the interpretive narrative research method

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Using the interpretive narrative research method in interdisciplinary research projects

Affiliation.

1 North Carolina A&T State University, School of Nursing, Greensboro, NC 27411, USA. [email protected]
PMID: 17120867
DOI: 10.3928/01484834-20061101-09

Researchers from different disciplines bring to a project their different perspectives of the research problem. Differences in education, experiences, and understanding create a research project that has more depth and breadth than one designed by researchers from a single discipline. The purpose of this article is to describe how faculty from two disciplines, nursing and education, used the interpretive narrative method, a qualitative research method, in a pilot project to examine issues related to the recruitment and retention of Hispanic nurses. The researchers chose the interpretive narrative method for the flexibility it offers interdisciplinary research, its power in eliciting comprehensive narratives from participants, and the possibilities it offers for analysis.

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DOI: 10.3928/01484834-20061101-09
Corpus ID: 7874591

Using the interpretive narrative research method in interdisciplinary research projects.

L. McQueen , Lynn W. Zimmerman
Published in Journal of Nursing Education 1 November 2006
Education, Sociology

34 Citations

A narrative in search of a methodology., storytelling in mental health nursing: clinical and educational purpose, metaphors - a path to narrative understanding, culturally and linguistically diverse simulated patients: otherness and intersectional identity transformations revealed through narrative, an examination of hispanic middle school students' interest in nursing as a career choice, technology's transformative effects on when, where and how individuals work: a grounded-narrative approach, how emerging technologies change the way new zealanders work and live: research in progress, practising inclusion within the regular school setting: students with special needs and their aprender experience.

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12 Interpretive research

Chapter 11 introduced interpretive research—or more specifically, interpretive case research. This chapter will explore other kinds of interpretive research. Recall that positivist or deductive methods—such as laboratory experiments and survey research—are those that are specifically intended for theory (or hypotheses) testing. Interpretive or inductive methods—such as action research and ethnography—one the other hand, are intended for theory building. Unlike a positivist method, where the researcher tests existing theoretical postulates using empirical data, in interpretive methods, the researcher tries to derive a theory about the phenomenon of interest from the existing observed data.

The term ‘interpretive research’ is often used loosely and synonymously with ‘qualitative research’, although the two concepts are quite different. Interpretive research is a research paradigm (see Chapter 3) that is based on the assumption that social reality is not singular or objective. Rather, it is shaped by human experiences and social contexts (ontology), and is therefore best studied within its sociohistoric context by reconciling the subjective interpretations of its various participants (epistemology). Because interpretive researchers view social reality as being embedded within—and therefore impossible to abstract from—their social settings, they ‘interpret’ the reality though a ‘sense-making’ process rather than a hypothesis testing process. This is in contrast to the positivist or functionalist paradigm that assumes that the reality is relatively independent of the context, can be abstracted from their contexts, and studied in a decomposable functional manner using objective techniques such as standardised measures. Whether a researcher should pursue interpretive or positivist research depends on paradigmatic considerations about the nature of the phenomenon under consideration and the best way to study it.

However, qualitative versus quantitative research refers to empirical or data-oriented considerations about the type of data to collect and how to analyse it. Qualitative research relies mostly on non-numeric data, such as interviews and observations, in contrast to quantitative research which employs numeric data such as scores and metrics. Hence, qualitative research is not amenable to statistical procedures such as regression analysis, but is coded using techniques like content analysis. Sometimes, coded qualitative data is tabulated quantitatively as frequencies of codes, but this data is not statistically analysed. Many puritan interpretive researchers reject this coding approach as a futile effort to seek consensus or objectivity in a social phenomenon which is essentially subjective.

Although interpretive research tends to rely heavily on qualitative data, quantitative data may add more precision and clearer understanding of the phenomenon of interest than qualitative data. For example, Eisenhardt (1989), [1] in her interpretive study of decision-making in high-velocity firms (discussed in the previous chapter on case research), collected numeric data on how long it took each firm to make certain strategic decisions—which ranged from approximately six weeks to 18 months—how many decision alternatives were considered for each decision, and surveyed her respondents to capture their perceptions of organisational conflict. Such numeric data helped her clearly distinguish the high-speed decision-making firms from the low-speed decision-makers without relying on respondents’ subjective perceptions, which then allowed her to examine the number of decision alternatives considered by and the extent of conflict in high-speed versus low-speed firms. Interpretive research should attempt to collect both qualitative and quantitative data pertaining to the phenomenon of interest, and so should positivist research as well. Joint use of qualitative and quantitative data—often called ‘mixed-mode design’—may lead to unique insights, and is therefore highly prized in the scientific community.

Interpretive research came into existence in the early nineteenth century—long before positivist techniques were developed—and has its roots in anthropology, sociology, psychology, linguistics, and semiotics. Many positivist researchers view interpretive research as erroneous and biased, given the subjective nature of the qualitative data collection and interpretation process employed in such research. However, since the 1970s, many positivist techniques’ failure to generate interesting insights or new knowledge has resulted in a resurgence of interest in interpretive research—albeit with exacting methods and stringent criteria to ensure the reliability and validity of interpretive inferences.

Distinctions from positivist research

In addition to the fundamental paradigmatic differences in ontological and epistemological assumptions discussed above, interpretive and positivist research differ in several other ways. First, interpretive research employs a theoretical sampling strategy, where study sites, respondents, or cases are selected based on theoretical considerations such as whether they fit the phenomenon being studied (e.g., sustainable practices can only be studied in organisations that have implemented sustainable practices), whether they possess certain characteristics that make them uniquely suited for the study (e.g., a study of the drivers of firm innovations should include some firms that are high innovators and some that are low innovators, in order to draw contrast between these firms), and so forth. In contrast, positivist research employs random sampling —or a variation of this technique—in which cases are chosen randomly from a population for the purpose of generalisability. Hence, convenience samples and small samples are considered acceptable in interpretive research—as long as they fit the nature and purpose of the study—but not in positivist research.

Second, the role of the researcher receives critical attention in interpretive research. In some methods such as ethnography, action research, and participant observation, the researcher is considered part of the social phenomenon, and their specific role and involvement in the research process must be made clear during data analysis. In other methods, such as case research, the researcher must take a ’neutral’ or unbiased stance during the data collection and analysis processes, and ensure that their personal biases or preconceptions do not taint the nature of subjective inferences derived from interpretive research. In positivist research, however, the researcher is considered to be external to and independent of the research context, and is not presumed to bias the data collection and analytic procedures.

Third, interpretive analysis is holistic and contextual, rather than being reductionist and isolationist. Interpretive interpretations tend to focus on language, signs, and meanings from the perspective of the participants involved in the social phenomenon, in contrast to statistical techniques that are employed heavily in positivist research. Rigor in interpretive research is viewed in terms of systematic and transparent approaches to data collection and analysis, rather than statistical benchmarks for construct validity or significance testing.

Lastly, data collection and analysis can proceed simultaneously and iteratively in interpretive research. For instance, the researcher may conduct an interview and code it before proceeding to the next interview. Simultaneous analysis helps the researcher correct potential flaws in the interview protocol or adjust it to capture the phenomenon of interest better. The researcher may even change their original research question if they realise that their original research questions are unlikely to generate new or useful insights. This is a valuable—but often understated—benefit of interpretive research, and is not available in positivist research, where the research project cannot be modified or changed once the data collection has started without redoing the entire project from the start.

Benefits and challenges of interpretive research

Interpretive research has several unique advantages. First, it is well-suited for exploring hidden reasons behind complex, interrelated, or multifaceted social processes—such as inter-firm relationships or inter-office politics—where quantitative evidence may be biased, inaccurate, or otherwise difficult to obtain. Second, it is often helpful for theory construction in areas with no or insufficient a priori theory. Third, it is also appropriate for studying context-specific, unique, or idiosyncratic events or processes. Fourth, interpretive research can also help uncover interesting and relevant research questions and issues for follow-up research.

At the same time, interpretive research also has its own set of challenges. First, this type of research tends to be more time and resource intensive than positivist research in data collection and analytic efforts. Too little data can lead to false or premature assumptions, while too much data may not be effectively processed by the researcher. Second, interpretive research requires well-trained researchers who are capable of seeing and interpreting complex social phenomenon from the perspectives of the embedded participants, and reconciling the diverse perspectives of these participants, without injecting their personal biases or preconceptions into their inferences. Third, all participants or data sources may not be equally credible, unbiased, or knowledgeable about the phenomenon of interest, or may have undisclosed political agendas which may lead to misleading or false impressions. Inadequate trust between the researcher and participants may hinder full and honest self-representation by participants, and such trust building takes time. It is the job of the interpretive researcher to ‘see through the smoke’ (i.e., hidden or biased agendas) and understand the true nature of the problem. Fourth, given the heavily contextualised nature of inferences drawn from interpretive research, such inferences do not lend themselves well to replicability or generalisability. Finally, interpretive research may sometimes fail to answer the research questions of interest or predict future behaviours.

Characteristics of interpretive research

All interpretive research must adhere to a common set of principles, as described below.

Naturalistic inquiry: Social phenomena must be studied within their natural setting.

Because interpretive research assumes that social phenomena are situated within—and cannot be isolated from—their social context, interpretations of such phenomena must be grounded within their sociohistorical context. This implies that contextual variables should be observed and considered in seeking explanations of a phenomenon of interest, even though context sensitivity may limit the generalisability of inferences.

Researcher as instrument: Researchers are often embedded within the social context that they are studying, and are considered part of the data collection instrument in that they must use their observational skills, their trust with the participants, and their ability to extract the correct information. Further, their personal insights, knowledge, and experiences of the social context are critical to accurately interpreting the phenomenon of interest. At the same time, researchers must be fully aware of their personal biases and preconceptions, and not let such biases interfere with their ability to present a fair and accurate portrayal of the phenomenon.

Interpretive analysis: Observations must be interpreted through the eyes of the participants embedded in the social context. Interpretation must occur at two levels. The first level involves viewing or experiencing the phenomenon from the subjective perspectives of the social participants. The second level is to understand the meaning of the participants’ experiences in order to provide a ‘thick description’ or a rich narrative story of the phenomenon of interest that can communicate why participants acted the way they did.

