine. To allow for easy comparison between all FC and SC spectral clusters, k = 5 clusters were also used for FC-NeuroQuery and SC-Cosine.

We used spectral clustering and diffusion mapping of parcels together to visualize the different global patterns of SC and FC. FC spectral clusters (either FC-Neurosynth or FC-NeuroQuery) and SC spectral clusters exhibited limited alignment (Figs. 2b, c , S1a top). In addition, we used diffusion mapping of FC-Neurosynth (Figs. 2b, c , S1a bottom) and SC-Cosine (Fig. S3d–f ) to visualize if lower dimensional manifolds could separate parcels by spectral cluster. Moreover, we found axial and coronal coordinates separate parcels in FC-Neurosynth diffusion space, suggesting a correlated continuum of function along these Cartesian dimensions, possibly reflecting a primary evolutionary axis in the brain (Fig. S3a–c ). We observed SC-Cosine spectral clusters have limited organization in FC-Neurosynth diffusion map space (Fig. 2c bottom), once again suggesting minimal similarities in FC and SC organization globally. This lack of alignment is also the case when viewed in SC-Cosine diffusion map space (Fig. S3d–f ). Altogether, this imperfect global correspondence between SC and FC motivated us to explore how SF correspondence varies by specific localization and function.

Linear regression model selection

To assess the relationship between SC and FC, we first computed pairwise linear regression models between different SC and FC types across the whole brain. We report the pairwise in-sample R 2 values (Fig. 1d ). Moreover, for each of these pairwise linear regression models, we computed mean out-of-sample R 2 values across ten cross-validation folds to assess predictive performance (Fig. S1c ). Out-of-sample R 2 was calculated as

for each cross-validation fold 51 . To generate the cross-validation folds, we implemented parcel-wise splitting, i.e., node-based splitting, to ensure the test set includes predictions for completely unseen relationships. Overall, we found minimal differences between the pairwise in-sample R 2 values and pairwise out-of-sample R 2 values.

Next, to select optimal multiple linear regression models to predict either FC-Neurosynth, FC-NeuroQuery, or FC-rsfMRI from some combination of SC measures, we computed mean out-of-sample adjusted R 2 values and mean squared error (MSE) values across ten cross-validation folds with varying number of SC predictors (Fig. 2e ). This prediction-centric approach was chosen to prevent overfitting, which can occur when in-sample adjusted R 2 values are used for model selection (Fig. S1d ). For each cross-validation fold and for each number of SC predictors, the model ultimately plotted was selected via exhaustive search to minimize the residual-sum-of-squares (RSS). For each FC type when considering across any number of SC predictors, we selected the optimal SC predictors that maximized out-of-sample adjusted R 2 , beyond which adding additional SC predictors does not significantly improve performance. The optimal SC predictors were cosine, flow graph, and navigation length for FC-Neurosynth; cosine and Euclidean distance for FC-NeuroQuery; and cosine, Euclidean distance, and flow graph for FC-rsfMRI (Fig. 2e ). These optimal SC metrics for each FC type were then used to assess SF correspondence by parcel (Fig. 3 ).

Multiple linear regression model to compute structure-function correspondence by parcel

To compute SF correspondence by parcel, we used adjusted R 2 values produced from a multiple linear regression model for each FC type with the optimal SC measures selected in Fig. 2e . Algebraically, each of these SC measures by parcel are vectors of length 696 and quantify features emanating from a specific YBA parcel to all other 695 YBA parcels. Note that all self-edges (i.e., loops) were not considered in our study. This by-parcel analysis yielded R 2 values for each of the 696 parcels. We conducted this analysis separately for FC-Neurosynth, FC-NeuroQuery, and FC-rsfMRI.

Word embeddings of functional terms

In NLP, a word embedding is a vector representation of a word according to its meaning. The word embeddings themselves measure semantics, and pairwise distances between word embeddings can capture semantic differences, i.e., words that are closer to one another in vector space generally have more similar meaning 23 . To learn vector representations of the selected 334 functional terms, we trained our embedding model on a corpus of 12,909 fMRI papers, the subset of 14,371 total fMRI papers referenced in Neurosynth that had abstracts we could web-scrape. Because the Neurosynth data repository does not contain the explicit texts of the papers, we manually web-scraped the fMRI papers ourselves. Our corpus only consisted of abstracts, as formatting discrepancies and firewalls complicated scraping additional aspects of the papers. We used the word2vec R package with 150 dimensions and 20 training iterations to compute the word embeddings using the word2vec technique 52 . Finally, we used tSNE and PCA to map the word embeddings of our 334 functional terms in two representative dimensions, i.e., semantic space.

