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Social Justice

Make Your Note

Street Vendors: Assessing their Significance and Struggles

  • 04 May 2024
  • 12 min read
  • GS Paper - 2
  • Salient Features of Indian Society

This editorial is based on “Implementing the Street Vendors Act” which was published in The Hindu newspaper on 1/05/2024. The article examines multidimensional aspects of the Street Vendors (Protection of Livelihood and Regulation of Street Vending) Act, 2014 and numerous challenges in its implementation.

For Prelims: Street Vendors (Protection of Livelihood and Regulation of Street Vending) Act, 2014 , PM SVANidhi Scheme , Deendayal Antyodaya Yojana-National Urban Livelihoods Mission (DAY-NULM) , Urban Local Bodies (ULBs) Vending Certificates (VCs), Grievance Redressal Committee , Fundamental Rights, DPSPs , Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs, Self-Help Groups (SHGs) , Town Vending Committees (TVCs), NULM

For Mains: The Street Vendors (Protection of Livelihood and Regulation of Street Vending) Act, 2014, the issues and challenges related to the Act.

It has been a decade since the enactment of the Street Vendors (Protection of Livelihood and Regulation of Street Vending) Act on 1 st May, 2014. It was hailed as a forward-looking legislation that aimed to uplift street vendors by legalising their vending rights However, the legislation has been encountering significant hurdles in its practical execution.

Street vendors constitute a vital component of the urban economy due to their substantial presence in major cities, offering essential day-to-day utility items. they serve as indispensable nodes in the urban economic ecosystem, providing access to fundamental necessities for residents.

Who are Street Vendors and What are their Associated Rights?

  • A street vendor is an individual who sells goods to the public without a permanent built-up structure for vending.
  • They may operate from stationary positions on pavements or other public/private spaces, they may be mobile, carrying their merchandise on push carts or in baskets.
  • The number of street vendors has significantly increased in major cities worldwide, particularly in developing regions like Asia, Latin America, and Africa.
  • In India, approximately 49.48 lakh street vendors have been identified, with Uttar Pradesh having the highest count at 8.49 lakh, followed by Madhya Pradesh at 7.04 lakh. Conversely, Delhi has about 72,457 identified street vendors, while none have been identified in Sikkim.
  • Constitutional Provision - Right to Trade: Article 19(1)(g) of the Indian Constitution grants citizens the fundamental right to practise any profession, trade, or business.

What is the Street Vendors (Protection of Livelihood and Regulation of Street Vending) Act, 2014?

  • It was implemented to legalise the vending rights of street vendors (SVs) .
  • Its objective was to safeguard and regulate street vending in urban areas, with State-level regulations and programs overseen by Urban Local Bodies (ULBs) through the formulation of by-laws, planning, and enforcement.
  • It outlines the roles and responsibilities of both vendors and various levels of government.
  • It envisages to accommodate all 'existing' vendors in designated vending zones and issue Vending Certificates (VCs).
  • These committees are responsible for ensuring the inclusion of all existing vendors in vending zones and it includes mechanisms for addressing grievances and disputes, proposing the establishment of a Grievance Redressal Committee chaired by a civil judge or judicial magistrate.
  • It mandates that States/ULBs conduct surveys to identify SVs at least once every five years.

What is the Significance of Street Vendors in India?

  • They serve as a vital source of income for millions of people, particularly migrants and the urban poor. It offers them opportunities for self-employment and sustenance amidst challenging economic conditions.
  • Beyond the vendors themselves, street vending creates indirect employment opportunities in supply chains, logistics, and support services.
  • Street vendors play a crucial role in providing affordable and accessible goods and services to urban residents.
  • From fresh produce to ready-to-eat snacks, their offerings fulfil daily needs and contribute to food security in cities.
  • Street vendors are often custodians of culinary traditions and cultural practices. Their offerings, such as Mumbai’s vada pav and Chennai’s roadside dosai embody their significance,
  • Artisanal crafts reflect the diverse cultural heritage of India's regions and communities.

What are the Government Initiatives for Street Vendors?

  • PM SVANidhi Scheme launched by the Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs, aims to provide affordable working capital loans to street vendors to restart their businesses or expand their existing ones. It also offers incentives for timely repayment.
  • NULM is a centrally sponsored scheme that aims to reduce poverty and vulnerability of urban poor households by enabling them to access gainful self-employment and skilled wage employment opportunities.
  • It includes provisions for skill training, capacity building, and access to credit for street vendors.
  • This component of the Deendayal Antyodaya Yojana-National Urban Livelihoods Mission (DAY-NULM) focuses on street vendors.
  • It provides support for setting up and upgrading vending infrastructure, organising vendors into Self-Help Groups (SHGs) , and facilitating access to credit and social security schemes.
  • Various skill development programs and vocational training initiatives are implemented to enhance the capabilities of street vendors, enabling them to diversify their livelihood options and improve their earning potential.
  • Under the Street Vendors Act, Town Vending Committees are formed at the municipal level to facilitate the implementation of the Act's provisions.
  • These committees are responsible for identifying vending zones, issuing vending certificates, and addressing grievances of street vendors.
  • Maharashtra, Rajasthan, Karnataka and West Bengal have framed state-specific provisions for street vendors under the Street Vendors Act 2014.

What are the Challenges Faced by Street Vendors in India?

  • Heightened Harassment and Evictions: Despite the Street Vendors Act which focuses on protection, street vendors endure increased harassment and eviction, often stemming from outdated bureaucratic attitudes to treat them as illegal migrants.
  • Lack of Awareness and Sensitization : There is a dearth of understanding among state authorities, the public, and vendors regarding the Act's provisions, resulting in gaps in implementation.
  • Limited Representation in TVCs: Street vendor representatives in Town Vending Committees (TVCs) often lack influence, and the inclusion of women vendors remains superficial.
  • Inadequate Urban Governance Mechanisms: The Act's alignment with urban governance frameworks is deficient, and Urban Local Bodies (ULBs) lack the necessary authority and capacity.
  • Neglect in Urban Development Initiatives: Programs like the Smart Cities Mission prioritise infrastructure development over the integration of street vendors, undermining the Act's objectives.
  • Exclusionary Urban Development: Conventional perceptions of 'world-class cities' marginalise street vendors, impeding their acknowledgement as legitimate contributors to urban life.
  • Impact of Climate Change and Tech Advancements: Street vendors confront new challenges from climate change, competition from e-commerce, and declining incomes, necessitating innovative responses.
  • Stigma on Urban Image: The societal view of the high-tech urban sphere perpetuates the condition of street vendors, depicting them as hindrances to development instead of recognising their importance as integral members of urban communities.
  • Cases of ‘ rangdari tax’ and ‘hafta’ are common. In many cities, vendors have to part with substantial money in order to ply their trade.

What More can be done to Improve the Condition of Street Vendors?

  • This includes identification processes, increasing awareness (through educational workshops, collaboration with NGOs, peer-to-peer community learning, collaboration with local authorities about available benefits), and ensuring accessibility of support programs.
  • Street vendors should be provided with a broader range of benefits, including accident relief, compensation for natural death, educational support for children's higher studies, and pensions during times of crisis.
  • Ensuring that street vendors are not subjected to arbitrary evictions, confiscation of goods, or unfair fines is crucial to protecting their right to earn a livelihood.
  • Street vendors should have meaningful representation in decision-making bodies such as Town Vending Committees (TVCs) to ensure their voices are heard in matters affecting their livelihoods.
  • Increasing the representation of street vendors, particularly women vendors, can lead to more inclusive policies and better outcomes for this marginalised group.
  • Facilitating access to formal financial services such as credit, savings, and insurance can help street vendors manage their finances more effectively and invest in their businesses.
  • Microfinance institutions, self-help groups, and digital banking solutions can play a crucial role in promoting financial inclusion among street vendors.

Discuss the challenges faced by street vendors and suggest the policy measures that can be taken for their empowerment.

UPSC Civil Services Examination, Previous Year Questions (PYQs)

Q. How has globalisation led to the reduction of employment in the formal sector of the Indian economy? Is increased informalisation detrimental to the development of the country? (2016)

essay on role of street vendors

  • DOI: 10.1177/0956247816653898
  • Corpus ID: 21710317

Street vendors and cities

  • Sally Roever , C. Skinner
  • Published 8 August 2016
  • Environment & Urbanization

175 Citations

Assembling street vending, exploring street vendors characteristics and social-economic significance in mwanza tanzania, street vendors’ socio-economic empowerment in kenya: current business infrastructure challenges in urban areas, securing, leveraging and sustaining power for street vendors in india, enrolling a goddess for delhi’s street vendors: the micro-politics of policy implementation shaping urban (in)formality, street vending in urban ‘informal’ markets: reflections from case-studies of street vendors in delhi (india) and phnom penh city (cambodia), the informal city: exploring the variety of the street vending economy, informal vendors and food systems planning in an emerging african city, institutional incongruence, the everyday, and the persistence of street vending in lagos: a demand-side perspective, “leave us alone”: ‘right to the city’ of street vendors along main north 1 road, maseru, lesotho, 50 references, informal cities and the contestation of public space: the case of bogotá's street vendors, 1988—2003, informality and the state’s ambivalence in the regulation of street vending in transforming guangzhou, china, resisting the entrepreneurial city: street vendors' struggle in mexico city's historic center, contesting street spaces in a socialist city: itinerant vending-scapes and the everyday politics of mobility in hanoi, vietnam, operation dongosolo and the geographies of urban poverty in malawi.

  • Highly Influential

The Critical Role of Street Vendor Organizations in Relocating Street Vendors into Public Markets: The Case of Hsinchu City, Taiwan

Cleaning up the city: a study on the removal of street vendors from downtown belo horizonte, brazil, a refugee in my own country: evictions or property rights in the urban informal economy, creating urban social capital: some evidence from informal traders in nairobi, from revanchism to ambivalence: the changing politics of street vending in guangzhou, related papers.

Showing 1 through 3 of 0 Related Papers

ORIGINAL RESEARCH article

The impact of urban culture on street vending: a path model analysis of the general public's perspective.

\nSalem A. Al-Jundi

  • 1 School of Business, Skyline University College, Sharjah, United Arab Emirates
  • 2 Faculty of Administrative Sciences, University of Al-Mashreq, Baghdad, Iraq
  • 3 Department of Business Administration, Faculty of Economics and Administration, King Abdulaziz University, Jeddah, Saudi Arabia
  • 4 Faculty of Finance, University of Maryland Global Campus, Adelphi, MD, United States
  • 5 Faculty of Finance, University of Louisiana Monroe, Monroe, LA, United States

This study examined the relationship between urban culture and street vending. Prior research on this topic is limited and inconclusive. Therefore, we have proposed an integrated model to test the positive effect of urban culture on street vending using multiple mediations of consumption patterns, resistance, and microfinance. We tested a sample of 425 responses that reflect the public opinion in Baghdad, Iraq. These responses were collected between September and November 2018. A partial least squares–based structural equation modeling is employed to test the validity of measurement models and the significance of the entire structural model, predictive power, and mediation analysis. We found that resistance mediates the effect of urban culture on street vending; low-income consumption and resistance sequentially mediate the effect of urban culture on street vending, while resistance mediates the effect of a lack of microfinance on street vending. The direct impact of culture on street vending is not significant, and a lack of microfinance positively influences the pervasiveness of trading on streets. This study contributes to the extant literature as it proposed and tested a novel and comprehensive model to analyze the relationship between urban culture and street vending, simultaneously examining the effects of culture, consumption, resistance, and microfinance on street vending.

Introduction

Unlicensed street vendors occupy public spaces and traditional markets, creating problems for residents, pedestrians, formal retailers, and public authorities. They sometimes cause conflicts in society, potentially leading to violence ( Tonda and Kepe, 2016 ). Moreover, they often employ children, working individually or with their parents ( Estrada, 2016 ), and are frequently accused of drug trading and counterfeiting ( Ilahiane and Sherry, 2008 ). On the other hand, in many countries, the informal economy, which consists mainly of street vending, plays a crucial role in income generation, employment creation, and production ( Recchi, 2020 ).

There are no accurate data for street vending or for the informal economy in general due to the fact that street vending and/or informal sector are informal activities operating without registration and licenses. According to the conceptualization of the International Labor Organization (ILO), the formal economy consists of government entities in addition to registered private units with fixed premises, while the informal sector includes unregistered business units such as street vending, agricultural family production, daily construction work, and home-based enterprises ( OECD/ILO, 2019 ). An indicator of the scale of street vending is that informal employment accounts for 42% of total nonagricultural employment in Thailand (2010), 50% in Argentina (2009), 61% in Ecuador (2009), and 70% in Zambia (2008) as estimated by the ILO ( ILO, 2013 ). If we add the small family farms, the informal sector represents a huge part of the entire economy in most developing countries.