Use of expressive language: Documenting the verbal and non-verbal language of participants and the analysis of such language are integral components of interpretive analysis. The study must ensure that the story is viewed through the eyes of a person, and not a machine, and must depict the emotions and experiences of that person, so that readers can understand and relate to that person. Use of imageries, metaphors, sarcasm, and other figures of speech are very common in interpretive analysis.

Temporal nature: Interpretive research is often not concerned with searching for specific answers, but with understanding or ‘making sense of’ a dynamic social process as it unfolds over time. Hence, such research requires the researcher to immerse themself in the study site for an extended period of time in order to capture the entire evolution of the phenomenon of interest.

Hermeneutic circle: Interpretive interpretation is an iterative process of moving back and forth from pieces of observations (text), to the entirety of the social phenomenon (context), to reconcile their apparent discord, and to construct a theory that is consistent with the diverse subjective viewpoints and experiences of the embedded participants. Such iterations between the understanding/meaning of a phenomenon and observations must continue until ‘theoretical saturation’ is reached, whereby any additional iteration does not yield any more insight into the phenomenon of interest.

Interpretive data collection

Data is collected in interpretive research using a variety of techniques. The most frequently used technique is interviews (face-to-face, telephone, or focus groups). Interview types and strategies are discussed in detail in Chapter 9. A second technique is observation . Observational techniques include direct observation , where the researcher is a neutral and passive external observer, and is not involved in the phenomenon of interest (as in case research), and participant observation , where the researcher is an active participant in the phenomenon, and their input or mere presence influence the phenomenon being studied (as in action research). A third technique is documentation , where external and internal documents—such as memos, emails, annual reports, financial statements, newspaper articles, or websites—may be used to cast further insight into the phenomenon of interest or to corroborate other forms of evidence.

Interpretive research designs

Case research . As discussed in the previous chapter, case research is an intensive longitudinal study of a phenomenon at one or more research sites for the purpose of deriving detailed, contextualised inferences, and understanding the dynamic process underlying a phenomenon of interest. Case research is a unique research design in that it can be used in an interpretive manner to build theories, or in a positivist manner to test theories. The previous chapter on case research discusses both techniques in depth and provides illustrative exemplars. Furthermore, the case researcher is a neutral observer (direct observation) in the social setting, rather than an active participant (participant observation). As with any other interpretive approach, drawing meaningful inferences from case research depends heavily on the observational skills and integrative abilities of the researcher.

Action research . Action research is a qualitative but positivist research design aimed at theory testing rather than theory building. This is an interactive design that assumes that complex social phenomena are best understood by introducing changes, interventions, or ‘actions’ into those phenomena, and observing the outcomes of such actions on the phenomena of interest. In this method, the researcher is usually a consultant or an organisational member embedded into a social context —such as an organisation—who initiates an action in response to a social problem, and examines how their action influences the phenomenon, while also learning and generating insights about the relationship between the action and the phenomenon. Examples of actions may include organisational change programs—such as the introduction of new organisational processes, procedures, people, or technology or the replacement of old ones—initiated with the goal of improving an organisation’s performance or profitability. The researcher’s choice of actions must be based on theory, which should explain why and how such actions may bring forth the desired social change. The theory is validated by the extent to which the chosen action is successful in remedying the targeted problem. Simultaneous problem-solving and insight generation are the central feature that distinguishes action research from other research methods (which may not involve problem solving), and from consulting (which may not involve insight generation). Hence, action research is an excellent method for bridging research and practice.

There are several variations of the action research method. The most popular of these methods is participatory action research , designed by Susman and Evered (1978). [2] This method follows an action research cycle consisting of five phases: diagnosing, action-planning, action-taking, evaluating, and learning (see Figure 12.1). Diagnosing involves identifying and defining a problem in its social context. Action-planning involves identifying and evaluating alternative solutions to the problem, and deciding on a future course of action based on theoretical rationale. Action-taking is the implementation of the planned course of action. The evaluation stage examines the extent to which the initiated action is successful in resolving the original problem—i.e., whether theorised effects are indeed realised in practice. In the learning phase, the experiences and feedback from action evaluation are used to generate insights about the problem and suggest future modifications or improvements to the action. Based on action evaluation and learning, the action may be modified or adjusted to address the problem better, and the action research cycle is repeated with the modified action sequence. It is suggested that the entire action research cycle be traversed at least twice so that learning from the first cycle can be implemented in the second cycle. The primary mode of data collection is participant observation, although other techniques such as interviews and documentary evidence may be used to corroborate the researcher’s observations.

Ethnography . The ethnographic research method—derived largely from the field of anthropology—emphasises studying a phenomenon within the context of its culture. The researcher must be deeply immersed in the social culture over an extended period of time—usually eight months to two years—and should engage, observe, and record the daily life of the studied culture and its social participants within their natural setting. The primary mode of data collection is participant observation, and data analysis involves a ‘sense-making’ approach. In addition, the researcher must take extensive field notes, and narrate her experience in descriptive detail so that readers may experience the same culture as the researcher. In this method, the researcher has two roles: rely on her unique knowledge and engagement to generate insights (theory), and convince the scientific community of the transsituational nature of the studied phenomenon.

The classic example of ethnographic research is Jane Goodall’s study of primate behaviours. While living with chimpanzees in their natural habitat at Gombe National Park in Tanzania, she observed their behaviours, interacted with them, and shared their lives. During that process, she learnt and chronicled how chimpanzees seek food and shelter, how they socialise with each other, their communication patterns, their mating behaviours, and so forth. A more contemporary example of ethnographic research is Myra Bluebond-Langer’s (1996) [3] study of decision-making in families with children suffering from life-threatening illnesses, and the physical, psychological, environmental, ethical, legal, and cultural issues that influence such decision-making. The researcher followed the experiences of approximately 80 children with incurable illnesses and their families for a period of over two years. Data collection involved participant observation and formal/informal conversations with children, their parents and relatives, and healthcare providers to document their lived experience.

Phenomenology. Phenomenology is a research method that emphasises the study of conscious experiences as a way of understanding the reality around us. It is based on the ideas of early twentieth century German philosopher, Edmund Husserl, who believed that human experience is the source of all knowledge. Phenomenology is concerned with the systematic reflection and analysis of phenomena associated with conscious experiences such as human judgment, perceptions, and actions. Its goal is (appreciating and describing social reality from the diverse subjective perspectives of the participants involved, and understanding the symbolic meanings (‘deep structure’) underlying these subjective experiences. Phenomenological inquiry requires that researchers eliminate any prior assumptions and personal biases, empathise with the participant’s situation, and tune into existential dimensions of that situation so that they can fully understand the deep structures that drive the conscious thinking, feeling, and behaviour of the studied participants.

The existential phenomenological research method

Some researchers view phenomenology as a philosophy rather than as a research method. In response to this criticism, Giorgi and Giorgi (2003) [4] developed an existential phenomenological research method to guide studies in this area. This method, illustrated in Figure 12.2, can be grouped into data collection and data analysis phases. In the data collection phase, participants embedded in a social phenomenon are interviewed to capture their subjective experiences and perspectives regarding the phenomenon under investigation. Examples of questions that may be asked include ‘Can you describe a typical day?’ or ‘Can you describe that particular incident in more detail?’. These interviews are recorded and transcribed for further analysis. During data analysis , the researcher reads the transcripts to: get a sense of the whole, and establish ‘units of significance’ that can faithfully represent participants’ subjective experiences. Examples of such units of significance are concepts such as ‘felt-space’ and ‘felt-time’, which are then used to document participants’ psychological experiences. For instance, did participants feel safe, free, trapped, or joyous when experiencing a phenomenon (‘felt-space’)? Did they feel that their experience was pressured, slow, or discontinuous (‘felt-time’)? Phenomenological analysis should take into account the participants’ temporal landscape (i.e., their sense of past, present, and future), and the researcher must transpose his/herself in an imaginary sense into the participant’s situation (i.e., temporarily live the participant’s life). The participants’ lived experience is described in the form of a narrative or using emergent themes. The analysis then delves into these themes to identify multiple layers of meaning while retaining the fragility and ambiguity of subjects’ lived experiences.

Rigor in interpretive research

While positivist research employs a ‘reductionist’ approach by simplifying social reality into parsimonious theories and laws, interpretive research attempts to interpret social reality through the subjective viewpoints of the embedded participants within the context where the reality is situated. These interpretations are heavily contextualised, and are naturally less generalisable to other contexts. However, because interpretive analysis is subjective and sensitive to the experiences and insight of the embedded researcher, it is often considered less rigorous by many positivist (functionalist) researchers. Because interpretive research is based on a different set of ontological and epistemological assumptions about social phenomena than positivist research, the positivist notions of rigor—such as reliability, internal validity, and generalisability—do not apply in a similar manner. However, Lincoln and Guba (1985) [5] provide an alternative set of criteria that can be used to judge the rigor of interpretive research.

Dependability. Interpretive research can be viewed as dependable or authentic if two researchers assessing the same phenomenon, using the same set of evidence, independently arrive at the same conclusions, or the same researcher, observing the same or a similar phenomenon at different times arrives at similar conclusions. This concept is similar to that of reliability in positivist research, with agreement between two independent researchers being similar to the notion of inter-rater reliability, and agreement between two observations of the same phenomenon by the same researcher akin to test-retest reliability. To ensure dependability, interpretive researchers must provide adequate details about their phenomenon of interest and the social context in which it is embedded, so as to allow readers to independently authenticate their interpretive inferences.

Credibility. Interpretive research can be considered credible if readers find its inferences to be believable. This concept is akin to that of internal validity in functionalistic research. The credibility of interpretive research can be improved by providing evidence of the researcher’s extended engagement in the field, by demonstrating data triangulation across subjects or data collection techniques, and by maintaining meticulous data management and analytic procedures—such as verbatim transcription of interviews, accurate records of contacts and interviews—and clear notes on theoretical and methodological decisions, that can allow an independent audit of data collection and analysis if needed.

Confirmability. Confirmability refers to the extent to which the findings reported in interpretive research can be independently confirmed by others—typically, participants. This is similar to the notion of objectivity in functionalistic research. Since interpretive research rejects the notion of an objective reality, confirmability is demonstrated in terms of ‘intersubjectivity’—i.e., if the study’s participants agree with the inferences derived by the researcher. For instance, if a study’s participants generally agree with the inferences drawn by a researcher about a phenomenon of interest—based on a review of the research paper or report—then the findings can be viewed as confirmable.