Structure-function correspondence by specific function

For each functional term, we determined which parcels were active (i.e., non-zero) and which were inactive (i.e., zero) in the Neurosynth functional activation data. From these active and inactive parcels, we considered their connections. For each term, we computed a vector containing the WM streamline counts (i.e., SC-Count) between all active-active parcel pairs and another vector containing the WM streamline counts between all active-inactive parcel pairs. To reduce the likelihood of having spurious results for some terms due to low numbers of active parcels, we removed functional terms that had less than 50 active-active connections. This reduced the number of functional terms to analyze from 334 to 313. This analysis was similarly performed for NeuroQuery (Fig. S7c, d ). Moreover, this analysis was repeated using SC-Cosine (Fig. S7a,d ) rather than SC-Count.

We then executed a Wilcoxon rank-signed test to compare these two vectors for each term. The first vector contains the volume-normalized WM streamline counts between any two active parcels. The second vector contains the volume-normalized WM streamline counts between any one active parcel and one inactive parcel. To quantify SF correspondence, we considered the resulting fold change and p values from this Wilcoxon test. A high fold change value and low p value indicate that parcels which share functional activation for a specific term have a significantly greater number of WM streamlines on average compared to their connections to other parcels inactive for that term. Fold change was computed by dividing the average volume-normalized WM streamline count for active-active connections by that for active-inactive connections for each functional term.

We applied significance thresholds at Bonferroni-corrected p = 0.05 and log 2 (Fold Change) ≈ 0.94, reflecting the 20th percentile cutoff among significant terms. These significance thresholds separate high SF and low SF terms. Moreover, as an alternative to binarizing SF correspondence, we statistically reevaluated and reaffirmed all correlates using the fold change values as a continuous measure of SF correspondence (Fig. S8 ).

The correlates of SF correspondence by term that we explored included functional term embeddings and sensory-motor function. For functional term embeddings, we computed the word embeddings for the functional terms and subjected the 150-dimensional space to dimensionality reduction via tSNE or PCA. For sensory-motor function, we sourced mean concreteness ratings from a study by Brysbaert et al. which tasked participants to score 40,000 English words according to involvement in sensory-motor responses 22 . A higher rating indicates more concrete words; a lower rating indicates more abstract words. Eight terms not featured in the concreteness ratings dictionary were omitted from our analysis.

Lastly, for prediction-centric analysis to evaluate how well semantics of functional terms can predict their SF correspondence, the 150-dimensional word embeddings of the functional terms were inputted into either a support vector machine (SVM) binary classifier or a fully connected neural network for regression. For binary classification, the SVM classified functional terms as either high SF or low SF. We implemented the SVM with a linear kernel configured to output probability estimates using scikit-learn in Python. We performed four-fold cross-validation and reported the mean AUC and mean accuracy across all folds. We determined four was the maximum number of cross-validation folds where each fold still had a sufficient number of functional terms for statistical power. For the regression analysis, the fully connected feedforward neural network was implemented using pytorch in Python. The simple model consists of three linear layers designed for regression tasks. It accepts the 150-dimensional word embeddings as input, processes it through two hidden layers with 128 units each using ReLU activations, and outputs a single value (i.e., fold change as a measure of SF correspondence by term) through the final layer. We similarly performed four-fold cross-validation and reported the mean out-of-sample R 2 value across the cross-validation folds, Spearman r value, and p value.

Macroscale functional gradients that correlate with structure-function correspondence

To examine the correlation across parcels between each of the seven macroscale functional gradients (defined below) and SF correspondence, we computed R 2 values and Spearman r correlation coefficient values. The rank-based Spearman approach was chosen to avoid requiring normally-distributed variables and to align with a prior study for comparison 10 . For each correlation, we reported the R 2 value, Spearman correlation coefficient r value, and null model p value. The null model test was conducted by randomly assigning computed functional metrics to parcels over 10,000 runs (Fig. S9 ).