The study chose Baghdad, Iraq as a sample to analyze the relationship between culture and street vending for multiple reasons. First, street vending is a crucial part of the vibrancy of cities like Baghdad, Iraq's capital. Second, Iraqis often buy from and trust peddlers; most of the time, the public authorities ignore them. Third, the pervasiveness of street vending has increased dramatically over the last 15 years in the wake of political changes. Since the occupation of Iraq by the US-led alliance in 2003, the state and its major institutions have collapsed. Political and social stability has been severely damaged, and the state has mainly allocated its financial resources to fighting terrorism and resolving sectarian tensions. Moreover, the new regime has shifted to a free-enterprise market that has replaced the state as the major source of employment that it used to be during Saddam Hussein's dictatorial regime. As a result, the unemployment rate has increased, especially among young people, and one-fifth of the population has fallen below the poverty line, even though the country is ranked fifth in the world for oil exports. The number of street vendors has increased sharply, and the public authorities have been unable to formalize their status. Government attempts to evict street vendors or destroy their stalls sometimes trigger protests, such as the major demonstration at the beginning of October 2019 against corruption, unemployment, and poor public services. We have therefore chosen to investigate this widespread and problematic issue.

This study examines the relationship between urban culture and street vending, since the literature on this topic is quite sparse ( Tamilarai and Angayarkanni, 2016 ; Wibisono and Catrayasa, 2018 ). Scholarly research has focused on street vendors who choose their profession willingly for cultural reasons, and who have a spiritual motivation that gives them satisfaction, enabling them to provide high-quality services in the perception of their clients ( Wibisono and Catrayasa, 2018 ). Understanding of this relationship between culture and street vending needs to be enriched, since research has yielded contradictory statistical results ( Voiculescu, 2014 ; Tamilarai and Angayarkanni, 2016 ; Alvi and Mendoza, 2017 ; Wibisono and Catrayasa, 2018 ). Few studies have taken account of the fact that low-income customers prefer to shop in neighboring streets at low prices and to spend only a short time doing so ( Yatmo, 2009 ; Tamilarai and Angayarkanni, 2016 ). Therefore, when scholars consider low-income consumption as a dimension of urban culture, their statistical results are inconsistent ( Steel, 2012a ; Trupp, 2015 ; Tamilarai and Angayarkanni, 2016 ).

Some researchers have suggested a direct effect of resistance on the pervasiveness of street vending, noting that street vendors, in order to survive, adopt a strategy of resistance, despite restrictive policies ( Hanser, 2016 ; Boonjubun, 2017 ). Here, we argue that resistance as a mediator is able to explain the relationship between culture (or low-income consumption) and street vending, given that urban culture (or low-income consumption) may not affect street vending directly. For this reason, we propose a mediation model that can be examined theoretically and empirically. The model posits that urban culture positively impacts street vending through low-income consumption and resistance and the mediating effect of resistance on the relationship between a lack of microfinance and street vending.

This study relies on the cultural approach, which argues that street vendors choose their endeavor for cultural reasons rather than on the basis of rational decisions. They establish relationships with their friends and the community on the basis of solidarity and reciprocity, and they successfully build relationships with customers on the basis of trust. They also enjoy freedom and flexibility that allow them to have control over their lives. For their part, customers support street vendors who offer the goods and the services they need at affordable prices ( Williams and Gurtoo, 2012 ; Williams and Youssef, 2014 ). In this context, the present study examines whether culture impacts street vending directly or indirectly through consumption and resistance.

The model is tested empirically, using a survey of the general public's attitudes toward street vending and corresponding factors in the context of Baghdad. Researchers have reviewed public policies on street vending on the basis of national data ( Ilahiane and Sherry, 2008 ; Lyons, 2013 ) and have interviewed street vendors to identify their characteristics ( Reid et al., 2010 ; Tengeh and Lapah, 2013 ; Wibisono and Catrayasa, 2018 ). However, there remains a need to understand public opinions on street vending before reviewing public policies on this activity ( Chai et al., 2011 ). The current study formulates a public perspective on this widespread problem in cities, which is a necessary step in developing appropriate legislation.

The study makes significant contributions to the literature on street vending. First, it tests the cultural approach by investigating the direct and indirect effects of culture on street vending. Second, it introduces a distinctive model using sequential mediation analysis. Third, the model is expanded by the addition of the mediating effect of resistance on the relationship between microfinance and street vending. Finally, the results can be used to rank the factors that drive the pervasiveness of street vending in order of importance, with managerial implications for dealing fairly with this problematic issue in the cities of developing countries.

Section Conceptual Framework and Hypothesis Development introduces the conceptual framework and develops the hypotheses on the basis of a thorough review of the literature. Section Methodology sets out the sampling and data collection procedure, derives measurement items for the constructs of the model, and provides a rationale for using a partial least squares structural equation modeling (PLS-SEM) approach to analyze the data. Section Results tests the model and hypotheses and reports the results. Section Discussion and Conclusion discusses the theoretical and managerial implications of the findings, and then considers the limitations of the study and future research directions.

Conceptual Framework and Hypothesis Development

Scholars often consider the informal economy as an indicator of economic underdevelopment or as an obstacle to economic development. However, in developing and low-income countries, the informal sector increasingly contributes to the elimination of unemployment and poverty ( Ilahiane and Sherry, 2008 ; Lyons, 2013 ). Street vendors (hawkers or peddlers), as a main element in the informal economy, have existed for decades ( Nani, 2016 ). They are continually at risk of eviction from sidewalks and crowded markets ( Recio and Gomez, 2013 ) because public officials tend not to appreciate the role of hawkers, although their businesses play a major role in the informal economy, contribute to the vibrancy of cities, and form an obvious part of the general economy ( Khan and Quaddus, 2020 ).

Street vendors earn a low level of income and must compete with formal sellers ( Agadjanian, 2002 ). It is worth noting that there are often too many vegetable sellers competing with each other in overcrowded areas. In this connection, we should differentiate between licensed and unlicensed street vendors. While licensed sellers enjoy a formal relationship with municipal authorities and public officials, unlicensed vendors work under precarious conditions, struggling to avoid eviction from the public streets ( Cuvi, 2016 ). Our study analyzes the impact of urban culture on the pervasiveness of unlicensed street vending via consumption patterns and resistance, in addition to the impact of a lack of microfinance on street vending via resistance. The conceptual research model ( Figure 1 ) and its hypotheses are rooted in the literature, as the following subsections demonstrate.

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Figure 1 . Conceptual research model.

Urban Culture

Urban or street culture refers to values and practices shared by the residents of cities. Street vending is a core part of this culture. As we have observed in Baghdad, customers visit nearby traditional markets not only to make purchases but also to spend time communicating with each other, meeting their friends, walking, and looking at the attractive offerings of street vendors. Meanwhile, street vendors are reluctant to move into the formal sector, preferring the hazardous conditions of the informal sector to the relative safety of formal activities ( Alvi and Mendoza, 2017 ). It is this preference that enables them to tolerate the difficulties they encounter ( Tamilarai and Angayarkanni, 2016 ). Some vendors love the flexible spaces and movement; they are voyagers who carry their emotions and dreams with them as they explore new landscapes ( Voiculescu, 2014 ). They enter the informal economy for cultural reasons, such as continuing a traditional family activity, and for social or lifestyle reasons ( Williams and Gurtoo, 2012 ). The urban culture of a city also determines the traditional recipes and eating habits that match the food offered by street vendors ( Wardrop, 2006 ), and the public streets where readers and sellers of newspapers come together represent shared cultural interests ( Reuveni, 2002 ). Thus, we hypothesize:

H1 . Urban culture positively impacts street vending.

Low-Income Consumption

Street vendors cannot compete with retail shops in terms of quality, brand name, or variety of products; instead, they attract customers who intend to spend only a short period of time shopping and buy at low prices ( Tamilarai and Angayarkanni, 2016 ). Traditional markets combine both retail shops and street vendors who intentionally locate their business in crowded areas. For instance, low-income customers who cannot afford to go to restaurants buy cooked food from sellers on the streets. Even though their business is somewhat threatened by the formal food retail industry, those sellers continue to provide food to those consumers. Generally, the vendors themselves try to understand changes in customers' needs and to select appropriate public places to reach certain groups of customers, such as tourists ( Steel, 2012a ). For example, souvenir vendors have become a core part of the tourism economy in countries such as Thailand ( Trupp, 2015 ). Nowadays, vendors increasingly use social media platforms to disseminate information about their business, communicate with nearby customers, and persuade them. Then, customers often respond positively to purchasing from those vendors ( Wang et al., 2021b ).

Customers enjoy purchasing the products offered in the public streets and traditional markets, since this consumption pattern reflects their values and beliefs. For example, food consumption habits and styles are determined by geographical location, climate, and what foodstuffs can be produced locally, with the result that consumption patterns pass from one generation to the next. Specifically, meat consumption is affected by religion, history, and urban culture ( Nam et al., 2010 ). In short, the culture teaches vendors to produce traditional food or drink that appeals to customers. For their part, the customers, again as part of the culture, enjoy buying such food on the public streets and can identify trusted sellers. Therefore, urban culture establishes a pattern of low-income consumption that creates a real demand for the products offered by street vendors. Thus, we hypothesize:

H2 . Low-income consumption mediates the effect of urban culture on street vending.

Depending on their social networks, street vendors occupy certain traditional markets or sidewalks ( Tengeh and Lapah, 2013 ); that is, they belong to specific tribes or cities, which gives them a degree of power against residents and authorities. Itinerant vendors, for instance, resist in order to be allowed to remain on the sidewalks and in the markets, taking individual and collective action and sometimes organizing protests ( Steel, 2012b ). Vendors have neither safety nor security, because they face harassment from the local authorities and often have to pay bribes to sustain themselves on the streets ( Saha, 2011 ). When the authorities demolish their stalls, they find ways to return to their sites with a higher level of resistance ( Musoni, 2010 ). Governmental organizations can reduce the level of resistance by introducing justice practices among peddlers by offering sort of support to them such as building infrastructure in order to formalize their business ( Rehman et al., 2021 ).

Informal workers generally do not group themselves into organizations. Thus, they do not have the collective power to negotiate with governmental organizations, such as the police and municipal authorities, or to collaborate to improve their working conditions ( Hummel, 2017 ). Nevertheless, although city authorities have legal powers, street vendors tend to develop a set of strategies for acquiring formal and informal power ( Boonjubun, 2017 ; Forkuor et al., 2017 ; Hummel, 2017 ; Te-Lintelo, 2017 ). Thus, resistance gives vendors the ability to stay on the sidewalks and in the markets despite the objections of city officials and residents ( Zhong and Di, 2017 ).

People who suffer from poverty and unemployment develop their own subculture to resist oppression (T. A. Martinez, 1997 ). Street vendors who are poor or unemployed find ways to resist and continue their businesses on the public streets so that they can survive; they do so regardless of the concerns of the official authorities. Researchers have argued that certain groups in a society develop their own oppositional cultures that empower them to resist public trends ( Ainsworth-Darnell and Downey, 1998 ). These vendors believe that they have the right to survive in their neighborhood, and that the authorities do not have the right to evict them unless officials arrange alternative employment for them. Consequently, the culture generates values and beliefs in favor of peddlers staying on the public streets, with the approval of customers, and resistance supports them in doing this. Hence, we propose the following hypothesis:

H3 . Resistance mediates the effect of urban culture on street vending.

Urban culture creates a consumption pattern, especially for low-income customers. This pattern represents real demand for products offered in public spaces and on sidewalks, and street vendors find their businesses profitable because of the willingness of customers to deal with them. The resulting consumption pattern consolidates the persistence of street vendors working in the informal trading sector. For instance, Khan (2017) found that street vendors are distinguished by cheaper pricing and quicker delivery, and that their customers see street vending as conveniently located, with flexible times and rich customization. Since urban culture generates low-income consumption, the real demand for products offered on public streets establishes resistance among vendors, thereby facilitating the survival of their livelihood and justifying their pervasiveness. Hence, we propose the following hypothesis:

H4 . Low-income consumption and resistance sequentially mediate the effect of urban culture on street vending.

Lack of Microfinance

The pervasiveness of street vending can also be explained by a lack of microfinance. Husain et al. (2015) found that personal savings constitute the most considerable source of financing for peddlers. Lyons (2013) found that when peddlers find it difficult to secure formal credit facilities from commercial banks and financial funds, they sell their assets or borrow from cooperative organizations. To finance their economic activities and social security, street vendors sometimes borrow money at exorbitant rates of interest ( Saha, 2011 ; Martinez and Rivera-Acevedo, 2018 ). Therefore, governments should set up specialized organizations to provide financial support to microbusinesses. Likewise, commercial banks should be encouraged to lend to very small businesses, and the loans should be based on knowledge of the market rather than on technical evaluation of the risks; in this context, an intuitive approach to lending will lead to better results than quantitative methods ( Malôa, 2013 ).