Transferability. Transferability in interpretive research refers to the extent to which the findings can be generalised to other settings. This idea is similar to that of external validity in functionalistic research. The researcher must provide rich, detailed descriptions of the research context (‘thick description’) and thoroughly describe the structures, assumptions, and processes revealed from the data so that readers can independently assess whether and to what extent the reported findings are transferable to other settings.

Eisenhardt, K. M. (1989). Making fast strategic decisions in high-velocity environments. Academy of Management Journal , 32(3), 543–576. ↵
Susman, G. I. and Evered, R. D. (1978) An assessment of the scientific merits of action research. Administrative Science Quarterly , 23, 582–603. ↵
Bluebond-Langer, M. (1996). In the shadow of illness: Parents and siblings of the chronically ill child . Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. ↵
Giorgi, A., & Giorgi, B. (2003). Phenomenology. In J. A. Smith (ed.), Qualitative psychology: A practical guide to research methods (pp. 25–50). London: Sage Publications ↵
Lincoln, Y. S., & Guba, E. G. (1985). Naturalistic inquiry . Beverly Hills: Sage Publications. ↵

Social Science Research: Principles, Methods and Practices (Revised edition) Copyright © 2019 by Anol Bhattacherjee is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License , except where otherwise noted.

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Using narrative analysis in qualitative research

Last updated

7 March 2023

Reviewed by

Jean Kaluza

Short on time? Get an AI generated summary of this article instead

After spending considerable time and effort interviewing persons for research, you want to ensure you get the most out of the data you gathered. One method that gives you an excellent opportunity to connect with your data on a very human and personal level is a narrative analysis in qualitative research.

Master narrative analysis

Analyze your qualitative data faster and surface more actionable insights

What is narrative analysis?

Narrative analysis is a type of qualitative data analysis that focuses on interpreting the core narratives from a study group's personal stories. Using first-person narrative, data is acquired and organized to allow the researcher to understand how the individuals experienced something.

Instead of focusing on just the actual words used during an interview, the narrative analysis also allows for a compilation of data on how the person expressed themselves, what language they used when describing a particular event or feeling, and the thoughts and motivations they experienced. A narrative analysis will also consider how the research participants constructed their narratives.

From the interview to coding , you should strive to keep the entire individual narrative together, so that the information shared during the interview remains intact.

Is narrative analysis qualitative or quantitative?

Narrative analysis is a qualitative research method.

Is narrative analysis a method or methodology?

A method describes the tools or processes used to understand your data; methodology describes the overall framework used to support the methods chosen. By this definition, narrative analysis can be both a method used to understand data and a methodology appropriate for approaching data that comes primarily from first-person stories.

Do you need to perform narrative research to conduct a narrative analysis?

A narrative analysis will give the best answers about the data if you begin with conducting narrative research. Narrative research explores an entire story with a research participant to understand their personal story.

What are the characteristics of narrative research?

Narrative research always includes data from individuals that tell the story of their experiences. This is captured using loosely structured interviews . These can be a single interview or a series of long interviews over a period of time. Narrative research focuses on the construct and expressions of the story as experienced by the research participant.

Examples of types of narratives

Narrative data is based on narratives. Your data may include the entire life story or a complete personal narrative, giving a comprehensive account of someone's life, depending on the researched subject. Alternatively, a topical story can provide context around one specific moment in the research participant's life.

Personal narratives can be single or multiple sessions, encompassing more than topical stories but not entire life stories of the individuals.

What is the objective of narrative analysis?

The narrative analysis seeks to organize the overall experience of a group of research participants' stories. The goal is to turn people's individual narratives into data that can be coded and organized so that researchers can easily understand the impact of a certain event, feeling, or decision on the involved persons. At the end of a narrative analysis, researchers can identify certain core narratives that capture the human experience.

What is the difference between content analysis and narrative analysis?

Content analysis is a research method that determines how often certain words, concepts, or themes appear inside a sampling of qualitative data . The narrative analysis focuses on the overall story and organizing the constructs and features of a narrative.

Free AI content analysis generator

Make sense of your research by automatically summarizing key takeaways through our free content analysis tool.

the interpretive narrative research method

What is the difference between narrative analysis and case study in qualitative research?

A case study focuses on one particular event. A narrative analysis draws from a larger amount of data surrounding the entire narrative, including the thoughts that led up to a decision and the personal conclusion of the research participant.

A case study, therefore, is any specific topic studied in depth, whereas narrative analysis explores single or multi-faceted experiences across time.

What is the difference between narrative analysis and thematic analysis?

A thematic analysis will appear as researchers review the available qualitative data and note any recurring themes. Unlike narrative analysis, which describes an entire method of evaluating data to find a conclusion, a thematic analysis only describes reviewing and categorizing the data.

Capturing narrative data

Because narrative data relies heavily on allowing a research participant to describe their experience, it is best to allow for a less structured interview. Allowing the participant to explore tangents or analyze their personal narrative will result in more complete data.

When collecting narrative data, always allow the participant the time and space needed to complete their narrative.

Methods of transcribing narrative data

A narrative analysis requires that the researchers have access to the entire verbatim narrative of the participant, including not just the word they use but the pauses, the verbal tics, and verbal crutches, such as "um" and "hmm."

As the entire way the story is expressed is part of the data, a verbatim transcription should be created before attempting to code the narrative analysis.

Video and audio transcription templates

How to code narrative analysis

Coding narrative analysis has two natural start points, either using a deductive coding system or an inductive coding system. Regardless of your chosen method, it's crucial not to lose valuable data during the organization process.

When coding, expect to see more information in the code snippets.

Types of narrative analysis

After coding is complete, you should expect your data to look like large blocks of text organized by the parts of the story. You will also see where individual narratives compare and diverge.

Inductive method

Using an inductive narrative method treats the entire narrative as one datum or one set of information. An inductive narrative method will encourage the research participant to organize their own story.

To make sense of how a story begins and ends, you must rely on cues from the participant. These may take the form of entrance and exit talks.

Participants may not always provide clear indicators of where their narratives start and end. However, you can anticipate that their stories will contain elements of a beginning, middle, and end. By analyzing these components through coding, you can identify emerging patterns in the data.

Taking cues from entrance and exit talk

Entrance talk is when the participant begins a particular set of narratives. You may hear expressions such as, "I remember when…," "It first occurred to me when…," or "Here's an example…."

Exit talk allows you to see when the story is wrapping up, and you might expect to hear a phrase like, "…and that's how we decided", "after that, we moved on," or "that's pretty much it."

Deductive method

Regardless of your chosen method, using a deductive method can help preserve the overall storyline while coding. Starting with a deductive method allows for the separation of narrative pieces without compromising the story's integrity.

Hybrid inductive and deductive narrative analysis

Using both methods together gives you a comprehensive understanding of the data. You can start by coding the entire story using the inductive method. Then, you can better analyze and interpret the data by applying deductive codes to individual parts of the story.

How to analyze data after coding using narrative analysis

A narrative analysis aims to take all relevant interviews and organize them down to a few core narratives. After reviewing the coding, these core narratives may appear through a repeated moment of decision occurring before the climax or a key feeling that affected the participant's outcome.

You may see these core narratives diverge early on, or you may learn that a particular moment after introspection reveals the core narrative for each participant. Either way, researchers can now quickly express and understand the data you acquired.

A step-by-step approach to narrative analysis and finding core narratives

Narrative analysis may look slightly different to each research group, but we will walk through the process using the Delve method for this article.

Step 1 – Code narrative blocks

Organize your narrative blocks using inductive coding to organize stories by a life event.

Example: Narrative interviews are conducted with homeowners asking them to describe how they bought their first home.

Step 2 – Group and read by live-event

You begin your data analysis by reading through each of the narratives coded with the same life event.

Example: You read through each homeowner's experience of buying their first home and notice that some common themes begin to appear, such as "we were tired of renting," "our family expanded to the point that we needed a larger space," and "we had finally saved enough for a downpayment."

Step 3 – Create a nested story structure

As these common narratives develop throughout the participant's interviews, create and nest code according to your narrative analysis framework. Use your coding to break down the narrative into pieces that can be analyzed together.

Example: During your interviews, you find that the beginning of the narrative usually includes the pressures faced before buying a home that pushes the research participants to consider homeownership. The middle of the narrative often includes challenges that come up during the decision-making process. The end of the narrative usually includes perspectives about the excitement, stress, or consequences of home ownership that has finally taken place.

Step 4 – Delve into the story structure

Once the narratives are organized into their pieces, you begin to notice how participants structure their own stories and where similarities and differences emerge.

Example: You find in your research that many people who choose to buy homes had the desire to buy a home before their circumstances allowed them to. You notice that almost all the stories begin with the feeling of some sort of outside pressure.

Step 5 – Compare across story structure

While breaking down narratives into smaller pieces is necessary for analysis, it's important not to lose sight of the overall story. To keep the big picture in mind, take breaks to step back and reread the entire narrative of a code block. This will help you remember how participants expressed themselves and ensure that the core narrative remains the focus of the analysis.

Example: By carefully examining the similarities across the beginnings of participants' narratives, you find the similarities in pressures. Considering the overall narrative, you notice how these pressures lead to similar decisions despite the challenges faced.

Divergence in feelings towards homeownership can be linked to positive or negative pressures. Individuals who received positive pressure, such as family support or excitement, may view homeownership more favorably. Meanwhile, negative pressures like high rent or peer pressure may cause individuals to have a more negative attitude toward homeownership.

These factors can contribute to the initial divergence in feelings towards homeownership.

Step 6 – Tell the core narrative

After carefully analyzing the data, you have found how the narratives relate and diverge. You may be able to create a theory about why the narratives diverge and can create one or two core narratives that explain the way the story was experienced.

Example: You can now construct a core narrative on how a person's initial feelings toward buying a house affect their feelings after purchasing and living in their first home.

Narrative analysis in qualitative research is an invaluable tool to understand how people's stories and ability to self-narrate reflect the human experience. Qualitative data analysis can be improved through coding and organizing complete narratives. By doing so, researchers can conclude how humans process and move through decisions and life events.