First, we analyzed the first eigenvector from the diffusion map generated for FC-Neurosynth. Second, we evaluated the first principal component resulting from PCA conducted on FA-Neurosynth. Third, we computed a functional diversity metric to capture the previously hypothesized unimodal-to-transmodal gradient 10 . Functional diversity was calculated as the weighted mean Euclidean distance between word embeddings of the top ten activated functional terms and their corresponding centroid for each parcel. For this and all subsequent functional gradients, the weight applied was the activation score of that term for each parcel in Neurosynth. We only considered the top ten of activated functional terms per parcel to reduce the effect of small type I errors produced from imperfect topic analysis in Neurosynth. The mean number of activated functional terms per parcel was ~55, so taking the top 10 terms reflects the top ~20% of functional terms. We found this amount optimized correlative performance, suggesting some ideal representation of function in each parcel. Note, however, that correlative significance was still observed for relationships when all activated terms were considered. Fourth, the sensory-motor function gradient was measured as the weighted mean concreteness rating of the top ten activated functional terms for each parcel 22 . For the fifth to seventh functional gradients, we referenced the Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count (LIWC2015) dictionary by Pennebaker et al. which assigns words to different psychometric categories 24 . We were particularly interested in the categories of cognitive (e.g., “recall”), perceptual (e.g., “look”), and biological (e.g., “eat”). Note we also evaluated the LIWC categories of affective (e.g., “happy”), social (e.g., “talk”), and drives (e.g., “reward”) but did not find any significant correlations with SF correspondence after applying Bonferroni corrections to p values. Moreover, the relativity category (e.g., “go”) was not further considered because of its redundant emphasis on motion like our sensory-motor function gradient. Altogether, we mapped the weighted percentage of the top ten activated functional terms per parcel that fall into the LIWC2015 psychometric categories of cognitive, perceptual, and biological 24 .

Cortical thickness

Non-skull stripped T1-weighted images of 200 healthy young adults (100 females, 100 males; mean age 28.85 years; age range from 23 to 36 years) from the HCP were used to derive cortical thickness data. These 200 individuals were a representative subset of the 1065 subjects referenced for WM tractography data; a subset was selected because this number was considered to be sufficient for the analysis reported. The Advanced Normalization Tools (ANTs) cortical thickness pipeline was used to generate cortical thickness values for the gray matter of each T1-weighted image. These results were then nonlinearly normalized to MNI152 space. The cortical thickness values of the voxels making up each Yale Brain Atlas parcel were averaged to produce a single cortical thickness value per parcel. With the cortical thickness values per parcel for 200 subjects acquired, an averaged cortical thickness map was generated and used for correlation tests with SF correspondence and macroscale functional gradients. All analysis of cortical thickness in Yale Brain Atlas space used the 690-parcel-version, which does not feature the six parcels in the corpus callosum.

Reporting summary

Further information on research design is available in the Nature Portfolio Reporting Summary linked to this article.

Data availability

The raw dMRI data and processed dMRI data in MNI space can be accessed at https://db.humanconnectome.org/ and https://brain.labsolver.org/hcp_ya.html , respectively, under restricted access to preserve subject privacy. Access to HCP can obtained by account creation and signing a data use agreement described at https://www.humanconnectome.org/study/hcp-young-adult/data-use-terms . The raw Neurosynth data can be accessed at https://github.com/neurosynth/neurosynth-data . LIWC2015 data is not publicly available due to licensing reasons; users can ascertain access details at https://www.liwc.app/ . Except for LIWC2015, the Yale Brain Atlas data and all raw and processed data to replicate methods and results of this paper are available at https://github.com/evancollins1/brain_structure_function . Yale Brain Atlas can be interactively viewed at https://yalebrainatlas.github.io/YaleBrainAtlas/ . Source data used to generate figures are provided in the Source data file. Source data are provided with this paper.

Code availability

All data processing and analysis code is available on our GitHub repository 53 : https://github.com/evancollins1/brain_structure_function .

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Acknowledgements

This work was supported by grants from NIH R01 NS109062 (D.D.S. and H.P.Z.) and the Swebilius Foundation (H.P.Z.).

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Contributions

E.C. conceived the project, with insight from O.C., S.O., D.D.S., and H.P.Z. E.C. processed fMRI from Neurosynth and NeuroQuery. D.D.S. and S.O. aided in simplifying the functional terms of Neurosynth. O.C. processed structural data. O.C. and S.O. developed methods for structural data. A.K. processed cortical thickness data. X.S. and J.A. processed rsfMRI data. H.M. prepared the brain atlas, and E.C. developed software to incorporate the atlas into this project. E.C. led the studies, developed methods, and conducted computational analyses for comparing structural, functional, and cortical thickness data. E.C. interpreted and visualized results. O.C. helped with visualization. E.C. wrote the manuscript. H.P.Z., D.D.S., R.T.C. and X.P. supervised the research. E.C., O.C., S.O., D.D.S. and H.P.Z. revised the manuscript.

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Correspondence to Evan Collins .

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Competing interests.

X.P. is a consultant for the Brain Electrophysiology Laboratory Company. X.P. also consults and has a small ownership stake in Veridatand and TytoNyx, which are both small technology startup companies. The remaining authors have no competing interests to declare.

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Collins, E., Chishti, O., Obaid, S. et al. Mapping the structure-function relationship along macroscale gradients in the human brain. Nat Commun 15 , 7063 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1038/s41467-024-51395-6

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The laws of human nature: Lessons from Robert Greene’s book

Discover essential lessons from "the laws of human nature" to enhance your understanding of human behaviour and improve your interactions..