Informal sellers are among the poorest people in society. They cannot afford to rent a retail outlet, expand their business, or shift to the formal sector ( Tamilarai and Angayarkanni, 2016 ). Moreover, they do not meet the minimum requirements to apply for a loan, and banks are reluctant to be involved in microfinance. In short, an acute lack of microfinance results in poor and uneducated people trading on the streets, in contrast to a mature and developed financial system, which would create easier channels for financing microbusinesses and give unemployed people the opportunity to set up small formal businesses ( Esubalew and Raghurama, 2020 ). Since most unemployed and poor people have no access to the financial system to obtain loans, they become resistant. Thus, the strong resistance of street vendors can be explained in part by a lack of microfinance, which leads them to stay on the public streets. Therefore, we hypothesize:

H5 . A lack of microfinance positively impacts street vending.

H6 . Resistance mediates the effect of a lack of microfinance on street vending.

Methodology

Sampling and data collection.

The measurement items for the constructs in this study, displayed in Table 1 , were translated into Arabic, a language that the majority of Iraqis speak. To check the suitability of the items for the Iraqi cultural context, the questionnaire was discussed with five colleagues at the Middle Technical University, Baghdad, and an initial sample of 25 responses was analyzed. The results confirmed that most of the street vendors are Iraqis and that public officials mostly ignore them, although the authorities sometimes evict them from public streets and traditional markets. The results also indicated that most of the street vendors are uneducated, but that some have secondary school certificates, a diploma, or even a bachelor's degree, because unemployment has spread among young people and graduates. We modified the questionnaire in light of these findings, and the results are shown in Table 1 in an English version.

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Table 1 . Measurement model assessment.

Some researchers have interviewed street vendors in order to understand their characteristics and the factors that affect their livelihoods ( Reid et al., 2010 ; Tengeh and Lapah, 2013 ; Wibisono and Catrayasa, 2018 ). The current study instead adopts the approach recommended by Chai et al. (2011) , with the aim of tracking the attitudes of the general public on the problematic issue of street vending. Their approach is appropriate because the problem affects the social and economic daily life of cities in two opposing ways. On the one hand, it has negative impacts in terms of traffic, competition with the modern retail industry, and violence. On the other hand, it reduces poverty and unemployment. Obtaining a clear understanding of public opinion on the issue is, therefore, a necessary step in reviewing public policies on how to deal fairly with street vendors.

Google Forms were used to administer the electronic survey, which was distributed via a hyperlink sent to participants by e-mail, WhatsApp, or Facebook. We began by inviting students, administrative staff, and faculty members at Middle Technical University, Baghdad to take part. Then, we encouraged our students to ask their friends and relatives outside the university to participate, and we also involved digital friends contacted via social networks. Our aim was to include 600 participants from a range of social classes. In the end, because of limitations of time and resources, we collected 463 responses. We excluded 38 of these on the grounds that the respondents had given the same answer to all the questions. The final sample, therefore, consisted of 425 complete and usable responses collected between September and November 2018. The raw data were deposited at Mendeley and can be viewed at Al-Jundi (2019) .

The study adopted a sampling method introduced by Krejcie and Morgan (1970) in order to determine the minimum size of the sample required for a given population. A total number of 384 participants will be required to gain a 95% confidence interval for a population that exceeds one million persons with a marginal error of ±5%. We managed to collect 425 reliable responses that are acceptable, taking into consideration the limitations of this paper (see section Limitations and Recommendations for Further Research). The study, therefore, uses nonprobabilistic sampling with an unlimited population.

Of the participants, 67% were men and 33% were women. In terms of education, 25% had not completed secondary schooling, 41% (most of whom were university students) had a secondary school certificate, 20% had a diploma or a bachelor's degree, and 14% (mainly faculty members) were postgraduates. With regard to monthly household income, 41% earned less than $400, 37% earned $400–999, 12% earned $1,000–1,499, and 10% earned more than $1,500. Participants under the age of 25 accounted for 35% of the sample, while 44% were aged 25–40, and 21% were 41 or older. Thus, the participants come from different educational backgrounds and social classes, which make our sample fairly representative of the general public in the capital city of Baghdad.

Measurement Variables

In order to test the conceptual research model using PLS-SEM, we constructed measurable (observed) variables that reflect constructs drawn from the literature. All the indicator variables were measured using a seven-point Likert-type scale, shown in Table 1 (1 strongly disagree, 2 disagree, 3 somewhat disagree, 4 neither agree nor disagree, 5 somewhat agree, 6 agree, and 7 strongly agree).

The review of the literature served to identify five items that reflect each construct. The measurement items for the pervasiveness of street vending were drawn from work by Agadjanian (2002) , Ilahiane and Sherry (2008) , Recio and Gomez (2013) , and Palacios (2016) , while the observed variables for urban culture were derived from the work of Reuveni (2002) , Wardrop (2006) , Tamilarai and Angayarkanni (2016) , Alvi and Mendoza (2017) , and Wibisono and Catrayasa (2018) . The items for consumption patterns were derived from Reid et al. (2010) , Steel (2012a) , Trupp (2015) , and Tamilarai and Angayarkanni (2016) , and resistance was tracked using indicators proposed by Musoni (2010) , Steel (2012b) , Tengeh and Lapah (2013) , Hanser (2016) , and Boonjubun (2017) . Finally, the lack of microfinance was measured using indicators introduced by Husain et al. (2015) , Lyons (2013) , Saha (2011) , and Tamilarai and Angayarkanni (2016) .

Statistical Procedures

To validate our proposed model, we adopted a structural equation modeling (SEM) approach for a number of reasons. First, SEM is well recognized among researchers, as many of the concepts of social science are latent variables that can only be measured via observed indicators ( Hair et al., 2017 , 2019 ; Latan and Noonan, 2017 ). Second, SEM is more powerful than factor analysis, path analysis, or multiple linear regression and has already been used in similar studies ( Al-Jundi et al., 2019 , 2020 ; Shujahat et al., 2020 ; Ali, 2021 ; Ali et al., 2021a , b ; Wang et al., 2021a ). Third, SEM takes into consideration measurement error in the observed variables involved in a corresponding model ( Fornell and Larcker, 1981 ). Fourth, PLS-SEM allows the examination of causal relationships among many latent variables simultaneously, as well as the calculation of direct and indirect effects of a complex model. Finally, SEM gives a complete picture of the entire model, regardless of the complexity of the relationships among the constructs and observed variables.

There are two approaches to estimating such a model: a covariance-based SEM (CB-SEM) approach and a partial least squares SEM (PLS-SEM) approach. CB-SEM presumes a multivariate normal distribution and seeks to identify the model parameters that minimize the discrepancy between the estimated and sample covariance matrices. PLS-SEM attempts to maximize the explained variance of the endogenous constructs ( Hair et al., 2017 ). The current paper uses the PLS-SEM technique for four reasons. First, PLS-SEM estimates a complex model with many constructs, observed variables, and path model relationships to guarantee convergence regardless of sample size and distribution assumptions ( Gefen and Straub, 2005 ). Second, PLS-SEM focuses on prediction, which allows the derivation of managerial implications. Third, PLS-SEM is suitable for developing a theory ( Hair et al., 2017 , 2019 ). Finally, PLS-SEM is recommended for the estimation of mediation models, including sequential mediation analysis ( Sarstedt et al., 2020 ).

Assessment of the Measurement Model

In the initial step of the factor analysis, item loadings above 0.700 were retained and those below 0.40 were deleted (as recommended by Hair et al., 2017 ). All standardized factor loadings were higher than the cut-off value of 0.707. We found that the item loading for LC1 was below 0.40, and we therefore deleted it. Table 1 shows the outer loadings of all the constructs in the study.

To examine internal consistency reliability, we used Cronbach's alpha (α) and composite reliability (ρ C ) for all the constructs. The rule of thumb indicates that α and ρ C should be above 0.700. As Table 1 shows, these requirements were met for all the constructs.

To assess convergent validity (construct communality), we used average variance extracted (AVE), which is calculated as the mean value of the squared outer loadings associated with each construct ( Gefen and Straub, 2005 ; Hair et al., 2017 ). As Table 1 shows, the AVE for all constructs exceeds the critical cut-off point of 0.500 ( Latan and Noonan, 2017 ), thus ensuring convergent validity.

To establish discriminant validity, the heterotrait–monotrait ratio (HTMT) was used. If the value of HTMT is lower than the threshold value of HTMT 0.85 (the conservative cut-off point) or HTMT 0.90 (the liberal cut-off point), discriminant validity is established ( Henseler et al., 2014 ). Table 2 shows that the HTMT ratios among the constructs are all below the cut-off point of HTMT 0.85 , and discriminant validity is thus established.

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Table 2 . Assessment of discriminant validity using HTMT.

Predictive Relevance of the Model

To analyze the model's predictive relevance, we distinguished between in-sample prediction (explanatory power) and out-of-sample prediction (predictive power). Explanatory power can be evaluated using the coefficient of determination ( R 2 ), which indicates the predictive accuracy. As a rule of thumb, R 2 values below 0.25 are considered weak. Table 3 shows that the R 2 values for street vending (0.267), low-income consumption (0.321), and resistance (0.361) can be considered moderate; that is, more than 25% of the amount of variance in all the endogenous constructs is explained by the corresponding exogenous constructs. These results are acceptable in the context of research in the behavioral and social sciences ( Hair et al., 2017 ).

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Table 3 . Determination coefficients ( R 2 ) and predictive relevance (Q 2 ) of endogenous (omission distance = 7).

The effect size f 2 assesses how strongly an exogenous variable participates in explaining a target endogenous variable in terms of R 2 . As a rule of thumb, f 2 values of 0.02, 0.15, and 0.35 are weak, moderate, and large, respectively ( Hair et al., 2017 ). Table 5 shows that urban culture has a strong effect size in explaining low-income consumption. Lack of microfinance has a moderate effect on resistance, which is similar to the effect of resistance on street vending. Microfinance, consumption, and culture have weak effects on their target constructs, whereas urban culture and consumption pattern have no effect on street vending.

Even though the data collected reflect the general public's perspective from the capital city of Iraq, the quality of predictive power of the proposed model helps to generalize conclusions and drive managerial implications. To test the predictive relevance of the endogenous variables, we used a blindfolding procedure. Table 3 gives the Q2 values for our endogenous latent constructs. Applying the same rule of thumb used for effect size, we find that street vending has weak predictive power and that the power of low-income consumption and resistance is moderate. All the endogenous variables have Q2 values greater than 0, which provides evidence of the model's predictive relevance ( Geisser, 1974 ; Stone, 1974 ; Hair et al., 2019 ). Accordingly, we can safely generalize the conclusions derived from this study, taking into consideration the limitations raised in section 5.4.

Structural Model Assessment

As an initial step, we used the variance inflation factor (VIF) as an indicator of collinearity in the structural model. Table 4 shows that all the VIF values are below the cut-off value of 3.00. Thus, there are no collinearity issues in the structural model.

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Table 4 . Variance inflation factors (VIF) as an indicator of collinearity.

To test the significance of the path coefficients, we ran bootstrapping of 5,000 iterations (subsamples) at 95% bias-corrected confidence intervals. The empirical results for all the direct paths in Table 5 , Figure 2B , are significant, with the exception of the direct effect of urban culture on street vending and low-income consumption on street vending. The former finding suggests that H1 is not supported. The empirical results also show that a lack of microfinance has a positive and significant effect on street vending, which provides support for H5.

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Table 5 . Construct effects on endogenous variables.

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Figure 2 . Structural model results. (A) Model with total effect. (B) Model with double mediations.

Mediation Analysis

This study followed the updated procedure in Nitzl et al. (2016) to test the mediation hypotheses. Again, the bootstrapping of 5,000 iterations at 95% bias-corrected confidence intervals allowed the indirect effects to be tested. As Figure 2A , Table 6 (A) show, urban culture has a significant total effect on street vending (β = 0.235; t = 3.146). However, when low-income consumption and resistance are introduced as mediators, urban culture no longer has a significant direct effect on street vending (β = −0.073, t = 1.115), as shown in Figure 2B , Table 6 (B). This suggests that H1 is not supported.

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Table 6 . Summary of mediating analyses.

The indirect effect of urban culture on street vending via low-income consumption is also not significant (β = −0.036, t = 1.183) as shown in Table 6 (C), and this indicates that H2 is not supported.

As Table 6 (C) shows, the indirect effect of urban culture on street vending via resistance is significant (β = 0.124, t = 3.686). This indicates that resistance fully mediates the relationship between urban culture and street vending, and H3 is therefore supported.

The empirical results in Table 6 (D) suggest that urban culture is positively associated with low-income consumption, that low-income consumption is positively associated with resistance, and that resistance is related to higher levels of street vending. These results suggest that low-income consumption and resistance are two sequential mediators that fully and jointly mediate the influence of urban culture on street vending. Therefore, H4 is supported.

Table 6 (C) shows that the indirect effect of lack of microfinance on street vending via resistance is significant (β = 0.148, t = 4.816). This result suggests that resistance partially mediates the relationship between lack of microfinance and street vending, and H6 is therefore supported.

Discussion and Conclusion

Discussion of the results.