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Using the Interpretive Narrative Research Method in Interdisciplinary Research Projects

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Tanner (2004) made a connection between nursing education research and research traditions in the field of education, two fields with many commonalities, demonstrating the importance of and the need for interactions among various disciplines.

This article describes how two researchers, a nursing faculty member at a historically Black college and university in the southern United States and an education faculty member at a predominately White university in the midwestern United States, merged their areas of interest, nursing education and multicultural education, into a study examining the educational experiences of one female Hispanic nurse using the interpretive narrative method. The purpose of this article is to explain the method and how it was used in interdisciplinary faculty collaboration in this pilot research project. Selected examples from the project demonstrate the method, without giving a full report of the study findings.

To better understand the interpretive narrative method explained in this article and how it is different from other research techniques, a brief overview of different kinds of research methods follows. This overview explains the interpretive narrative method as a qualitative method and acknowledges the inherent complexity of selecting an appropriate research technique, especially when interdisciplinary research is being conducted.

Research methods vary by discipline, depending on the purpose of the research project. Quantitative research methods are generally used by scientific researchers to measure and quantify data to prove a hypothesis (Hopkins, 2000). Observations and experimentation that apply variables, measurements, and statistical analysis are commonly used to gather data that can be generalized to large populations. In contrast, qualitative research focuses on behavior, attitudes,...

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Published: 02 September 2024

Benefits, barriers and recommendations for youth engagement in health research: combining evidence-based and youth perspectives

Katherine Bailey 1 , 2 na1 ,
Brooke Allemang 3 na1 ,
Ashley Vandermorris 4 , 5 ,
Sarah Munce 6 , 7 , 8 ,
Kristin Cleverley 1 , 9 , 10 ,
Cassandra Chisholm 11 ,
Eva Cohen 12 ,
Cedar Davidson 13 ,
Asil El Galad 14 ,
Dahlia Leibovich 15 ,
Trinity Lowthian 16 ,
Jeanna Pillainayagam 17 ,
Harshini Ramesh 18 ,
Anna Samson 19 ,
Vjura Senthilnathan 6 , 7 ,
Paul Siska 18 ,
Madison Snider 18 &
Alene Toulany 2 , 4 , 5

Research Involvement and Engagement volume 10 , Article number: 92 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

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Metrics details

Youth engagement refers to the collaboration between researchers and youth to produce research. Youth engagement in health research has been shown to inform effective interventions aimed at improving health outcomes. However, limited evidence has identified promising practices to meaningfully engage youth. This synthesis aims to describe youth engagement approaches, frameworks, and barriers, as well as provide both evidence-based and youth-generated recommendations for meaningful engagement.

This review occurred in two stages: 1) a narrative review of existing literature on youth engagement and 2) a Youth Advisory Council (YAC) to review and supplement findings with their perspectives, experiences, and recommendations. The terms ‘youth engagement’ and ‘health research’ were searched in Google Scholar, PubMed, Web of Science, Scopus, and PsycINFO. Articles and non-peer reviewed research works related to youth engagement in health research were included, reviewed, and summarized. The YAC met with research team members and in separate youth-only forums to complement the narrative review with their perspectives. Types of youth engagement include participation as research participants, advisors, partners, and co-investigators. Barriers to youth engagement were organized into youth- (e.g., time commitments), researcher- (e.g., attitudes towards youth engagement), organizational- (e.g., inadequate infrastructure to support youth engagement), and system-level (e.g., systemic discrimination and exclusion from research). To enhance youth engagement, recommendations focus on preparing and supporting youth by offering flexible communication approaches, mentorship opportunities, diverse and inclusive recruitment, and ensuring youth understand the commitment and benefits involved.

Conclusions

To harness the potential of youth engagement, researchers need to establish an inclusive and enabling environment that fosters collaboration, trust, and valuable contributions from youth. Future research endeavors should prioritize investigating the dynamics of power-sharing between researchers and youth, assessing the impact of youth engagement on young participants, and youth-specific evaluation frameworks.

Plain English summary

Engaging and partnering with youth in research related to healthcare is important, but often not done well. As researchers, we recognize that youth perspectives are needed to make sure we are asking the right questions, using appropriate research methods, and interpreting the results correctly. We searched the literature to identify challenges researchers have faced engaging youth in health research, as well as strategies to partner with youth in a meaningful way. We worked closely with 11 youth from across Canada with experience in healthcare, who formed a Youth Advisory Council. The youth advisors reviewed the literature we found and discussed how it fit with their own experiences and perspectives through group meetings with the research team. Youth advisors divided into four groups to co-author parts of this paper, including identifying the importance, benefits, and challenges of engaging in research and providing reflections on their positive and negative previous experiences as youth advisors. This paper provides an overview of recommendations for researchers to engage with youth in a meaningful way, including how they communicate and meet with youth, recognize their contributions, and implement feedback to improve the experiences of youth partners.

Peer Review reports

Introduction

Patient engagement in health research is essential to improving the relevance, processes, and impact of their findings [ 1 , 2 , 3 ]. Defined as the collaboration between researchers and those with lived experience in planning and conducting research, interpreting findings, and informing knowledge translation activities [ 1 ], patient engagement in research has been shown to produce and disseminate findings that are more applicable and comprehensible for patients, their families, and the greater community [ 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 ]. Youth engagement refers specifically to the involvement of youth populations in the research process, with youth often being defined as young people between the ages of 15 to 24 years old [ 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 ]. Youth, particularly those with chronic physical health (e.g., cystic fibrosis, congenital heart disease, diabetes), mental health (e.g., anxiety, depression), and neurodevelopmental conditions (e.g., cerebral palsy), face unique challenges in engaging with the healthcare system compared to adult populations. These include navigating healthcare transitions, developing relationships with multiple care providers, learning to advocate for themselves, and assuming greater responsibility for their healthcare as they grow and mature [ 12 , 13 ]. Existing research has shown that engaging youth in research leads to more effective and impactful interventions, policies, and healthcare services aimed at supporting health outcomes of young people, informed by the priorities and experiences of youth themselves [ 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 ]. Several nationally representative child health organizations and leaders have identified youth engagement as a priority area in youth health, highlighting the urgent imperative to include their voices in health research and public policy decisions [ 20 ]. Despite the evidence suggesting that youth are eager and capable of being engaged, there is limited evidence on the unique considerations needed to meaningfully involve youth in health research given their distinct developmental stage [ 8 , 10 , 19 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24 , 25 , 26 , 27 , 28 , 29 ]. These considerations include an emphasis on peer connections, mentorship, flexibility given competing priorities, and the use of technology to allow for broad participation [ 30 , 31 ]. In collaboration with a Youth Advisory Council (YAC), this review aims to:

Outline key types of youth engagement identified in the literature (Aim 1);

Review existing youth engagement frameworks identified in the literature (Aim 2);

Explore barriers to youth engagement identified in the literature and from YAC member perspectives (Aim 3);

Summarize recommendations for engaging youth in research identified in the literature and from YAC member perspectives (Aim 4).

The YAC identified a secondary aim, which was to:

Describe the benefits and impact of youth engagement from YAC member perspectives (Aim 5).

This project was comprised of two phases. First, the research team conducted a narrative review of the literature. Next, a project-specific YAC was established to review the literature findings and integrate the essential insights and perspectives of youth into the project. The methods pertaining to each phase are elaborated upon below. Our Research Ethics Board did not require a formal review of this project as it did not involve research participants.

Phase 1: Narrative Review

A narrative review was conducted to explore existing research on engaging youth in health research. Narrative review methodology is often employed to broadly describe the current state of the literature and provide insights for future research [ 32 ]. This review method was chosen to establish a broad understanding of the youth engagement literature and provide recommendations for researchers seeking to gain an overview of strategies for meaningful engagement. Narrative reviews also provide flexibility in terms of methodology (often based on the subjectivity of the research team) [ 33 ] and are less formal than other types of knowledge syntheses (e.g., systematic reviews) [ 34 , 35 ]. This review methodology allowed the research team to prioritize and integrate the perspectives of youth into the synthesis of information. Aims 1 to 4 were addressed in Phase 1. Aim 5 was not initially identified as an objective by the research team, and was therefore not included in the review of the literature. Upon establishment of the YAC, youth advisors deemed personal reflections on the benefits and impact of youth engagement from their perspectives critical to the manuscript.

Inclusion and Exclusion Criteria

Articles included in this narrative review met the following primary inclusion criteria: 1) published in English language, 2) published prior to April 2023, 3) focused on youth engagement in health research, and 4) described key types of youth engagement strategies (Aim 1), youth engagement frameworks (Aim 2), barriers to youth engagement (Aim 3), or recommendations for youth engagement (Aim 4). For the purposes of this review, ‘youth’ was defined as individuals between the ages of 15 to 24 years old, which is consistent with the definition provided by the United Nations [ 11 ], and ‘youth engagement’ was defined as the involvement of young people within this age range in research processes. This population was chosen for the focus of this review as the needs of youth are often distinct from children and adults due to their unique developmental stage (e.g., navigating healthcare transitions, increasing autonomy, etc.) [ 12 , 13 ]. Articles from any geographic location were included. Grey literature, websites, and non-peer reviewed research works (e.g., conference abstracts, theses) were also included using the same criteria as above.

Search Strategy and Synthesis

The search terms ‘youth engagement’ and ‘health research’ were searched in Google Scholar, PubMed, Web of Science, Scopus, and PsycInfo. Articles were hand-searched by members of the research team and selected according to the inclusion criteria above. Reference lists of relevant articles were also scanned. While other knowledge syntheses (e.g., systematic or scoping reviews) review all works identified by the literature search, narrative reviews do not aim to be inclusive of all literature available on a given topic [ 36 ]. As such, our review of the literature was concluded once we felt that sufficiency was achieved, which was characterized by reviewing works that yielded recurrent concepts. Additionally, the literature was reviewed iteratively following feedback from youth advisors who critically reviewed the narrative review manuscript. Some aspects of the manuscript were deemed critical to expand upon by youth advisors, and literature was reviewed again accordingly.