Wednesday August 21, 2024 , 4 min Read

In a world where human interactions shape our personal and professional lives, understanding the underlying forces that drive our behaviour is crucial. Robert Greene’s The Laws of Human Nature offers a profound exploration into these forces, unravelling the mysteries of why we think, feel, and act the way we do. Far from being just another self-help book, it serves as a powerful guide to mastering the art of human behaviour.

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Evaluate your current environment—friends, workplace, and social circles. Surround yourself with positive influences that inspire growth and success, and limit exposure to negativity.

8. Understand power and influence

Greene discusses the nature of power and how it operates within human relationships. Recognising power dynamics can help us assert ourselves and influence others more effectively.

Study the power dynamics in your interactions. Identify who holds influence and how you can position yourself to align with or counteract these dynamics in your favour.

9. Develop strategic thinking

Greene advocates for a strategic mindset , emphasising that careful planning and foresight can lead to more favourable outcomes in life.

Set clear goals and develop a plan to achieve them. Regularly assess your progress and adjust your strategy based on feedback and changing circumstances.

10. Commit to personal growth

Greene stresses the importance of lifelong learning and adaptability. Embracing change and continually seeking knowledge is essential for personal development.

Cultivate a growth mindset by seeking new experiences and challenges. Read widely, engage in new hobbies, or take courses to expand your skills and knowledge.

The Laws of Human Nature offers invaluable insights into the intricacies of human behaviour, emphasising the importance of self-awareness, emotional intelligence, and social understanding. By internalising these lessons, readers can enhance their interpersonal relationships, navigate social dynamics more effectively, and ultimately lead more fulfilling lives. Greene’s work serves as a reminder that understanding ourselves and others is a lifelong journey that is essential for personal and collective growth.

life lessons
personal growth
human behaviour

The impact of Biomimicry on sensory experience: an analysis of the relationship between human senses and nature in the design process in Architecture

Elton Cristovão Da Silva Lima , Luís Miguel Cotrim Mateus , Amilton José Vieira de Arruda
Published in Cuadernos del Centro de… 25 July 2024
Environmental Science, Engineering
Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseño y Comunicación

Figures and Tables from this paper

I Was a Celebrity Assistant. The Power Imbalance Is Very Real.

A photograph of Matthew Perry with scribble marks to the left of him.

By Rowena Chiu

Ms. Chiu is an activist and a former assistant to Harvey Weinstein.

Earlier this month, Kenneth Iwamasa, 59, the live-in assistant to the actor Matthew Perry, pleaded guilty to conspiracy to distribute ketamine, the drug that led to the death of his employer. Very few people have firsthand insight into the toxic dynamic that can develop while assisting a celebrity or understand the inherent power imbalance that can arise. I do.

For two months in 1998, I worked as a personal assistant to Harvey Weinstein. I witnessed the many ways in which his celebrity and power warped the behavior of people around him and how, as his assistant, I was considered to be less than a person. While I was his employee, he attempted to rape me. I was silenced for years from talking about it by an NDA, until I was able to speak up in 2019.

Of course, there is a critical distinction between Mr. Perry, an addict, and Mr. Weinstein, a rapist. Mr. Perry wasn’t the criminal that Mr. Weinstein is, and his former employee (and others) are being charged as his enablers, not being put in the spotlight as his victims.

But when I read about Mr. Iwamasa’s indictment , I understood all too well that an assistant to a celebrity can be expected to do whatever is asked of them, regardless of ethics or legality. These requests can range from telling white lies (to, say, an irate spouse wanting to know where your boss is) to procuring illicit indulgences (such as drugs). In the rarefied world of celebrity, assistants are often not really treated like people. They’re more like accessories: barely paid, highly expendable and interchangeable.

Over the past decade, I’ve thought deeply about complicity and culpability. Is it true, as the German theologian Martin Niemöller contended , that those who did not speak out in Nazi Germany were just as culpable as the prison guards? To me, that is a false conflation. As an assistant, you’re in a double-bind: You have almost no power yet you carry a disproportionate amount of responsibility. In a fundamental sense, assistants do not belong to themselves.

Mr. Iwamasa was living full-time with his employer, presumably so he could be of service around the clock. In my time as an assistant, I often thought of myself as a terrified butler. My job was to be both invisible and everywhere all at once. It was to conjure the impossible — and then to make the impossible seem like it never occurred in the first place. That is the alchemy of assisting. If you insert yourself, you’re doing a bad job. You’ve succeeded only when no one notices you or the things that you’ve made happen.

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