Surprisingly, the results of this study indicate that urban culture does not have a significant direct effect on street vending (H1). Moreover, the indirect effect of urban culture on street vending via low-income consumption (H2) is not significant. Thus, it seems that culture does not impact street vending. These results contradict previous research ( Voiculescu, 2014 ; Tamilarai and Angayarkanni, 2016 ; Alvi and Mendoza, 2017 ; Wibisono and Catrayasa, 2018 ) and the cultural approach ( Williams and Gurtoo, 2012 ; Ladan and Williams, 2019 ). Furthermore, the low-income consumption pattern, which can be considered another dimension of culture, does not impact street vending ( Table 5 ), which again contradicts previous research ( Steel, 2012a ; Trupp, 2015 ; Tamilarai and Angayarkanni, 2016 ).

Nevertheless, we find that urban culture has a significant and positive impact on street vending via resistance (H3). This is a case of full mediation, since there is an indirect effect only. Furthermore, urban culture impacts street vending via serial mediation of low-income consumption and resistance (H4), with no direct effect of urban culture on street vending. In short, urban culture has a significant and positive impact on street vending through sequential mediators and is fully mediated.

We also confirm the direct effect of microfinance on street vending (H5) and the indirect effect through resistance (H6). This is a case of complementary partial mediation, since the direct and indirect effects are both positive and significant. Researchers agree that a lack of microfinance has an impact on the pervasiveness of street vending ( Saha, 2011 ; Lyons, 2013 ; Husain et al., 2015 ). Even though resistance has a direct effect on street vending ( Table 5 ), as previously established ( Musoni, 2010 ; Tengeh and Lapah, 2013 ; Hanser, 2016 ; Boonjubun, 2017 ), the mediating effect of resistance is more important than the direct effect in explaining the pervasiveness of street vending.

Lastly, the results shown in Tables 5 , 6 help to rank the paths in order of importance. First comes the direct effect of resistance on street vending, followed by the total effects of urban culture on street vending, the direct effect of a lack of microfinance on street vending, the indirect effect of microfinance on street vending through resistance, and the indirect effect of urban culture on street vending through resistance, in that order.

Theoretical Implications

This study contributes to the literature in several ways. First, it proposes and tests a new and comprehensive model to analyze the relationship between urban culture and street vending, simultaneously examining the effects of culture, consumption, resistance, and microfinance on street vending. Second, it investigates the general public's perceptions of the issue of street vending as a problem facing cities in developing countries, which is a necessary step in reviewing public policies and determining how to deal fairly with street vendors. Third, it develops measurement variables for the constructs in question, some of which are used for the first time, and confirms that they are reliable and valid. Fourth, the statistical analysis contradicts the findings of previous studies and sheds light on the cultural approach by showing that urban culture and low-income consumption (as another dimension of urban culture) have no significant direct effect on street vending. Finally, the study offers three novel and important findings: (1) Urban culture positively influences street vending via resistance; (2) Urban culture impacts street vending via serial mediation of low-income consumption and resistance; (3) Microfinance positively impacts street vending directly or through resistance. These findings are the main contributions of this study, and they will enrich the cultural approach. In short, urban culture (in the form of consumption patterns) impacts the pervasiveness of street vending if we take into consideration the mediator of resistance.

Managerial Implications

Because the predictive relevance of the model has been established, we can safely derive the following managerial implications. The results described in the previous section are of direct relevance to both public entities and scholarly researchers, as they allow the driving factors of the pervasiveness of street vending to be ranked in order of importance: first, resistance; second, urban culture; and third, lack of microfinance (see Tables 5 , 6 ). Resistance is formed by three important observed indicators in sequence, as the standardized factor loadings in Table 1 indicate. First, street vendors develop strategies to enable them to stay on the streets; second, they depend on their social networks; and third, they return to their sites following the demolition of their stalls. Public policy must therefore recognize that the eviction of street vendors from public spaces is not a solution ( Batréau and Bonnet, 2016 ), and policymakers should seek other ways of formalizing street vending.

There are two main factors that shape urban culture: people enjoy walking and communicating in the traditional markets, and they can find interesting items, such as books, in specialized markets. These cultural factors give sellers two sets of incentives to continue trading informally on sidewalks. First, the societal culture, represented by urban culture and patterns of consumption, creates a real demand for the goods and services offered in public spaces, and this encourages sellers to continue trading on the public streets. Second, because they cannot find jobs in the formal sector, street vendors have only one way to earn income, namely by working hard on the streets ( Onodugo et al., 2016 ). In other words, street vendors fulfill their own and their customers' needs, and the culture cannot be changed in the short term.

In terms of lack of microfinance, the most significant factor is that vendors have no access to formal credit facilities. To address this problem, municipal authorities should build infrastructure that is specifically designed to formalize street vendors; for example, they can construct special areas for vendors ( Te-Lintelo, 2017 ) and legalize trading between the informal and formal sectors. The banking sector should be encouraged to adopt a new approach to risk that would enable them to offer loans to microbusinesses ( Malôa, 2013 ), and the public authorities should provide financial support so that poor and unemployed people can set up formal microbusinesses.

We have learned from this research that street vendors are part of the vibrancy of many cities in developing countries. They play an important role in society by providing a range of products to low-income customers. They also help to eliminate poverty and unemployment, enabling people to depend on their own resources when governments fail to tackle those problems ( Onodugo et al., 2016 ). Furthermore, Street vendors cause many problems to traffic flows and suffer from the harmful environment when doing their business such as noise and air pollution. The phenomenon cannot be avoided even the government would evict them from streets and public spaces. The unemployment and poverty immediately pushed them to return. The problem is pervasiveness because at least it has roots in urban culture, consumption patterns, resistance, and lack of microfinance. The best solution to this problematic issue is that the government should invest to formalize the informality of street vending. Therefore, we can increase their contribution to the economic advances and decrease their negative impact on cities.

Limitations and Recommendations for Further Research

Although the path coefficients of the relationship between constructs and the predictive relevance of the entire model are statistically significant, the results of this study are subject to a number of limitations. First, the study uses non-probabilistic sampling with an unlimited population, and the sample of 425 responses can be considered small in the context of the total population of Baghdad. The results would be more accurate if we could increase the sample so that it is more representative of the population as a whole. Second, because we collected the raw data via the Internet and social media, we cannot guarantee the full engagement of the participants. Third, the study relates specifically to the context of Iraq, a country that has suffered recent political instability. Thus, it is important to apply the model to data drawn from other cities and countries with different political circumstances.

Fourth, the model is limited to examination of the impact of culture on street vending. Future research should examine the multivariate impact of other important antecedents of street vending, such as poverty ( Estrada and Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2011 ; Saha, 2011 ), unemployment ( Truong, 2018 ), education ( Williams and Gurtoo, 2012 ; Husain et al., 2015 ), and immigration ( Lapah and Tengeh, 2013 ). The inclusion of the moderating effects of gender, income, and educational background would improve the model conceptually and statistically. Scholars should also revisit the cultural approach and other theories that address street vending and the informal economy ( Williams and Gurtoo, 2012 ; Ladan and Williams, 2019 ). Lastly, the current study is limited to one period. Future studies should, therefore, test the model using data collected at different intervals.

Data Availability Statement

Publicly available datasets were analyzed in this study. This data can be found here: https://doi.org/10.17632/dh3cv5p7rv.1 .

Author Contributions

All authors listed have made a substantial, direct, and intellectual contribution to the work and approved it for publication.

This project was funded by the Deanship of Scientific Research (DSR), King Abdulaziz University, Jeddah, under grant No. (DF-689-120-1441). The authors, therefore, gratefully acknowledge DSR technical and financial support.

Conflict of Interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Publisher's Note

All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article, or claim that may be made by its manufacturer, is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

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Keywords: street vending, urban culture, consumption, resistance, microfinance, mediation, PLS-SEM

Citation: Al-Jundi SA, Al-Janabi HA, Salam MA, Bajaba S and Ullah S (2022) The Impact of Urban Culture on Street Vending: A Path Model Analysis of the General Public's Perspective. Front. Psychol. 12:831014. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2021.831014

Received: 07 December 2021; Accepted: 29 December 2021; Published: 14 February 2022.

Reviewed by:

Copyright © 2022 Al-Jundi, Al-Janabi, Salam, Bajaba and Ullah. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY) . The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.

*Correspondence: Mohammad Asif Salam, masalam1@kau.edu.sa

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Informal street vending: a comparative literature review

International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy

ISSN : 0144-333X

Article publication date: 29 September 2020

Issue publication date: 23 June 2021

Informal street vending is traditionally widespread and studied concerning developing countries. Nevertheless, recently, interest in the study of this practice has also increased regarding specific developed countries. The aim of the article is to contribute to overcoming the tendency to investigate this informal economy sector with different analytical lenses between the global South and global North and to highlight the usefulness of analyzing the phenomenon from a comparative perspective.

Design/methodology/approach

Therefore, the article represents a comparative review of the existing literature on informal street vending considering both the global South and global North.

The analysis revealed similarities and differences in the characteristics the phenomenon assumes in the two areas of the world while at the same time, showing how there are aspects mainly explored in the literature of southern countries and little explored in the literature of northern countries and vice-versa.

Research limitations/implications

This analytical attempt allows us to highlight any gaps present in the literature, which may represent the basis for future comparative research on the topic. Comparative research will improve both theoretical and empirical knowledge of the phenomenon.

Originality/value

On the one hand, the article represents an innovative literature review attempt, as it explicitly compares the street vending between developing and developed countries. On the other hand, it represents the first academic contribution to review street vending in the global North.

  • Informal economy
  • Street vendors
  • Global South and global North
  • Urban policies
  • Strategies of resistance

Recchi, S. (2021), "Informal street vending: a comparative literature review", International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy , Vol. 41 No. 7/8, pp. 805-825. https://doi.org/10.1108/IJSSP-07-2020-0285

Emerald Publishing Limited

Copyright © 2021, Sara Recchi

Published by Emerald Publishing Limited. This article is published under the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY 4.0) licence. Anyone may reproduce, distribute, translate and create derivative works of this article (for both commercial and non-commercial purposes), subject to full attribution to the original publication and authors. The full terms of this licence may be seen at http://creativecommons.org/licences/by/4.0/legalcode

Introduction

Street vending represents one of the most visible manifestations of the informal economy and has been studied for over forty years by various disciplines, especially anthropology, economics and sociology. Street vending is traditionally rooted in the social and economic fabric of many southern countries and, therefore, has mostly been studied concerning Africa (e.g. Steel et al. , 2014 ; Brown et al. , 2010 ), Asia (e.g. Milgram, 2011 ; Schindler, 2014 ) and Latin America (e.g. Crossa, 2009 ; Donovan, 2008 ). Nonetheless, in recent decades, interest in the study of the phenomenon regarding European and North American countries has also increased (e.g. Devlin, 2011 ; Boels, 2014 ). In fact, street vending is no longer considered as a residual activity typical of global South and destined to disappear, but rather as a constantly growing phenomenon, affecting both developed and developing countries ( Graaff and Ha, 2015 ). Despite the knowledge concerning street vending activities and more in general the informal economy has increased, to date there is no a univocal theory in defining the causes and characteristics of the informal economy. The theoretical contradictions are even more evident when one compares this phenomenon between developing and developed countries ( Gerxhani, 2004 ; Chen, 2012 ). Moreover, while the literature on street vending in developing countries is characterized by a great deal of research, still few studies in industrialized countries exist. Besides, while some literature review articles strive to analyze this informal activity in the global South exist (e.g. Forkour et al. , 2017 ; Mitullah, 2004 ), there are no similar contributions concerning developed countries. Furthermore, except for some review articles that adopt a global perspective to study street vending (e.g. Bromley, 2000 ; Cross, 2000 ; Wongtada, 2014 ), there are no review attempts that explicitly compare the phenomenon in the two areas of the world. Therefore, this article represents a comparative literature review on street vending, considering both the southern and northern countries. It also constitutes the first attempt to review street vending in developed countries. The aim is to contribute in overcoming the tendency to investigate this informal economy sector with different analytical lenses between the global South and global North. Moreover, the article also aims to highlight how the comparison across the two institutionally distinct types of countries is fundamental to understand the informal street vending sector dynamics. Although the main focus of the article is on informal actors, it groups different manifestations of street vending. This choice stems from the difficulty of clearly distinguishing between the formal and informal economy as well as the awareness of the varying degrees of informal practices and, in turn, of different violations of trade regulations.

In the first section, the article will highlight the criteria for choosing and analyzing the studies included in the review. Subsequently, the article will present the main research methods and techniques adopted to study the phenomenon. The subsequent sections will discuss the aspects dealt with by the literature, highlighting the similarities and differences between the global South and global North. Therefore, the second passage will focus on street vendors' daily strategies and working conditions and, subsequently, it will highlight the street vendors' profile. The following section will present the informal street vending causes as well as the individual motives that drive to work informally. Subsequently, the article will underline the dimensions through which the literature investigates the link between the formal economy and the informal street trade sector. Then, the urban governance theme will be analyzed, by describing the perceptions behind street vending and the policies and practices adopted to regulate it. Finally, the paper will emphasize the street vendors' strategies to confront exclusionary policies and to negotiate for space. In the last paragraph, a discussion of the main similarities and differences between developing and developed countries will be proposed, supporting theoretical explanations. The article will conclude by presenting the implications for future comparative research on the topic.