Relevant peer-reviewed and non-peer reviewed literature was organized and summarized descriptively according to study aims 1 to 4. Barriers to youth engagement were organized into individual-, organizational-, and systems-level. Recommendations for youth engagement were organized into common overarching themes.

Phase 2: Collaboration with Youth Advisory Council

The research team identified the criticality of collaborating with youth themselves in the review, formatting, and presentation of findings from the narrative review. As the review was being conducted and written, the research team began recruiting a group of youth advisors to contribute their perspectives, experiences, and recommendations for the manuscript. The development and procedural aspects of the YAC as they relate to the review are described below and in Fig. 1 . The operation of the YAC was guided by the McCain Model of Youth Engagement [ 31 ] and the Canadian Institutes of Health Research’s (CIHR) Patient Engagement Framework [ 1 ]. These frameworks, which prioritize reciprocity, respect, mutual learning, flexibility, and mentorship, supported the use of youth-driven and adaptable engagement strategies throughout the project [ 1 , 31 ]. Specifically, the research team employed engagement practices including co-building of a terms of reference document, inviting YAC members to co-chair meetings to foster mutual learning, and offering YAC members a menu of options for contribution, that aligned with the principles outlined in these models [ 1 , 31 ]. Aims 3 (i.e., identifying barriers to youth engagement) and 4 (i.e., summarizing recommendations for youth engagement) were expanded upon by the YAC in Phase 2. As described above, Aim 5 (i.e., benefits and impact of engagement on youth themselves) was deemed crucial by members of the YAC and was exclusively addressed in Phase 2 of this project. It should be noted that while the YAC specifically contributed reflections to Aims 3–5, each member critically reviewed the manuscript and offered feedback as co-authors.

Recruitment of Youth Advisory Council Members

Recruitment for the YAC began in June 2023 through distribution of a recruitment poster via professional contacts (e.g., researchers conducting youth-engaged research, youth advisory council facilitators), social media pages, and email lists (e.g., patient-oriented research listservs, youth advisory council lists). Eligible youth advisors were Canadian youth between the ages of 15–24 years with an expressed interest in youth engagement in health research. Youth applicants completed a Google Form to describe their motivations to become involved and past experience, if applicable. To ensure a diverse range of perspectives, we considered age, sex/gender, race and ethnicity, geographic location, and a range of previous experiences with research (from limited to extensive) in our recruitment process. The research team received interest from 55 individuals, of which 17 were invited to complete a 30-min virtual interview co-led by a researcher and a youth research partner. Eleven youth were selected to join the YAC, and all accepted the team’s invitation to participate. The youth invited to compose the YAC predominantly had previous experience with health care, including as a patient, advocate, youth advisor, research participant, or research assistant. Having and/or disclosing a diagnosis of a chronic health condition was not a criterion for participation in the YAC. A collective discussion was held with youth advisors and it was determined that members preferred not to share their demographic information, though there was representation of members with varying ages, ethnicities, years of experience with engagement, and from different provinces. The research team consisted of female-identified researchers, clinicians, and trainees across interdisciplinary professional backgrounds (e.g., medicine, nursing, social work) with experience engaging youth in research and/or clinical care. As many team members do not have previous youth lived experiences in research and/or clinical care, we were committed to closely collaborating and amplifying youth voices in our research, recognizing that our work, interpretations, and applications to the broader community were limited by our non-experiential understanding of youth engagement in research. The composition of the research team and YAC allowed for critical reflection on the roles of positionality, intersectionality, power, and privilege within youth engagement. The team engaged in reflexive discussions about the importance of prioritizing equity and addressing discrimination in engagement, especially for youth with marginalized identities.

Scheduling and Meetings

In July 2023, a Doodle Poll link was sent out to all youth advisors to find three meeting times that could accommodate the majority of the youth advisors and research team. Subsequently, Microsoft Teams invites were sent via email, and meetings were recorded and transcribed for notetaking purposes.

Prior to each meeting, a meeting agenda and documents were sent for review. Meetings lasted between 1.5 and 2 h and were recorded for those who could not attend. Both the recording and the minutes were collated following each meeting and made available to all youth advisors. Prior to the first meeting, a draft terms of reference document (ToR) was distributed to all youth advisors for review. The ToR contained the purpose and expectations of youth contributing to the project. A preliminary draft of the narrative review was provided to each youth advisor for their consideration both in advance of and during the meetings. Throughout the meetings, a range of communication methods, including Jamboards, chat messaging, and online verbal discussions, were employed to enable youth to exchange ideas and actively facilitate discussions.

During the initial meeting, youth advisors were provided with guidelines aimed at creating a secure environment using a digital interactive whiteboard on Google Jamboard. To maintain confidentiality and facilitate continuous improvement, the youth advisors proposed and subsequently implemented an anonymous feedback form, accessible for youth to complete at their discretion. Subsequently, the youth advisors engaged in a collaborative ideation session to conceptualize their contributions to the synthesis. It was decided that a Slack channel would serve as the primary platform for communication among the youth advisors.

In the second meeting, the council deliberated on the ToR initially formulated by the research team, with the ToR subsequently revised to incorporate the feedback and insights provided by the youth advisors. Additions to the ToR from YAC members included greater options for compensation, strategies for addressing microaggressions, more clarity regarding YAC tasks, roles, and responsibilities, and rationale for selecting 11 advisors for the group. Following this, the group engaged in a comprehensive discussion centered on their reflections concerning the draft of the narrative review. This dialogue highlighted the identified gaps and obstacles associated with involving youth in research from YAC members’ perspectives, proposed recommendations for future research endeavors, and stressed the importance of integrating youth voices into the research process.

In the third meeting, the focus shifted towards the establishment of more focused working groups. These smaller working groups were structured to address specific aspects, including 1) the rationale behind the research (the “why”), 2) reflections on past experiences with youth engagement, 3) methodologies for engaging youth in the context of this review, and 4) formulating recommendations for future research endeavors. Youth advisors were invited to complete a form to rank their areas of interest in these four areas. Based on their ranked responses, working groups were formed and considered the alignment between youth advisor’s preferred method of contribution (e.g., developing visuals, writing a personal reflection, contributing to a table) and the specific topic of the working group.

During the fourth meeting, which was co-chaired by a research team member and a youth advisor (TL) who volunteered for this role, youth advisors and members of the research team reviewed written materials from each working group, discussed each section of the paper, and reached consensus on how the sections would be presented within the article. It was determined that youth advisor work would be combined with the existing narrative review and showcased using textboxes, figures, and tables.

Independent Working Groups

All youth advisors worked in four designated working groups over a 3-week period. Youth advisors communicated via Slack channels, email or personal messaging, with the research team available for support and guidance, as needed. Guidelines for authorship, methods of contributing to each section of the paper (e.g., brainstorming, making point form notes, developing figures), and suggestions on length/format were discussed at YAC meetings. Youth advisors were also provided with a series of resources on a collaborative drive to support their contributions to the review, including a youth-friendly guide to academic writing and examples of reports/journal articles co-authored by youth. All groups worked independently and provided finalized drafts to the research team prior to the fourth meeting.

Compensation

All youth advisors were compensated $25 per hour at the end of their involvement. All youth advisors tracked their hours with a maximum of 20 h. Youth advisors were able to track meetings, self-directed work, and all time dedicated to the project outside of meetings.

Methodology used to engage the Youth Advisory Council in the co-development of this article. Figure developed by the Youth Advisory Council

A total of 65 articles were included, of which 56 were peer-reviewed and 9 were non-peer reviewed. Of the peer-reviewed articles, 14 were qualitative studies, 12 case studies, 7 mixed-methods, 6 commentaries, 2 curriculum development studies, and 2 randomized controlled trials. Additionally, 13 syntheses were included ( n = 7 unstructured literature reviews, n = 3 scoping reviews, n = 2 systematic reviews, n = 1 scoping review protocol). Of the non-peer reviewed studies, 4 were websites and 5 were reports. A table is available in Appendix A displaying included article citations, categorization of peer-reviewed versus non-peer reviewed works, and study methods used.

In this section of the article, results pertaining to each of the five aims are presented. Aims 1 to 4 were addressed in Phase 1 of this project to outline types, frameworks, and barriers to youth engagement and summarize the literature’s recommendations on how to meaningfully engage youth. Aims 3 and 4 were addressed in collaboration with youth advisors in Phase 2 to highlight the benefits and barriers of youth engagement and recommendations from the perspectives of the youth advisors on meaningful youth engagement. Aim 5 was identified as a priority for youth advisors and their reflections are provided on the benefits and impact of engagement on youth themselves.

Aim 1: Key Types of Youth Engagement

There are several approaches to youth engagement in health research, which are based on the aim(s) of a given project, resources available, and preferences of youth themselves (shown in Table 1 ) [ 37 ]. Youth may be involved as research participants , such as completing a survey or participating in a focus group [ 24 , 31 , 38 , 39 , 40 ]. Youth may also take on advisory or consultation roles , where they provide input on the research scope, recruitment strategies, and methods, as well as reviews analyses, results, and/or manuscripts, from which the researcher may decide if or how to implement their suggestions (e.g., advisory councils) [ 24 , 38 , 39 , 40 , 41 ]. Youth may assume co-production roles , which actively involves youth in the development of research objectives and design, funding proposals, study informational materials, recruitment of participants, data collection instruments, co-facilitating focus groups/interviews, analysis of data, presentations, manuscripts, and knowledge translation activities [ 10 , 24 , 41 ]. This may also be referred to as partnership , which involves active collaboration of youth with researchers to support and/or lead aspects of the project (e.g., collaborate on research methodology, lead certain research activities) [ 24 , 31 , 38 , 39 , 40 ]. Finally, youth-led research refers to projects that are entirely led by youth, with or without the support of an adult researcher [ 24 , 31 , 38 , 39 , 40 ].

A recent systematic review identified youth engagement practices in mental health-specific research, highlighting the most common youth engagement types were advisory roles, where youth were often involved in providing feedback on the research topic, analysis of qualitative data, and dissemination of findings, with less emphasis placed on co-production methods [ 10 ]. Authors identified one study which utilized a youth-led participatory action research approach in the mental health research setting, which is a power-equalizing methodology involving collaborative decision-making and viewing youth as experts based on their own lived experience [ 44 , 46 , 47 , 48 ].