Literature review: selection criteria and method of analysis

To select and identify the most relevant studies on the topic, the Google Scholar online database was used. The selection process was guided by specific keywords, which have been reproduced in the following search phrase: informal street vending OR street vendors OR street vendors' practices and working conditions OR street vending urban polices . The search resulted in about 26,300 studies. Then the search was limited to studies published from 2000 to 2019, to present an updated picture of the phenomenon. Following this criterion, the search was reduced to approximately 20,100 studies. Moreover, non-scientific journals were excluded from the analysis. Therefore, the article considered scientific peer review journal articles, book chapters, research reports and working papers. Finally, only empirical studies were included in the analysis. Considering these selection criteria, the unqualified studies were rejected, through the implementation of a screening process. Initially, a large number of studies were eliminated after reading the title, the abstract and the keywords. Subsequently, other studies were excluded after a more detailed full-text screening. After the selection process, only 59 studies were considered: 42 concerning developing countries and 17 regarding developed countries. In the analysis process, each study was read twice, identifying: the main topics and objectives, the research method and techniques and the geographical context. The analysis led to the construction of two tables: one for studies conducted in developing countries ( Table 1 ) and one for those carried out in developed countries ( Table 2 ). The tables summarize the main topics addressed in the literature, which have been included through a codification scheme, based on categories and subcategories of analysis. For instance, in relation to urban policies, the category “ Urban policies and regulations ” has been created, which corresponds to the subcategories: neoliberal and other exclusionary policies; evictions; harassment; displacement policies and relocation; tolerance policies and others regulations . Moreover, for each considered study has also been outlined: the name of the author, the year of publication, the city/country in which the study was conducted, the name of the journal or publishing house and the research techniques adopted.

Review of methodology: doing research on street vending

In both developing and developed countries’ literature, qualitative investigation techniques are predominantly employed to study street selling. Nonetheless, in the literature on developing countries, 21 out of a total of 42 studies adopt qualitative investigation techniques ( Table 1 ). In the literature on developed countries almost all studies, 14 out of 17, resort to participant observation, qualitative interviews or focus groups techniques ( Table 2 ). This methodological tendency can be explained in light of the complexity of studying the informal economy through quantitative techniques, due to the lack of official statistical data. Moreover, almost all the studies considered represent case study research, studying street vending concerning a specific city or neighborhood. This aspect responds to the tendency to implement qualitative techniques, which inevitably affect the empirical context dimensions. Nevertheless, ten cross-national and continental studies, conducted in different developing countries, were also selected. These studies, which consider either several cities in the same country or various cities across different continents, employ a comparative approach to study the phenomenon ( Table 1 ). Despite the tendency to adopt qualitative techniques, a portion of the studies conducted in developing countries implement quantitative investigation techniques, six of them use mixed method techniques and eight resort to survey techniques ( Table 1 ). In the developed countries' literature, this methodological aspect hardly emerges. Indeed, only 3 out of 17 studies adopt quantitative techniques ( Table 2 ). Finally, as regards the geographical composition of the selected studies, 13 of them were conducted in Asia, 12 in Latin America and 7 in Africa. As regards the developed countries, 11 studies were conducted in Europe and 6 in North America.

The street vendors' daily strategies and working conditions

Informal street vending is defined as the production and selling of legal goods and services in urban public spaces, which is not officially regulated by the law and is carried out in non-permanent built structures ( Cross, 2000 ). Although street vending represents an important informal sector, the exact global number of street vendors is unknown. Despite that, official regional statistics and research, which highlight the vast extent of the sector in specific developing counties, exist. For instance, in sub-Saharan Africa, street vendors account from 12 to 14% of the total urban informal employment, in India 14% and in Lima and Peru, street vendors represent 9% of the total informal urban workers ( Roever, 2014 ). Moreover, while in the global South a large segment of street vendors work informally ( Roever, 2016 ), in many developed countries, informal sales activities still represent a minority in relation to the entire sector ( Boels, 2014 ; Blanchard, 2011 ). Traditionally, street vending is defined using the dichotomous distinction between formal and informal, or regular and irregular economic activities. Nevertheless, to highlight the heterogeneity of the phenomenon, in both developing and developed countries literature, the tendency to distinguish the sector according to street vendors' working strategies, prevails. In this regard, three main street vendors' categories can be defined: mobile or itinerant vendors , who undertake their activities by moving to different places throughout the working day; fixed-stall or stationary vendors , who work in a stable place during the working day and semi-fixed street vendors, who momentarily dispose their goods on improvised structures along the street ( Coletto, 2019 ; Boels, 2014 ; Mitullah, 2004 ; Brown et al. , 2010 ; Boonjubun, 2017 ; Cuvi, 2016 ). Each category of street vendors corresponds to a different degree of legal regulation violation, but also to differences in terms of working conditions. Commonly, the street vendors' working conditions are characterized by low incomes, the absence of social security or state benefits, long working hours and unsafe workplace environments ( Eltzon, 2015 ; Saha, 2009 ). Furthermore, several studies highlight how street vendors' working conditions also depend, for instance, on street vendors' sex ( Turner and Schoenberger, 2012 ; Milgram, 2011 ; Munoz, 2016 ) and ethnicity, thus their context of origin ( Martin, 2014 ; DeLuca, 2012 ). Finally, the working conditions of street vendors can also vary regarding the type of goods sold ( Cuvi, 2016 ). Street vendors' daily working conditions and strategies are aspects highly investigated in the recent literature on the phenomenon, emerging in almost all the studies considered, both in developing and developed countries ( Tables 1 and 2 ).

The street vendors' profile

Almost all the selected studies highlight the socio-demographic and economic characteristics of street vendors ( Tables 1 and 2 ). In many developing countries, street vending represents an important source of income mainly for marginalized and poor people, especially for internal rural migrants ( Roever, 2014 ; Onodugo et al. , 2016 ; Turner and Schoenberger, 2012 ; Swider, 2015 ). Moreover, in many developing countries, petty trade is performed mainly by less educated people ( Steel et al. , 2014 ; Turner and Schoenberger, 2012 ). Street vending requires low professional skills and human capital resources, is chosen especially by those who have fewer resources to invest ( Roever, 2014 ). In many developing countries, primarily in Asia and Africa, gender also influences street selling practices. In fact, in many southern countries, women represent a majority of street vendors ( Bhowmik, 2001 ; Milgram, 2011 ; Williams and Gurtoo, 2012 ). Finally, as some studies emphasize, the sector is also comprised by workers who were previously employed in the formal sector and who, in the absence of alternatives, were forced to enter the informal economic circuit ( Milgram, 2011 ; Schindler, 2014 ). In developed countries, instead of internal rural migrants, informal street vending activities are carried out by immigrants. In some North American cities, Latin Americans represent the main categories of migrants who carry out informal street vending activities ( Bhimji, 2010 ; Martin, 2014 ; Munoz, 2016 ). Moving the analysis to the European context, the majority of informal street vendors are from North-African and South-East Asian countries ( L'Hote and Gasta, 2007 ; Blanchard, 2011 ; Harvey, 2004 ; DeLuca, 2012 ). The close relationship between informal street vending and immigrant status highlights how in many developed countries, migrants, mostly irregular, suffer from socio-economic discrimination, which drives them to find work in unskilled segments of the labor market, often in the informal economy ( Raijman, 2001 ; Boels, 2014 ; DeLuca, 2012 ).

Street vending causes and individual motives

Another amount of studies, almost half of those conducted in the northern countries and a half in the southern ones ( Tables 1 and 2 ), investigates the informal street vending causes and the individual reasons that drive to work informally. In many developing countries, the low level of industrialization, the surplus of labor and the process of urbanization, combined with an economic system based on the use of little technology and low-paid unskilled workers, represent the main factors affecting the high presence of the informal economy ( Gerxhani, 2004 ; Roever, 2014 ). Moreover, the ambiguous role of the law and high level of institutional corruption also affect the high impact of informal street vending in many developing countries ( Milgram, 2011 ; Schindler, 2014 ; Mitullha, 2004 ). In developed countries, instead, the growth of the informal economy is linked to the recent economic crisis, the growing levels of unemployment and the decrease in welfare spending. Moreover, globalization has accelerated non-standard work activity and a type of low-capital and labor-intensive tertiary sector, which is often reproduced in the informal economy, thanks to the implementation of unskilled migrant labor force ( Coletto, 2019 ; Devlin, 2019 ; Boels, 2014 ).

Specific individual motivations also influence the choice to undertake informal economic activities. In both areas of the world, street vending represents, first and foremost, an economic survival activity. In fact, in the absence of alternatives, street vending represents a choice driven by the necessity to obtain daily income ( Boels, 2014 ; Raijman, 2001 ; Crossa, 2009 ; Bromley and Mackie, 2009 ). Moreover, in many developing countries, street selling is also described as a voluntary and rational choice, which allows individuals to reach a certain degree of flexibility and work independence ( Williams and Gurtoo, 2012 ). Furthermore, while in many southern countries, street vending represents a traditional and stable activity, performed for generations ( Crossa, 2009 ; Williams and Gurtoo, 2012 ), in industrialized countries it often represents a temporary occupation ( DeLuca, 2012 ; L'hote and Gasta, 2007 ). In addition, while in many developing countries street vending often represents a cultural choice, in which social capital and family network play an important role ( Turner and Schoenberger, 2012 ; Crossa, 2016 ; Williams and Gurtoo, 2012 ), in many industrialized countries, the diffusion of informal vending activities can be explained by the fact that migrants often reproduce in their host countries economic activity that are traditionally widespread in their countries of origin ( Boels, 2014 ; Blanchar, 2011 ).

The relation between formal and informal economy

The link between the formal economy and informal street vending represents another aspect investigated in the literature, even if by relatively few studies ( Tables 1 and 2 ). First of all, the analysis of this piece of literature denotes the blurriness of the boundary between the informal and formal economy, because street vending activities are often characterized by an overlap of regular and irregular, legal and illegal conditions ( Milgram, 2011 ; Schindler, 2014 ; Coletto, 2019 ). Considering the literature on developing countries, the relationship between the formal economy and street vending is mainly addressed concerning the system to obtain permits to sell on the streets and regarding the connection between informal workers and the global value chains system ( Schindler, 2014 ; Cuvj, 2016 ; Martinez et al. , 2018 ). In fact, some studies highlight how the supply chain process of the products sold by street vendors take place, in almost all cases, in the formal economy ( Schindler, 2014 ; Sekhani et al. , 2019 ). Moreover, despite the various efforts to formalize street vendors, other studies highlight how workers often remain in a condition of permanent informality, due to often ambiguous commercial and urban regulations as well as the element of discretion with which, in many cases, state or local authorities grant permits to sell in the urban public space ( Milgram, 2011 ; Schindler, 2014 ; Cuvi, 2016 ). Furthermore, in some cases, the total number of licenses available is lower than the number of overall requests ( Anjaria, 2006 ). In addition, many street vendors highlight the difficulty of earning enough money to pay regular fees ( Roever, 2014 ). Focusing instead on developed countries, the link between informal street vending and the formal economy mostly concerns the dynamics of conflict between regular and informal street vendors. In this regard, several studies show how informal selling activities often take place within open-air markets, where informal actors share the location with regular vendors ( Coletto, 2019 ; Boels, 2014 ; Blanchard, 2011 ; Devlin, 2019 ). The coexistence, often in the same urban spaces, of the two types of vendors encourages dynamics of conflict and competition ( Coletto, 2019 ; Tchoukaleyska, 2015 ). Some other studies also highlight the regulation system and the procedures for obtaining licenses as factors that affect the informal street vendors' condition. In fact, migrants often sell without regular permits, since licenses are inaccessible in terms of costs and unobtainable due to the incompatible status of irregular migrants, which is common to many street vendors in developed countries ( Martin, 2014 ; Tchoukaleyska, 2015 ).

Urban policies and street vending regulations

The aspects mostly addressed in the recent literature concern the policies adopted to regulate the street vending sector and the informal actors' reactions when faced with such regulations. In this section, the article will investigate the policies and practices adopted by local authorities, while in the next section it will highlight the informal actors' resistance strategies. The literature on the global South gives particular attention to urban policies and practices adopted by local and state authorities to regulate street vending, with 34 out of 42 studies addressing this theme ( Table 1 ). In contrast, the literature on developed countries includes a less substantial number of studies focused on local regulations and enforcement agents practices ( Table 2 ).

The perceptions behind street vending

The analysis of this piece of the literature allows presenting a picture of how public opinion and local authorities perceive and describe the street vending activity. Although different studies, conducted both in developing and developed countries, describe street vending as a fundamental economic activity, which acts as a social safety net for marginal and poor populations ( Rogerson, 2016 ; Bhowmik, 2001 ; Boels, 2014 ; DeLuca, 2012 ), the tendency to perceive street vendors as a problem prevails. Primarily, street vendors are often accused of illegally using public spaces and of damaging the image of the city ( Lindell, 2019 ). This emerges mostly in the literature on developing countries, where informal street vending undermines the success of modernization projects aimed at making Southern cities of the world competitive with the Northern global cities ( Donovan, 2008 ; Rogerson, 2016 , Anjaria, 2006 ). Moreover, street vendors are also accused of promoting forms of degradation and chaos and, therefore, of undermining the social order ( Saha, 2009 ; Boonjubun, 2017 ; Turner and Schoenberg, 2012 ; Devlin, 2019 ). Finally, informal street vending competes with the formal trade market, generating negative economic effects for the commercial sector ( Steel, 2012 ; Forkuor et al. , 2017 ; Mitullah, 2004 ).

Urban governance model: between exclusionary policies and more tolerant regulations

During the 1970s, a tolerant policy against street vending prevailed in almost all developing countries. Nevertheless, between the 80s and 90s, the tendency to intervene to reduce the street vendors' presence spread, in line with the neoliberal urban governance model promoted in the United States and later introduced to many developing countries ( Lindell, 2019 ; Swansom, 2007 ; Donovan, 2008 : Crossa, 2016 ). Therefore, the recent public discourse on security have stimulated street trade criminalization and the adoption of exclusionary policies in many developing countries ( Reyes, 2013 ; Rogerson, 2016 ; Eltzold, 2015 ; Hanser, 2016 ; Morange, 2015 ). First of all, in various developing countries, the adoption of eviction campaigns against street vendors, to make cities more attractive for foreign investment and international tourism is a widespread trend ( Falla and Valencia, 2019 ; Reyes, 2013 ; Rogerson, 2016 ; Setsabi and Leduka, 2008 ; Eltzon, 2015 ). Other studies highlight the implementation of displacement policies and relocation projects, aimed at moving street vendors to decentralized areas of the city, assigning them regular working places ( Reyes, 2013 ; Swanson, 2007 ; Donovan, 2008 ; Weng and Kim, 2016 ). Nonetheless, the objective to make street vendors invisible often persists behind most of the relocation projects, in line with the gentrification plans widespread in many developing countries, especially in Latin American cities ( Hunt, 2009 ; Bromley and Mackie, 2009 ; Crossa, 2009 ). Finally, another set of studies shows how policemen and local authorities often adopt forms of harassment and abuse against street vendors, such as monetary extortion or arbitrary confiscation of merchandise for personal consumption ( Schindler, 2014 ; Rogerson, 2016 ; Lyons and Snoxell, 2005 ; Etzold, 2015 ; Milgram, 2011 ; Brown et al. , 2010 ). Despite that, a small number of other studies highlight how local authorities appear to oscillate between the adoption of exclusionary policies and more tolerant regulations ( Table 1 ). Indeed, the awareness that street vending represents an important source of income for marginalized people also persists. These ambivalent positions often generate contradictory regulatory models ( Rogerson, 2016 ; Bell and Loukaitou-Sideris, 2014 ; Huang et al. , 2014 ).

An analysis of the urban policies adopted in the global North reveals, instead, the contrast between the more heterogeneous and tolerant model that prevails in the European context and the repressive and no-tolerance regulations dominant in the US ( Table 2 ). Recent studies conducted in different North American cities highlight how various local governments are characterized by forms of uncertainty and legislative ambiguity in the regulation of street trade ( Devlin, 2019 ; Bhimji, 2010 ). In this regard, contradictory laws favor city authorities' discretionary acts against street vendors, who are in some cases, subjected to intimidation mechanisms and physical expulsion measures ( Martin, 2014 ; Devlin, 2019 ). Moving the analysis to the European context, the literature reveals how in some cities, street vending activities are repressed because the control of street vendors is often linked to the aim of controlling irregular immigration ( Moffette, 2018 ; L'hote and Gasta, 2007 ). Nevertheless, the local authorities' tendency to give little priority to informal vending activities emerges ( Nelken, 2006 ; Boels, 2014 ). In fact, some studies highlight how greater attention is often paid to intercepting the mechanisms behind the sale of counterfeit goods, rather than to massively controlling those who sell the goods on the streets ( Boels, 2014 ; Schmoll and Semi, 2013 ; Milliot and Tonnelat, 2013 ).

Street vendors' strategies of resistance and negotiation

For decades, street vendors have been considered as marginal individuals who passively practice their activities ( Lindell, 2019 ; Falla and Valencia, 2019 ). More recently, several studies, mainly those conducted in global South, have emphasized the role of the street vendors' agency, highlighting the strategies of resistance and negotiation they employ to confront exclusionary policies and guarantee their right to work in the public space ( Crossa, 2016 ; Schindler, 2014 ; Hunt, 2009 ; Boonjubun, 2017 ). In this regard, almost all studies conducted in both developing and developed countries ( Tables 1 and 2 ), highlight the informal actors' ability to modify their daily strategies and resiliently resist political limitations. Through the analysis of the literature, it is possible to identify both individual and collective strategies of resistance.

Individual strategies

At a more individual level, street vendors, in both developing and developed countries, adopt similar strategies of resistance. First of all, street vendors often act in an itinerant manner, adjusting their practices of vending. Bringing fewer goods and constantly moving around the streets not only allows to escape faster but also to be more invisible and attract less attention ( Milgram, 2011 ; Crossa, 2009 ; Boels, 2014 ; DeLuca, 2012 ). Another strategy, in this sense, is to move the businesses to less controlled places, to avoid forms of harassment and confiscation by city authorities ( Stell, 2012 ; Milgram, 2011 ; Boels, 2014 ). Moreover, street vendors also tend to anticipate the local authorities' actions as a way of avoiding forms of control. Indeed, they identify the police working hours and adjust their activities accordingly, to coincide with the lower presence of the police ( Bhimji, 2010 ; L'hote and Gasta, 2007 ; Coletto, 2019 ; Recio and Gomez, 2013 ; Turner and Schoenberger, 2012 ). Finally, another daily strategy involves bribing city authorities or street gangs, to guarantee the possibility to work on the street. This practice makes it possible for street vendors to improve their conditions and survive in the urban public space ( Eltzon, 2015 ; Milgram, 2011 ; Munoz, 2016 ; Anjaria, 2006 ; Mitullah, 2004 ).

Collective strategies

The literature also highlights how social capital and street vendor networks play an important role in deploying daily strategies of collective resistance ( Lyon and Snoxell, 2005 ). Some studies conducted in both developing and developed countries, show how vendors tend to support each other, for example by sending messages or adopting communications signals to prevent eviction from city authorities ( Cuvi, 2016 ; Crossa, 2009 ; Steel, 2012 ; Lyons and Snoxell, 2005 ; L'Hote and Gasta, 2007 ; Boels, 2014 ). Other studies, conducted in some developing countries, show how, in specific situations, street vendors resort to public demonstrations to protect their right to work on public spaces ( Crossa, 2009 ; Recio and Gomez, 2013 ; Roever, 2016 ; Millgram, 2011 ). Moreover, in many developing countries, the presence of street vendors' associations and organizations is often crucial for negotiating with local authorities and improving bargaining power. In fact, local street vendors' associations, which are spreading across many cities of the global South, give voice to the street vendors' interests ( Donovan, 2008 ; Weng and Kim, 2016 ; Roever, 2016 ; Saha, 2009 ; Crossa, 2016 ). Other studies highlight how, in many less developed countries, street vendors can also use their vote as bargaining power ( Donovan, 2008 ; Milgram, 2011 ). The leaders of local associations, who control the street vendors' political consensus, grant the local authorities electoral and political favors in exchange for privileged treatment and the possibility to work ( Crossa, 2009 ; Eltozon, 2015 ). Finally, in many less developed countries, non-governmental organizations also play an important role. For example, Street Net International and WIEGO negotiate with governments and local authorities to defend informal workers' rights and encourage the regularization of their conditions ( Roever, 2014 ; Bhowmik, 2001 ; Cuvi, 2016 ).

The following table summarizes the main differences and similarities that emerged to study street vending in both developing and developed countries, aimed to explain these comparative findings ( Table 3 ). The table represents an attempt at synthesis, which necessarily extremes some comparative elements that are more subtle and complex and, therefore, need to be deepened and investigated through future research.

The first distinction emerges if we look at the informal street vending sector size. In the global South, many street vendors work informally, while in developed countries informal vending activities represent a minority compared to the entire sector. Another difference concerns the street vendors' profile and the sector role. In global South, street vending is mainly performed by internal rural migrants and by poorer and less educated people, while in developed countries it is carried out by immigrants. Moreover, in southern countries street vending represents a stable working activity, performed for generations, however in industrialized countries it is mainly perceived as a temporary occupation, carried out as immigrants' first activity in host countries. The different economic system and the diversified effects that economic globalization has generated in the two types of countries may partially explain these differences ( Temkin and Veizaga, 2010 ; Gerxhani, 2004 ). In the literature several are the theories that look at economic factors to explain the different degrees of the informal economy between countries. For instance, the world-system theory applied to the study of informality allows us to highlight how due to the developing countries' economic system, based on a low level of industrialization, on the use of little technology and low-paid unskilled workers, these countries have experienced more rapid and widespread development of the informal economy than developed countries. Furthermore, the rapid urbanization process of the 1980s, which affected many southern cities, has increased the surplus of labor, encouraging the development of informality. On the contrary, the industrialized countries tend to specialize in capital-intensive and high-skill service sectors ( Roberts, 2013 ; Bhowmik, 2012 ). Therefore, in these contexts, only people without the skills to compete for high-tech formal employment, especially immigrants, are forced to work informally, mostly in the labor-intensive tertiary sector ( Sassen, 2007 ). Other theoretical approaches look rather at institutional factors to explain the size and characteristics of the informal economy of a given country. Borrowing the institutionalist approach , the high weight of the informal street vending sector in many developing countries can be explained by a widespread distrust in institutions and by the asymmetry between formal institutions and informal norms. This asymmetry promotes a distance between the state morality and that of the individual, who therefore may be more inclined to enter the informal economy ( Lyon, 2007 ; Williams et al. , 2015 ). Continuing to analyze the main differences, in the global South literature the relation between formal economy and informal street vending is mostly studied concerning the system to obtain permits to sell in public space and regarding the link between the informal workers and the global value chains system. Meanwhile, in the developed countries' literature, this link has mostly been studied regarding the conflict dynamics between regular and irregular street vendors. Furthermore, the studies on Southern countries focused more on the policies implemented to regulating street vending and the street vendors' resistance strategies, while the literature on industrialized countries analyzed more the relationship between possessing the discriminating status of immigrant and entering into the informal economy. Finally, while a substantial number of studies on both developing and developed countries highlight the street vendors' strategies of resistance, only several studies on developing countries emphasize the individual agency's role and the street vendors' collective bargaining power. This can be explained by the fact that are mostly global South' researchers who adopt an actor-oriented approach to study manifestations of urban informality ( Devlin, 2019 ; Lindell, 2019 ). Using the conceptual framework proposed by Bayat to study informality in global South, street vending is not simply an activity to cope with socio-economic injustices but also an intentional resistance practice that transgresses spatial and legal norms ( Bayat, 2004 ).

Continuing to analyze the literature review findings, common aspects are also highlighted. The first similarity is represented by the tendency to use qualitative investigation techniques and case study research approach to study street vending. Furthermore, similar trajectories emerge if we look at the urban governance model adopted to regulate informal trade. Recent studies conducted in both developing and North American countries reveal the tendency to embrace neoliberal and exclusionary policies to regulate informal street vending. It can be explained by the fact that global economic trends affect the state and local authorities' approach to manage and conceive marginality and the urban informality in the global cities' public spaces. Many countries tend to adopt exclusionary policies to eliminate the presence of street vendors, as their marginal activity does not meet the standards imposed by economic globalization ( Graaff and Ha, 2015 ; Lindell, 2019 ; Roever, 2014 ). Furthermore, the theoretical debate on the informal economy highlights how concerning most informal sectors the use of survival criterion in defining the reasons to work informally is valid for the southern countries and not for industrialized countries ( Gerxhani, 2004 ). On the contrary, the analysis on street vending sector showed how, although in some cases in global South it represents a voluntary or rational choice, in both two types of countries it constitutes, first and foremost, an economic survival activity. This aspect can be explained using the conceptual framework proposed by the structuralist theory to study the informal economy. This approach considers the informal work functional and subordinated to the formal economy. Indeed, the market liberalization and the economic globalization increase dynamics of socio-economic polarization, with the result that unskilled workers and marginal people are forced to work informally, as they cannot find a job in the formal economy ( Portes et al. , 1989 ; Sassen, 2007 ).