Aim 2: Frameworks for Youth Engagement

A significant body of literature has proposed various frameworks for supporting patient engagement in research, with research teams more recently developing frameworks specific to youth engagement [ 49 ]. For example, the Youth Engagement in Research Framework , designed by youth and researchers at the University of Manitoba, identified seven strategies to create a culturally-inclusive research environment for youth to meaningfully contribute to the research process [ 50 ]. Strategies included 1) understanding motivations of youth to engage in research, 2) sharing intentions to implement research findings, 3) supporting diverse youth identities in engagement, 4) actively addressing the barriers to youth engagement, 5) reinforcing that engaging in research is a choice, 6) developing trusting relationships through listening and acknowledging contributions, and 7) respecting different forms of knowledge creation, acquisition, and dissemination [ 51 ].

Youth engagement has also been achieved through health research communities of practice , a framework aimed at promoting a space for youth to develop identity, build capacity for youth to develop research, communication, and advocacy skills, lead projects, and develop relationships with the research team [ 52 , 53 , 54 ]. A Canadian research team developed IN•GAUGE®, a health research community of practice which aims to promote collaboration between youth, families, researchers, and policy makers and support the development of strategies to improve child and family health [ 51 , 52 ]. This program uses Youth and Family Advisory Councils, a group of youth and family members who contribute to the direction of the project and provide input on research methods based on their own lived experiences [ 51 ]. This community of practice has built a robust network of youth and family researchers, which helps alleviate some challenges associated with finding youth to support a project.

Researchers at the Centre for Addiction and Mental Health (CAMH) in Toronto, Ontario, Canada have developed the McCain Model for Youth Engagement, which is specific to mental health populations [ 55 ]. This model is based on flexibility (i.e., the youth and research team work together to co-design deliverables/timelines and develop skills that are relevant to the youth’s goals), mentorship (i.e., in the development of research skills, incorporating youth strengths into research design), authentic decision-making (i.e., avoiding ‘tokenism’, carefully considering and implementing youth feedback), and reciprocal learning (i.e., both youth and researchers are ‘teachers’ and ‘learners’). Based on the implementation of the McCain Model, researchers propose that youth engagement should be established when research projects are in the early planning stages, reflect on organizational-level barriers to youth engagement and plan policies and practices around them, and train researchers on the value of engaging youth [ 55 ].

A recent commentary made key recommendations for youth engagement in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic [ 30 ]. First, authors propose adapting youth engagement strategies to facilitate rapid decision-making, such as utilizing connections with pre-existing youth advisory councils, providing additional compensation, and offering opportunities for online participation. Additionally, they suggest leveraging virtual platforms for youth engagement methods, while ensuring that youth with disabilities or chronic health conditions are offered appropriate accommodations. Finally, subsidies or shared tablets or computers may be offered to youth researchers to ensure virtual platforms are accessible and reduce technological barriers [ 30 ].

Aim 3: Barriers to Engaging Youth in Research

A series of barriers for engaging youth in health research have been identified in the literature through a narrative review. These barriers are grouped into individual, organizational, and systemic factors and are presented below. In Table 2 , a summary of these barriers, as outlined in the published literature is presented. Youth advisors were invited to review this list and provide their own expansions, reactions, and additions based on their knowledge and experiences. A key limitation in the exploration of barriers related to youth engagement is that much of the existing literature does not specify what level of youth enagagement was being employed.

Individual-Level Barriers: Youth-Specific

Many youth may be discouraged from engaging in research due to their own negative lived experiences with the healthcare system. For example, youth may be distrustful of adult clinicians and researchers, particularly those who may have had traumatic medical experiences (e.g., lengthy hospital/intensive care unit admissions, surgeries, invasive treatments), complex and chronic healthcare conditions, or marginalized identities [ 56 ]. While understanding these perspectives and experiences is crucial to improve health service structures and delivery, they may not be captured without carefully considering and applying appropriate youth engagement methods. Similarly, those with negative previous experiences with youth engagement may feel tokenized or patronized, particularly if they did not feel authentically valued or listened to by the research team [ 57 , 59 ].

Youth characteristics may also result in exclusion from youth engagement and/or exacerbate existing barriers to partnering, particularly the presence of physical disabilities, visual/hearing impairments, intellectual disabilities, neurological conditions, mental health conditions, and/or socioeconomic factors [ 69 , 70 , 78 ]. Youth with disabilities may experience mobility impairments preventing them from easily attending research team meetings, may require additional time and supports to complete research tasks, or utilize assistive devices (e.g., communication tools) [ 69 , 70 , 78 ]. Low literacy levels and/or language barriers may also make engagement inaccessible without appropriate accommodations [ 78 ].

Furthermore, youth priorities may impact willingness to engage in research. Specifically, youth may not feel valued without formal recognition for their contributions, such as financial compensation, volunteer hours, authorship on manuscripts, or opportunities to present research at academic meetings [ 59 ]. They may also not want youth engagement opportunities to infringe on their leisure or personal time, or may be hesitant to engage in projects with long time commitments [ 61 ]. A study highlighting experiences with engaging youth with Bipolar Disorder as peer researchers identified that attrition was also affected by illness relapse, as well as difficulties balancing the responsibilities of the research project with post-secondary education and employment commitments [ 44 ].

Individual-Level Barriers: Adult Researcher-Specific

Research team members may also hold specific beliefs or attitudes towards youth engagement. For example, some researchers may feel anxious about losing control over the research process, may not see youth as experts themselves, or hold biases about the value of youth perspectives [ 24 ]. Researchers may also perceive youth engagement as an added layer of complexity, fear that engagement may impact the scientific rigor of the research design, or be concerned that youth engagement may negatively impact the research quality [ 24 , 26 , 27 , 79 , 80 , 81 ]. Further, some studies have highlighted that researchers do not feel equipped with the skills or knowledge to engage and communicate with youth, or to design studies using youth engagement principles [ 24 , 62 ]. Finally, researchers may experience challenges navigating differing priorities between youth partners and members of the research team. For example, researchers may prioritize more traditional markers of research success, including peer-reviewed manuscripts and grant proposals which often require rapid turnaround times, and be concerned that youth engagement may add to the timeline of a project [ 24 , 62 ].

Organizational-Level Barriers

As youth engagement has emerged as a best practice recently, many academic institutions do not yet have the infrastructure or resources to support engagement opportunities [ 24 ]. While examples of capacity-building programs for youth co-researchers exist in the participatory action research literature [ 82 ], there is a need for further development of training resources to support youth who are engaging in health research [ 83 ]. Formal education on youth engagement is often not included in research training programs, despite many granting agencies recently making changes to require and/or promote patient engagement considerations in funding applications [ 1 , 62 ]. Further, many organizations have not adopted policies to outline best practices for youth engagement, and academic workplace culture also may not yet value youth engagement, resulting in limited willingness to adapt research practices [ 24 , 62 ]. These factors may exacerbate existing difficulties with securing sufficient time and resources to support relationship-building between youth partners and adult members of the research team, which is a commonly cited challenge with youth engagement [ 26 , 27 , 84 , 85 ].

System-Level Barriers

Youth with complex health conditions, such as those with developmental disabilities, often experience stigma and exclusion from clinical research [ 69 , 70 , 71 , 72 ]. Specifically, research teams may inaccurately perceive youth with chronic medical conditions as ‘vulnerable’ or ‘fragile’, thus deeming them unable or incapable to contribute meaningfully or complete study-related tasks [ 24 , 70 , 72 , 73 , 86 , 87 ]. Youth with marginalized identities, including Black, Indigenous, and 2SLGBTQIA+ youth, often experience discrimination within the healthcare system, with several studies suggesting mistrust of research institutions, researchers, and healthcare systems stemming from community experiences of mistreatment in research as the most significant barrier to participating in clinical research [ 65 , 66 , 67 , 68 ]. Furthermore, youth from racial and ethnic minorities often receive less information and attention from healthcare providers compared to white youth, potentially limiting awareness of the opportunities and/or value in contributing to health services research [ 68 , 88 ]. Notably, limited literature has considered the impact of other social and structural determinants of health on youth engagement, including income, housing, and geographic location.

Youth may also be apprehensive to share their perspectives, critiques, or suggestions for improvement with adult researchers due to inherent power imbalances [ 74 , 75 , 76 , 77 ]. Given the differences in power between adults and youth, as well as between patients and clinicians/researchers, youth engagement may involve researchers dominating the conversation, thus preventing equal contribution and collaboration. Ultimately, these dynamics have the potential to produce harmful cultures or practices for youth entering research environments, especially among youth from marginalized groups. These barriers and possible outcomes resulting from these power imbalances are elaborated on in Table 2 .

Finally, researchers themselves may face barriers as many major funding agencies have yet to prioritize or incorporate youth engagement in their strategy, resulting in limited funding opportunities to support this type of engagement work or a lack of dedicated time and resources for researchers to build relationships with youth [ 73 ]. Of note, the CIHR has developed a Strategy for Patient-Oriented Research, and requires grant proposals in certain funding streams to utilize patient engagement methods [ 1 ]. However, this is not yet universally implemented across funding agencies and does not guide engagement with youth specifically. Additionally, funding agencies often have strict eligibility and assessment criteria, including level of education and evidence of prior research and scholarly outputs, which may inherently exclude youth researchers from participating in funding applications. Finally, granting agencies have funding deadlines which may not accommodate the flexibility needed to build meaningful relationships with youth partners.

Further, while some academic journals have incorporated mandatory reporting on stakeholder and patient involvement in the research design, this is not a standard of practice, and many of these journals are engagement-focused [ 55 , 62 , 89 ]. Finally, there is a lack of consensus around how to report on engagement practice and outcomes of engagement across studies, which contributes to inconsistencies in what constitutes meaningful and effective engagement. While tools are emerging to enhance transparency in reporting engagement, including the Guidance for Reporting Involvement of Patients and the Public (GRIPP), no tools exist for youth engagement specifically [ 90 , 91 ]. Barriers to engaging youth in health research from both the literature and the perspectives of the youth advisors involved in this project are summarized in Table 2 .

Aim 4: Facilitators and Recommendations for Youth Engagement

Many studies have highlighted recommendations to improve the implementation of youth engagement across research contexts. Canada’s Youth Policy was created in 2020 to develop a greater understanding of the experiences and perspectives of youth living in Canada [ 92 ]. As part of this, funding opportunities through Canada’s major funding body for health research (CIHR) have begun to focus on providing meaningful opportunities to empower youth in research such as the Healthy Youth Initiative [ 93 ]. Our study findings are in line with these newly implemented policies as they lay the foundation for researchers on how to meaningfully engage youth in health research. In the following section, current strategies, strengths, and facilitators in the health sector that can support youth engagement are outlined, along with areas for improvement. As in Table 2 , these recommendations were reviewed and expanded upon by the YAC in Table 3 .

Engaging Youth from Structurally Marginalized Populations

Engagement of youth with intersecting marginalized identities, such as Black, Indigenous, or 2SLGBTQIA+ youth, and youth with disabilities, language/communication barriers, immigrants and refugees, experiencing homelessness, or living in foster care, may involve several unique considerations [ 31 ]. Research teams should engage both youth and researchers from communities with lived experience to provide insights and support engagement strategies [ 31 ]. It is also important to recognize that engaging youth from Indigenous communities may involve a unique approach. Practices adopted by Indigenous-led organizations may exist that focus on youth empowerment that are specific to their communities. For example, the ‘Indigenous Youth Voices Report ’ produced by The Yellowhead Institute at Toronto Metropolitan University in collaboration with the First Nations Child and Family Caring Society outlined requirements for engaging and conducting research with and by Indigenous youth, which included themes such as ensuring research is accessible, uplifting Indigenous youth to co-create research, relationship-building and reciprocity, and using holistic approaches to ensure Two-Spirit, 2SLGBTQ+ youth, and Elders are meaningfully included in research approaches [ 107 ]. Further, a recent study showed evidence supporting the use of web-conferencing technology to engage Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander in Australia through co-facilitation of an Online Yarning Circle, an Indigenous methodology that involves sharing, listening, interpreting, and understanding information in an informal setting [ 108 , 109 ].

Additionally, teams should partner with researchers who have experience working with youth from these populations. Women’s College Hospital in Toronto, Ontario, Canada has recently developed an innovative and inclusive patient engagement model, called Equity-Mobilizing Partnerships in Community (EMPaCT) , designed to highlight the priorities and needs of diverse communities informed by the perspectives of individuals with lived experience [ 110 , 111 ]. Research teams can consult this service to identify approaches to advance equity and social justice within their projects [ 110 , 111 ]. Researchers may also consider using the ‘Valuing All Voices Framework’ , which is a trauma-informed, intersectional framework that guides researchers on how to embed a social justice and health equity lens into patient engagement, with the goal of enhancing inclusivity within health research [ 112 ]. This framework is based on four core concepts, including trust (e.g., focusing on resilience/strength rather than challenges, allowing time to build relationships), self-awareness (e.g., practicing honesty, creating safe spaces), empathy (e.g., allowing the space to share stories), and relationship building (e.g., share experiences, promote ongoing communication, show awareness and sensitivity towards cultural differences) [ 112 ].

All research team members engaged in this work should be offered training on best practices for communicating and engaging with specific populations [ 31 ]. Appropriate accommodations, such as communication tools, accessibility aids, and financial support for involvement, should be offered consistently to optimize engagement of youth with diverse experiences and perspectives [ 78 ]. While not specific to youth engagement, the National Health Service in the United Kingdom has a guidance document which outlines considerations to increase diversity in research participation, including a focus on building trust, conducting research in places familiar to participants, developing accessible recruitment materials, and incorporating peer-led activities [ 113 ]. Finally, researchers should adhere to existing ethical standards for specific marginalized communities, such as the CIHR guidelines for conducting research involving Indigenous people [ 114 ].

Evaluation of Youth Engagement

Robust evaluation of youth engagement strategies is a core component of youth involvement in research and should be used to enhance implementation of principles in research, provide feedback, and ensure researchers are held accountable in upholding best practices [ 104 , 115 ]. While there are no empirically-tested tools for the evaluation of youth engagement in research, qualitative, quantitative, and mixed methods may be used, including the Youth Engagement Guidebook developed through the CAMH [ 31 ], the Public and Patient Engagement Evaluation Tool (PPEET) [ 116 ], and the Patient Engagement in Research Scale (PEIRS) [ 117 ]. These instruments are co-designed by patients and are used to evaluate the quality of engagement strategies from the perspective of patient partners themselves [ 117 ]. It should be noted, however, that empirically-tested tools for measuring youth-adult partnerships more broadly do exist [ 118 , 119 , 120 ] and could likely contribute useful information to the measurement of youth engagement in research, specifically. It is also recommended to evaluate the impact of youth engagement from the researchers’ perspectives, which may include reflecting on how valuable the team considered youth partners to be, the extent of youth involvement, and the impact of youth engagement on project outcomes [ 31 ]. Alberta Health Services has developed a resource tool kit containing survey instruments to assist research teams with routine evaluation of their collaboration skills [ 121 ]. Research teams should carefully evaluate and iteratively modify their engagement strategies to ensure youth are meaningfully involved.

Capacity Development

Several independent training programs exist to educate researchers, community stakeholders, patients, youth, and caregivers on engaging patients in health research, including the Patient and Community Engagement in Research (PaCER) program [ 122 ], McMaster University Family Engagement in Research (FER) course [ 123 ], Patient-Oriented Research Curriculum in Child Health (PORCCH) [ 124 ], and Partners in Research (PiR) [ 125 ]. Further, a recent study was conducted to develop simulations in collaboration with interdisciplinary stakeholders to train researchers on how to engage youth in childhood disability research [ 126 ]. These simulation videos focused on aspects of the research process where challenges may arise based on previous experiences of youth and family advisors [ 126 ].

Aim 5: Youth Advisor Reflections on the Impact of Youth Engagement

While describing the evidence-based benefits of youth engagement in research within the literature was beyond the initial scope of the narrative review, youth advisors deemed it critical to present their experiences regarding their motivations for becoming involved in research and the impact of research opportunities on youth. Two youth advisors reflected on the benefits of youth engagement in research from their own experiences and collectively developed the content displayed in Table 4 in a small working group. The same two advisors considered their prior involvement in research and outlined the impact of engagement on their lives in Table 5 . They were invited to share any aspects of their experiences they felt were important to communicate with a broad audience, and selected the format and method of organization of their reflections. These reflections offer unique and valuable insights into the importance of creating opportunities for meaningful and conscientious youth engagement in research using youths’ own language.

Conclusions, Limitations & Future Directions

This narrative review provides an overview of the current literature in youth engagement in health research in combination with the perspectives of youth advisors themselves. The research team and YAC collectively identified key types and frameworks for youth engagement, synthesized several barriers and recommendations for implementing youth engagement, and provided critical reflections on the impact and benefits of youth engagement in the youth voice. While many evidence-based frameworks exist to incorporate and evaluate patient engagement in research, gaps remain in the identification of the best practices for youth engagement specifically [ 49 ]. Much of the available youth engagement literature has focused on involving youth in mental health research, with limited evidence regarding best practices to engage youth with chronic physical health and neurodevelopmental conditions [ 10 , 21 , 24 ]. Further, a paucity of evidence has highlighted the barriers and best practices to engaging youth with low income, those experiencing homelessness, and rural/remote communities in health research.

Limitations

This article employed narrative review methodology to provide an overview of existing research in youth engagement in research. A more structured and systematic review and critical appraisal of included literature by multiple independent reviewers was not within the scope of this paper, which may have excluded relevant literature. The information presented in this article may serve as a foundation for a systematic review of the literature on this topic, which our research team endeavours to complete in the future. Additionally, the search was limited to articles published in English, which may have excluded relevant literature, including potential barriers or recommendations specific to non-English speaking youth. Future research should consider a fulsome exploration of youth engagement strategies, barriers, and recommendations published in languages other than English. Demographic information of youth advisors was not collected or presented as part of this article due to YAC member preference. In addition, a previous diagnosis of a chronic health condition and/or lived experience as a patient was not a criterion for inclusion in the YAC. Rather, youth advisors had a diverse set of experiences with health care (e.g., as patients, advocates, previous youth advisors, research assistants, and/or research participants). Furthermore, youth members were self-selected by the research team, and not recruited from established youth organizations with elected representatives. As such, we are unable to determine whether the youth composing the YAC are representative of the target population. Future studies could examine how demographic characteristics and/or prior experiences with engagement influence youths’ perceptions of barriers, enablers, and recommendations for youth engagement.

Future Directions

To address many of the barriers identified in this review, further work is needed at the organizational- and systems-levels to build policies and programs that support youth engagement in research. As such, youth advisors developed a call to action for researchers and their hopes for the future of youth engagement in research, available in Table 6 . Finally, robust studies are needed to develop and validate youth engagement evaluation tools [ 31 ].

Availability of data and materials

No datasets were generated or analysed during the current study.

Abbreviations

Youth Advisory Council

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Acknowledgements

The authors would like to acknowledge the Edwin S.H. Leong Centre for Healthy Children, The Hospital for Sick Children for supporting this work through the Leong Centre Studentship Award.

This work is supported by the Leong Centre Studentship Award received by Katherine Bailey and Dr. Alene Toulany. The other authors received no additional funding.

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Katherine Bailey and Brooke Allemang contributed equally as co-primary authors.