Conclusions

The article aimed to contribute in overcoming the tendency to employ different analytical lenses to study street vending between the global South and global North and to highlight the usefulness of analyzing the phenomenon in a comparative perspective. To do this, a comparative literature review on the topic has been conducted. It represents an innovative review attempt, as it explicitly compares this manifestation of informality between the two institutionally different types of countries. Moreover, it constitutes also the first contribution to review street vending in the global North.

The findings discussed in the last section suggest both similarities and differences regarding the street vending characteristics and concerning the aspects deal with by the literature to study it between global South and global North. Therefore, the analysis highlights some gaps present in the literature to study this informal economy sector, which can represent the basis for future comparative research on the topic. On the one hand, comparative research can stimulate the development of a theory that promotes a univocal interpretation and explanation of the informal street vending sector, considering simultaneously a set of factors that affect the informal economy of a given country (institutional, economic and cultural factors). Comparative case study research can also encourage the building of a theory aims at explain this manifestation of informality considering the specificities of both developing and developed countries. Moreover, despite informal street selling occurs both in developing and developed countries, in the literature comparative case studies aimed at investigating this informal sector between so different contexts from both an institutional and economic point of view are missing. Therefore, on the other hand, future comparative research can improve also empirical knowledge of the phenomenon. Comparative research will allow us to better understand to what extent individual motives, institutional and economic contextual factors and economic globalization affect the street trade sector in a given context. Furthermore, to address the transformations, but also the opportunities generated by economic globalization, a change in economic and social policies regarding urban informality is also necessary. In a climate of global growing income inequality, informal practices like street vending play an important economic and social role. Indeed, informal street vending guarantees daily income for an increasing poor and marginal side of the world population. Furthermore, while in developing countries street vendors provide goods and services that satisfy the demand of a growing low-income population, in industrialized countries, as this activity often represents the first immigrants' livelihood occupation, street vending also prevents entry into illicit or criminal circuits. Therefore, the state and local institutions should recognize the positive implications that would be generated if the street vendors' working conditions and rights were improved. Hence institutions should investigate the extend of the informal street vendors population and increase the number of licenses, promoting the transition into formal entrepreneurship. Increasing specific regulations to support street vending livelihoods would represent the basis for a more supportive urban economy, which aims to guarantee rights and protections to actors excluded from the formal economy circuit.

Studies on developing countries

The studyMethodologyStreet vending characteristics Urban policies and regulationsForms of resistance and negotiation
ContinentCountry and cityJournal article/Book chapter/Research report/Working paperPublisherQualitative techniquesPrimary and secondary dataMixed methodSurveySecondary dataStreet vendors' strategies and working conditionsStreet vendors' characteristicsCauses and individual motivesFormal and informal economyNeoliberal and exclusionary policiesEvictionHarassmentDisplacement policies/RelocationTolerance policies and others regulationsIndividual strategiesCollective strategies
AfricaJohannesburg, South Africa Local Economy X XXXX XXX
Casablanca, Morocco The Journal of North African StudiesX X XX
Accra, Ghana (2014)Ghana Social Science Journal X X XX X X
Nairobi, Kenya Journal of Eastern African Studies X XX X X
Nairobi, Kenya Urban Studies X XX X XX
Maseru, Lesotho Urban Forum X XX XX X
Enugu City, Nigeria (2016)CitiesX XX XX
AsiaDhaka, Bangladesh Berghahn Books, New York X XX XXX XX
Baguoi City, Philippines Journal of Developing SocietiesX XXXXX X X
Delhi, India Urban StudiesX X X XX X
Liaoning, China (2010)Journal of Asia–Pacific BusinessX XX
Beijing, China International Planning Studies X XXX XX
Guangzhou, China (2014)Antipode X X X XX
Hanoi, Vietnam Urban StudiesX XXX XX X X
Caloócan, Philippines Environment and Urbanization, AsiaX X XX X
Mumbai, India Economic and Political Weekly X XX XX X X
Hsinchu City, Taiwan CityscapeX X X X
Bangalore, India International Entrepreneurship and Management Journal X XXX
Mumbai, India Journal of Workplace Rights X XXX X X
Bangkok, Thailand CitiesX XX XX XX
Latin AmericaCusco, Perù International Journal of Urban and Regional Research X XX X X XX
Cusco, Perù Urban studies X XX X X
Mexico City, Mexico Urban StudiesX XXX X X X
Bogotà, Colombia Environment and planning D: Society and SpaceX X X X X
Bogotà, Colombia Urban Studies X X X X X X
Mexico City, Mexico International Journal of Criminology and SociologyX X X X
San Paolo, Brazil Social ProblemsX XX XXX XX
Bogotà, Colombia International Development Planning ReviewX XX XX XXX
Bogotà, Colombia Droit et sociétéX XXX XX
Cali, Colombia (2018)Cities X XXXX
Porto Alegre, Brazil Palgrave Macmillan, New YorkX XX XX
Mexico City, Mexico International Journal of Urban and Regional ResearchX X XX X XX
Cross-Continental researchAccra, Ghana; Ahmedabad, India; Bangkok, Thailand; Belo Horizonte, Brazil; Bogota, Colombia; Durban, South Africa; Lahore, Pakistan; Lima, Peru; Nakuru, Kenya; and Pune, India WIEGO, Cambridge, MA. X XXX XXX X
Cross-National ResearchMumbai, Ahmedabad, Indore, Calcutta, Imphal, Patna, Bhubaneshwar and Bangalore Prepared for National Alliance of Street Vendors in India (NASVI). WIEGO X XXX X X X
Quito and Guayaquil, Ecuador AntipodeX XX XX
Harbin and Shanghai, China The China QuarterlyX XX XX XX
Colombia, Venezuela, Peru, Mexico, Chile and Brazil Prepared for the WIEGO Urban Policies Programme X XXX XX X X
Senegal, Ghana, Tanzana and Lesotho (2010)Urban StudiesX XXX XXX X
Kenya, Uganda, Zimbabwe, Ghana, Cote D'Ivoire and South Africa WIEGO, Cambridge, MA. X XX XX X
Bogotà, Colombia and Lima, Perù International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy X XX X X
Delhi, iIndia and Phnom Penh City, Cambodia (2019)CitiesX XXXX
Beijing and Guangzhoun, China Critical Sociology X XXXXX

Studies on developed countries

The studyMethodologyStreet vending characteristics Urban policies and regulationsForms of resistance and negotiation
ContinentCountry and cityJournal article/Book chapter/Research report/Working paperpublisherQualitative techniquesPrimary and secondary dataMixed methodSurveySecondary dataStreet vendors' strategies and working conditionsStreet vendors' characteristicsCauses and individual motivesFormal and informal economyNeoliberal and exclusionary policiesEvictionHarassmentDisplacement policies/RelocationTolerance policies and others regulationsIndividual strategiesCollective strategies
United StatesLos Angeles, California Urban Anthropology and Studies of Cultural Systems and World Economic DevelopmentX XX X X XX
Chicago, Illinois International Journal of Urban and Regional ResearchX XX X
Chicago, Illinois Human Organization X XXX
New York City, New York Journal of Cultural GeographyX XXX X X
New York City, New York Planning TheoryX XX XXXX
Los Angeles, California AreaX XX XX XX
EuropeGenova, Italy Journal for Undergraduate EthnographyX XXX
Milano, Italy Il Mulino, BolognaX XX X X
Barcelona, Spain Theoretical CriminologyX XX X X
Brussels, Belgium International Journal of Sociology and Social PolicyX XXXX XX
Adriatic coast of Emilia Romagna, Italy Crime, Law and Social Change X XX X
Naples and Torin, Italy Identities: Global Studies in Culture and PowerX XX X
Alicante, Spain International Journal of Iberian Studies X XX XX
Naples, Italy International Journal of Economic DevelopmentX XX XX
Montpellier, France ArenaX XX X X
Paris, France Routledge, LondonX XX X
Torino, Italy Mondi migrantiX XX X XX

Differences and similarities between developing and developed countries

DifferencesGlobal SouthGlobal North
The informal street vending sizeMany street vendors work informallyA small segment of street vendors works informally
Street vendors' profileInternal rural migrants and poor/less educated peopleImmigrants
Role of street vending sectorStable and culturally rooted working activityTemporary occupation or the first immigrants working activity
Formal economy and informal street vending relation Conflict between regular and informal street vendors
The different aspects dealt with by the literature
SimilaritiesGlobal SouthGlobal North
Methodology
Urban governance model
Individual motives

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Acknowledgements

I thank, first of all, the anonymous referees for their comments and suggestions. I also thank Giovanna Fullin and Diego Coletto for supervising my research activities. The following article did not provide specific research funding. This paper is part of a broader Ph.D. research project, within the Analysis of Social and Economic Process doctoral course, funded by the Department of Sociology and Social Research, of the University of Milan-Bicocca, Italy.

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Informal street vending: a systematic review.

essay on role of street vendors

1. Introduction

2. thematic analysis, 2.1. gender, 2.2. typology/types, 2.3. spatiality of street vending and public space design, 2.4. health and well-being, 2.5. individual/collective agency, 2.6. policy environment, 2.7. use of technology, 2.8. links to other forms of informality, 3. conclusions and the ways forward, author contributions, conflicts of interest.

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Peimani, N.; Kamalipour, H. Informal Street Vending: A Systematic Review. Land 2022 , 11 , 829. https://doi.org/10.3390/land11060829

Peimani N, Kamalipour H. Informal Street Vending: A Systematic Review. Land . 2022; 11(6):829. https://doi.org/10.3390/land11060829

Peimani, Nastaran, and Hesam Kamalipour. 2022. "Informal Street Vending: A Systematic Review" Land 11, no. 6: 829. https://doi.org/10.3390/land11060829

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ISSUES AND CHALLENGES FACED BY VENDORS ON URBAN STREETS: A CASE OF SONIPAT CITY, INDIA

Profile image of Manoj Panwar

We cannot neglect Urbanization as it is directly proportional to development of a country. Effect of an increasing population growth in the era of globalization is compounded by a rapidly accelerating migration from rural areas to the urban centers. These accelerated pace of urbanization has led to employment problems. Urban labour force expands faster than the employment generated in the urban sector of economy e.g. manufacturing and services sector. So urban centers are not able to provide employment to all workforce, in formal jobs, looking forward for opportunities for earning their livelihood, so, they are forced to find other opportunities in informal sector of urban settlement. The informal sector represents an important part of the economy and the labour market in many countries, especially in developing countries. It plays a major role in employment creation, production, and income generation. Within this informal sector of workforce, street vendors play an important role in employing migrated people. Vending in urban area is characterized by ease of entry, small scale of operation carried out in temporary structure in a variable location without a fixed place or store. Vendors sell their products in unregulated and competitive market environment without observing any fixed hours for vending. Very often, vending is on an illegal basis contrary to the government regulations; it does not depend upon formal financial institutions for its credit needs As initial investment and risk associate for vending daily needs is low, but due to this street vendors large number of problems associated with landuse, security, health and infrastructure social arise. Authors have identified Sonipat as study area and studied the problems. The paper provides spatial solutions for Sonipat and policy measures for regulating urban vendors in other settlements too. Keywords: Urbanization, street vendors, spatial land use;

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Andi Lolo Sinrang Arisaputra

One of the problems faced by Makassar city is that of street vendors who have become an informal commercial sector within the city. Street vendors are often considered as a cause of traffic congestion, decreased urban aesthetics, and as sidewalk occupations because of their location, physical appearance, and activity. This paper aims to examine the influence of their space utilization and explain the causes and effects of street vendors occupying public space on the sidewalk and roadside with a case study of Andi Pangeran Pettarani Street, Makassar. Their problem basically arises due to the absence of reference spatial products that specifically determine suitable locations for the activities of street vendors in urban areas. Space utilization, not based on location characteristics, leads to conflict, and is consequently regarded as an 'element out of place'. The results of this study revealed several interesting findings. The study found that street vendors occupied sidewalks and roadsides to form business facilities which is an alternative to conventional job creation and a source of livelihood to the urban poor. Despite this, urban authorities still consider street vendors activity as an illegal and unproductive activity. By revealing the cause of street vendors occupying public space, recommendations are obtained as inputs that can be considered with government support, for the arrangement of street vendors with respect to their physical condition and location. In general, this study presents a strategy for creating a better space where street vendors can work without disturbing the surrounding space.

essay on role of street vendors

Singh Publication

Vending on the street is a worldwide fact and the most able to be seen component of the casual economy. Street vending, like other informal sectors, is characterised by low pay, ease of entrance, self-employment, and a huge number of individuals. Millions of individuals make a livelihood selling a variety of products and services on the street in cities and towns all over the globe. Despite the popular assumption that street selling would decline as the economy improves and wealth rises, it is on the rise in many areas. Because of their poor level of education and abilities, street sellers are often individuals who are not capable to get usual employment in the remunerative recognized sector. They attempt to address their financial issues by relying on their own limited financial resources. They are primary sharing route for a wide range of the daily-use goods, such as fruits, vegetables, ready-to-wear clothes, home appliances, stationery, toys, newspapers, magazines and shoes among others. If they be removed from the urban marketplaces, it would create serious problem for vegetable and fruit growers and small-scale businesses that couldn't afford to sell their goods via the formal sector's costly distribution networks. The significance of this industry can not be overstated, particularly given the government's inability to offer employment to India's millions of jobless and underemployed citizens. Even the corporate sector can only absorb a small part of our growing workforce. Overall, employment in the official sector is decreasing, leaving the majority of Indians to fend for themselves. If governments wish to decrease unemployment and poverty in our nation, they should support people in the informal sector to develop and thrive. They play an important part in the economic development and growth of local economy. Municipal authorities see street sellers as nuisances and the encroachers on sidewalks pavements and they are unappreciative of the important services that the street vendors offer to the world's common public. Vendors on the street offer essential services to urban people while surviving on their own business, limited resources, and labour. The state government and municipal authorities have been asked to provide security for street sellers so that they may make a living without fear.

International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention (IJHSSI)

Barnali Sarma , Dr. Kughatoli V.Aye

Street vending is one of the most visible informal activities of the urban poor that have an interconnected relationship with urban space. The production of social space is by means of human action and by social practice (Lefebvre, 1974, 116). These spaces are constituted personal (e.g. imaginary), private (e.g. domestic residence), public (e.g. streets), or mixed (e.g. schools, shopping-centres) Charlotte Spinks, 2001, 6). Purpose: The study thus focuses on the spatial vulnerability of street vendors in Guwahati city where street vendors work under different legal and socio-environmental conditions and vendors use the public space as a source of livelihood, place of socialization and management of their household. Methodology: A total of 70 respondents were selected through Simple Random sampling method from the two markets-Ganeshguri and Uzanbazar market. The descriptive statistics are used through using SPSS to identify the demographic status, socioeconomic variable and including major vulnerabilities of vendors in both the markets. Results: The study findings show that 55.7 percent vendors earn 20,000 on average and 1.5 percent vendors earn above 30,000 rupees in a month. Conclusions: Thus, the majority of the street vendors' monthly income does not suffice for maintaining or meeting the household requirements in urban areas.

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Linda W Fanggidae

Prathibhani Bandusena

Every city plays specific roles and it has been organized according to its characters under different historical periods. Within the city, different activities are agglomerated such as formal and informal sector activities. With the evaluation process of cities, from the early days, a group of people specialized for carrying goods from place to place to the customers and selling with cheap price within the city mainly in the urban public spaces in the central business district (CBD). Today these groups of people are identified as Mobile Street Vendors (MSV) being a particular part of the city with playing a specific role within the city. These people have occupied in urban public space such as transportation hub, pedestrian side walk and public gathering places. With the development process of the cities, new shopping centers are immerged within the city, but these group of people are not totally eradicated from the cities, and they are visible in public space in every city in both ...

Apil K.C. , Rashmi Dahal , Gaurav Shrestha , Shreena Shrestha

With increasing urban migration and increasing urban poverty, vending has emerged as one of the critical means of earning a livelihood for the urban poor in Kathmandu valley. Today, vending is an important source of employment for a large number of populations as it requires low skills and small financial inputs. Kathmandu Durbar Square; listed as one of the 7 Cultural World Heritage site by UNESCO, is one of the important historic and tourist destinations in Nepal. This massive complex is home to palaces, temples and courtyards. Historical and religious places where tourists make frequent visits are crowded by vendors. Vendors are serving by providing different kinds of goods and services - from bottled water to drink to handicrafts to the locals, pedestrians and mainly tourists in this area. Tourists are the source of livelihood for these vendors. There is a strong relationship between the number of tourists visiting these places and the livelihood of the venders under consideration. To integrate street vendors meaningfully into urban planning, it is essential to see urban spaces as multifunctional and multi-layered. Spaces are seen in different ways by different people who use the space. This paper seeks to examine how the different users (vendors) of Kathmandu Durbar Square negotiate and emerge with creative solutions to the usage including their strategy to sustain and adopt in the competitive environment as well as the formal and informal management of spaces in presence of Municipal intervention, which is a major challenge that has to be taken up in order to accommodate vendors in urban development. This paper also reveals that the decision of street vendors regarding locations in which they operate is mainly influenced by the attraction of Tourist/customers, and so regardless of the number of times the vendors are evicted from their location by the city authorities, they would still remain on the streets and open spaces.

Pavanika Biradar

Streets in the Indian context are multi-functional spaces. Their role as public space can be understood from different perspectives, like streets for connectivity and access to built and un built spaces and also as a public realm which contributes to the imageability of an urban area. According to National Policy of Urban Street vendors, 2004 by Govt. of India "A street vendor is broadly defined as a person who offers goods for sale to the public without having a permanent built up structure but with a temporary static structure or mobile stall (or head load)". A sustainable urban development involves balancing of the built physical environment and social equity. One of the ways of achieving this is by providing an opportunity for informal sector economic activities on streets. Street vending adds colour and liveliness and promotes social interaction between different social, economic and cultural groups. It also enhances the safety of the street. This paper will explore v...

Geoplanning: Journal of Geomatics and Planning

Rufia Putri

The arrangement of street vendors is continuously undertaken by the government of Surakarta City for the sake of attaining the city order and public welfare. The inclination of the Stabilization success level in achieving the goal of street vendor arrangement strategy indicates that the location characteristics conforming to the street vendors’ preferences become one of the determinations in terms of the arrangement success. This article aims at mapping the alternative locations of street vendor Stabilization in Surakarta by applying the spatial analysis resting upon Geographic Information System (GIS) by means of two stages. They encompass: 1) identifying the conditions of the existing street vendor Stabilization locations, and 2) formulating the alternative locations of street vendor Stabilization based on the criteria which entail the proximate main activities, the crowds of environment, and the availability of state-owned land. The result of spatial analysis indicates that there...

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  3. The Tales of Street Vendors: A Case Study On Street Vending in Ormoc

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VIDEO

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  4. Role street time #streetfood #streetfoodsamosa #food #samosaswag #foodie #samosalove

COMMENTS

  1. Street Vendors: Assessing their Significance and Struggles

    Street vendors play a crucial role in providing affordable and accessible goods and services to urban residents. From fresh produce to ready-to-eat snacks, their offerings fulfil daily needs and contribute to food security in cities. Cultural Heritage Preservation: Street vendors are often custodians of culinary traditions and cultural practices.

  2. (PDF) Street vendors and cities

    ABSTRACT This paper synthesizes recent research and evidence on urban policies. and local government practices as they relate to street vending, one of the most. visible occupations in the ...

  3. Street Vendors and Market Traders

    E-BOOK: Street Vendors and Public Space: Essential insights on key trends and solutions (February 2020) - Through photography and text, this e-book offers an in-depth look at the important role street vendors play in cities, the challenges they face, and the solutions that can make cities more vibrant, secure, and affordable for all.

  4. (PDF) Empowerment of Street Vendors: An Untapped Resource in the

    Street vending has persisted for centuries and pervasive across the globe since it plays a remarkable role in fulfilling customer needs in the context of the informal economy. In the contemporary ...

  5. Street Vending: An Introduction and Overview

    ng on the informal market (Bromley, 2000). In Pakistan, a draft bill on the protection of street vendors titled the Street Vending Bill has been prepared by the Pakistan Institute of Development Economics, Centre of Street Economy, and the Social. Protection and Poverty Alleviation Division. Although long overdue, this is a step in the right ...

  6. PDF Life and Livelihoods of Street Vendors: A Review

    associated with street vendors and their economic and social contribution towards the urban economies. The paper also deliberates upon the issue of rights over the urban public space and lastly, discusses the situation of street vendors in urban India. Keywords Urban Economy, Urban Public Space, Street Vendors, Unorganized Sector, Urban Policy.

  7. Mobilizing the streets: the role of food vendors in urban life

    In New York City, local advocates for street vendors have insisted that vendors be included in the City's official plans to open the streets to restaurant dining, which launched in June 2020 (The Street Vendor Project 2020), although the potential is restricted by the City's severe cap on mobile food vending permits.

  8. Street vendors and cities

    In the context of that challenge, street vendors and market traders in many cities operate in uncertain work environments. Recent research documents a host of evictions and relocations, but focuses less on the day-to-day struggles of these workers to make a living within policy environments that regulate street trade in exclusionary or contradictory ways.

  9. [PDF] Street vendors and cities

    Street vendors and cities. This paper synthesizes recent research and evidence on urban policies and local government practices as they relate to street vending, one of the most visible occupations in the informal economy. It presents the latest available evidence on the size, composition and contribution of street vending, and reviews the rich ...

  10. Street vendors and cities

    For example, city-level data for Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam show that street vendors form 11 per cent of total non-agricultural informal employment, with a higher share among women than men. But in Indian cities, the share of street vending is lower - from 4.4 per cent (Mumbai) to 6.5 per cent (Ahmedabad) of total urban informal ...

  11. PDF Informal Workers in Focus: Street Vendors

    Street vendors' organizations across the world have had some success in defending the rights of members, securing access to services, and influencing public policy. The National Association of Street Vendors of India, for example, was instrumental in persuading the Indian government to adopt a supportive national policy on street vendors.

  12. Frontiers

    The number of street vendors has increased sharply, and the public authorities have been unable to formalize their status. Government attempts to evict street vendors or destroy their stalls sometimes trigger protests, such as the major demonstration at the beginning of October 2019 against corruption, unemployment, and poor public services.

  13. Informal street vending: a comparative literature review

    The street vendors' daily strategies and working conditions. Informal street vending is defined as the production and selling of legal goods and services in urban public spaces, which is not officially regulated by the law and is carried out in non-permanent built structures (Cross, 2000).

  14. The ubiquitous street vendors' role in economy, governance, politics

    It must be emphasized that street vendors play an important role in the informal economic environment. Street vendors can create additional jobs not only for themselves but for porters, transport operators, storage providers, and other related services. The government can also obtain income from licenses, permits, fees, and fines.

  15. PDF STREET VENDORS: THE HEARTBEAT OF INDIA'S URBAN LANDSCAPE

    development initiatives. Recognizing the important role of street vendors in the economy and society and ensuring their rights and dignity are protected is essential for sustainable urban development. V. STREET VENDORS ACT 2014 The Street Vendors Act of 2014 aimed to protect their rights and establish vending

  16. Exploring the theories, determinants and policy options of street

    Taking a supply-side approach, studies have shown that the responses of urban planners to street vending have followed the modernism theory. In this paper, we take a demand-side (buyer-focused) approach to studying street vending, which has received little attention to date from the academic community.

  17. PDF Street Vendors in Asia: A Review

    the terms 'street vendor' and 'hawker' have the same meaning and they are often interchanged. There is a substantial increase in the number of street vendors in the major Asian cities. In India, the National Policy for Urban Street Vendors/Hawkers notes that street vendors constitute approximately 2 per cent of the population of a ...

  18. PDF A promise still to take roots: A Review of the National Policy for

    The policy for street vendors therefore provided the legitimacy for the livelihood practices of nearly an estimated 50 million persons. The national policy for street vendors is wholeheartedly welcomed by street vendors organizations, who played a constructive role in its formulation. They have partnered

  19. (PDF) Economic Existence of Street Vendors and their Role in Urban

    This paper highlighted the role of street vendors in urban area by cost benefit analysis. Keywords: Encroachment, Street vendors, Informal sectors, Cost Benefit. INTRODUCTION: Street vendors are the most visible section of the informal economy (Nidan, 2010).In this paper the term street vendor includes stationary as well as mobile vendors.

  20. Street vending in urban 'informal' markets: Reflections from case

    Street vendors are unregistered and unrecorded in the data collection activities including census or other official statistics thereby, giving them an unrecognized status by the government (hence the term invisible entrepreneurs). ... What is important (and common) is the critical role of street vending in the commercial urban ecosystems of ...

  21. Land

    The role of health and well-being in relation to street vending has been documented in several studies seeking to address questions about the relations between social and physical features of informal workplaces and their impacts on the health of street vendors, vendors' perception of their work as a dignified lifestyle and its impacts on the ...

  22. Issues and Challenges Faced by Vendors on Urban Streets: a Case of

    The informal sector represents an important part of the economy and the labour market in many countries, especially in developing countries. It plays a major role in employment creation, production, and income generation. Within this informal sector of workforce, street vendors play an important role in employing migrated people.

  23. Street vendors can help LA chart the way forward after historic legal

    It's a new day for L.A.'s street vendors. The City has repealed its discriminatory no-vending zones and inked a settlement that will begin to repair some of the harms that vendors have endured by canceling citations and issuing refunds. What comes next is a different kind of Hollywood story that will determine whether L.A. is finally ready to get serious about supporting and nurturing its ...

  24. Problems and Prospects of Street Vendors: a Study With Reference to

    Abstract. Street vendors are an integral part of urban economies around the world, offering easy access to a wide range of goods and services in public spaces. Even though street vendors are ...