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Temerty Faculty of Medicine, University of Toronto, Toronto, ON, Canada

Katherine Bailey & Kristin Cleverley

Institute of Health Policy, Management and Evaluation, University of Toronto, Toronto, ON, Canada

Katherine Bailey & Alene Toulany

Child Health Evaluative Sciences, SickKids Research Institute, Toronto, ON, Canada

Brooke Allemang

Department of Pediatrics, Faculty of Medicine, University of Toronto, Toronto, ON, Canada

Ashley Vandermorris & Alene Toulany

Division of Adolescent Medicine, The Hospital for Sick Children, 555 University Ave, Toronto, ON, M5G 1X8, Canada

KITE, Toronto Rehabilitation Institute, University Health Network, Toronto, ON, Canada

Sarah Munce & Vjura Senthilnathan

Rehabilitation Sciences Institute, University of Toronto, Toronto, ON, Canada

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Lawrence S. Bloomberg School of Nursing, University of Toronto, Toronto, ON, Canada

Kristin Cleverley

Margaret and Wallace McCain Centre for Child, Youth & Family Mental Health, Centre for Addiction and Mental Health, Toronto, ON, Canada

Faculty of Medicine and Dentistry, University of Alberta, Edmonton, AB, Canada

Cassandra Chisholm

Department of Psychology and Neuroscience, Dalhousie University, Halifax, NS, Canada

Neurosciences and Mental Health, SickKids Research Institute, Toronto, ON, Canada

Cedar Davidson

Michael De Groote School of Medicine, McMaster University, Hamilton, ON, Canada

Asil El Galad

McGill University, Montreal, QC, Canada

Dahlia Leibovich

Department of Health Sciences, University of Ottawa, Ottawa, ON, Canada

Trinity Lowthian

McMaster University, Hamilton, ON, Canada

Jeanna Pillainayagam

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Published: 02 September 2024

Propaganda in focus: decoding the media strategy of ISIS

Yuanbo Qi ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-9541-8220 1

Humanities and Social Sciences Communications volume 11 , Article number: 1123 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

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Cultural and media studies
Politics and international relations

This investigation employs the analytical framework established by Braddock and Horgan to conduct a comprehensive content analysis of 79 official English-language propaganda videos disseminated by ISIS, with the objective of quantifying the thematic composition and the evolutionary trajectory of ISIS’s international media operations and propaganda machinery from 2014 to 2017. The findings reveal that a predominant portion of the videos articulate narratives extensively centred around themes of the adversary and religious discourse, with the Sharia (Islamic law) emerging as the most prevalent theme. This research concludes that at a global scale, the propaganda apparatus of ISIS has orchestrated an intricate narrative, incorporating adversarial, theological, and emotional elements, thereby delineating the advanced sophistication of ISIS’s global propaganda endeavours.

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Introduction.

Between 2014 and 2017, pivotal years in the trajectory of the Islamic State (ISIS), the group witnessed a meteoric rise and subsequent decline in territorial control (al-Lami, 2019 ; Barnard and Saad, 2017 ; Chulov, 2019 ; Curry, 2014a ; Damon et al. 2017 ; Gilsinan, 2014 ; Phippen, 2017 ). Throughout this period, ISIS strategically utilised media, particularly through its official English-language videos, to propagate its message worldwide. Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi’s proclamation of a caliphate at Mosul’s al-Nuri Mosque marked a significant milestone for ISIS, symbolically hearkening back to a perceived Islamic golden age and galvanising Muslims to join their cause (al-Lami, 2019 ; Chulov, 2019 ). The extreme measures employed by the group, along with the global military response, accentuated the multifaceted nature of contemporary extremist movements (Curry, 2014b ; Gilsinan, 2014 ; Malik, 2014b ).

Understanding ISIS’s media strategy is a vital piece of the puzzle in the broader fight against global terrorism. The English-language videos produced by ISIS from 2014 to 2017 underscore not just the group’s media acumen but also their ideological engagement with a global audience. These videos aimed to intimidate adversaries, recruit sympathisers, and affirm the group’s narrative, showcasing a new dimension of digital terrorism that manipulates psychological, rhetorical, and theological elements to wield influence (Dearden, 2015 ).

This study examines ISIS’s video propaganda to decode its key narratives, rhetoric device, and implications for counter narratives. The increased reliance of ISIS on propaganda as their territorial grasp expanded underscores the imperative to scrutinise and interpret their communicative strategies. By delving into the content of these videos, this research seeks insights into how ISIS’s messaging evolved in response to military setbacks, territorial losses, and shifts in the geopolitical landscape.

This enquiry is of paramount importance for scholarly exploration and practical counter-terrorism measures. Recognising the patterns, themes, and shifts in ISIS’s propagated content enables security analysts and policymakers to anticipate and counteract the tactics of ISIS and similar entities. The insight derived from this study has the potential to inform counter-narratives and deconstruct extremist messaging strategies, thus curtailing the reach and impact of jihadist propaganda on a global scale (Gerges, 2019 ).

The confines of this study are set strictly within the official English-language video propaganda disseminated by ISIS from 2014 to 2017, a period marking the zenith of the group’s influence (al-Lami, 2019 ; Barnard and Saad, 2017 ; Chulov, 2019 ; Curry, 2014a ; Damon et al. 2017 ; Gilsinan, 2014 ; Phippen, 2017 ), thus permitting an analysis of its narrative amidst changing geopolitical realities. By focusing solely on these materials, the research delves into the intricacies of ISIS’s marketing strategies and the ideological underpinnings aimed at a global, primarily English-speaking, audience. The study’s deliberate temporal and linguistic boundaries enable a concentrated examination of the group’s communication tactics during a critical juncture of its existence. The study posits the following specific inquiries:

What intrinsic narrative motifs emerge with the greatest prominence in the videos?

The lens of the videos’ intrinsic narratives, in what manner is the worldview inherent to ISIS ideology articulated and represented?

How does the thematic distribution within these videos reflect an evolution or transformation in the period from 2014 to 2017, and what does this shift signify about ISIS media strategy?

A thorough examination of the corpus of research reveals a trend of tactical and thematic complexity in ISIS’s English-language propaganda (Colas, 2017 ; Winter, 2015 ; Winter, 2018 ). First, many studies do not differentiate their examination of ISIS propaganda between Arabic and English-language content, thereby overlooking the group’s nuanced and targeted messaging aimed at reaching a global audience (Abrahms et al. 2017 ; Fisher, 2015 ; Lakomy, 2021a , 2021b ; Salem et al. 2008 ). Assessments like those by Qi ( 2020a , 2020b ) focus on English-language propaganda, primarily highlighting production aspects or performed speech acts without exploring the thematic richness of the content (Colas, 2017 ). Secondly, there is a lack of studies documenting how these themes have evolved in response to the group’s changing circumstances and the global environment. The thematic evolution within the English text remains unexplored (Al-Rawi, 2018 ; Colas, 2017 ; Fisher, 2015 ; Kuznar, 2017 ; Qi, 2020b ; Winter, 2018 ). By providing a detailed study of the themes and substance found in ISIS’s English-language videos, this research bridges the gaps by analysing how these videos have changed to reflect global dynamics and the group circumstances. This study narrows its focus to provide a necessary perspective on ISIS’s strategic use of English-language materials aimed at global audiences, highlighting the specificity of their media strategy and deliberate use of language in terrorist propaganda.

Literature review

The evolution of isis media strategy and its historical context.

ISIS, also known as the Islamic State, surged to global prominence under the leadership of Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, who proclaimed a caliphate in 2014, with the ambition of restoring what they considered the golden age of Islam and calling for global Jihad (al-Lami, 2019 ; Chulov, 2019 ). This group quickly gained infamy for its brutal tactics, including the persecution of minorities and conducting high-profile terror attacks, while seizing vast territories in Syria and Iraq (Curry, 2014b ; Gilsinan, 2014 ; Malik, 2014a , 2014b ). By 2017, concerted military efforts significantly diminished ISIS’s territorial control, leading to the loss of their critical strongholds, Mosul and Raqqa (Barnard and Saad, 2017 ; Chulov, 2019 ; Damon et al. 2017 ; Phippen, 2017 ). Despite their territorial defeat and the declaration of the caliphate’s end in 2019, ISIS continues to represent a threat through dispersed networks and sleeper cells globally (Forrest, 2019 ). For instance, nearly a decade after the 2015 terror attacks in Paris, an ISIS affiliate, known as the Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISIS-Khorasan), claimed responsibility for a devastating attack at the Crocus City concert hall in Moscow, which killed 137 people in 2024 (Roth and Sauer, 2024 ; Schmitt, 2024 ). The persistence of the group’s radical ideology suggests that, without addressing the root causes of its emergence, the potential for resurgence remains (Gerges, 2019 ). The transformation of ISIS into a more diffuse entity, which inspires global violence through its propaganda, underscores the enduring challenge of neutralising its impact (al-Lami, 2019 ; Votel et al. 2017 ).

ISIS’s media strategy has a complex history that has developed over time due to strategic adjustments and technology breakthroughs (Gerges, 2016 ). ISIS has recognised the power of the media from the beginning, using it as a recruiting tool and a psychological warfare weapon (Atwan, 2015 ). Their activities at first resembled conventional jihadist communication channels, but they quickly changed into an advanced media machine that made use of social media and excellent video production.

ISIS propagandised mostly in Arabic in the phases, focusing on the local populace as well as the larger Middle East. There was a noticeable change, though, as the group looked to broaden its international appeal and attract members from Western nations. The group’s magazine “Dabiq,” and subsequently “Rumiyah,” as well as a number of videos meant for Western audiences, signalled the appearance of English-language material (Milton, 2020 ). The deliberate change in strategy to add English-language content indicated that the campaign was intended to be multinational.

In addition to being linguistic, the shift from local to international media was both thematic and stylistic. In their analysis of the narrative structures and cinematic devices used in these videos, Venkatesh et al. ( 2020 ) highlight how the “Cinemas of Attraction” and “Pornography of violence” models were created with the intention of shocking as well as attracting viewers. Meanwhile, Sweeney et al. ( 2020 ) emphasised the positive relationship that exists between ISIS’s ability to govern territory and the complexity of the media that it produces, directly connecting the group’s perceived legitimacy and power to the calibre of its output.

ISIS media strategy analyses have changed in tandem with the group’s output. According to Kruglova ( 2020 ), ISIS propaganda utilised narrative advertising by appropriating marketing research, especially on social media platforms. This change is especially significant in light of the group’s deliberate use of stories to elicit strong feelings from the audience; these stories are made much more engaging when they are told in the language of the intended audience. Furthermore, an examination of how the group’s employment of cutting-edge tactics, such as drone images, improved the perceived power and legitimacy of the ISIS brand in these propaganda operations was presented (Archambault and Veilleux-Lepage, 2020 ).

A crucial element in the development of ISIS’s tactics is the interaction between the medium and message content. Toguslu ( 2019 ) examined the ways in which ISIS propaganda—particularly that seen in their magazines—constructs and presents storylines to support their ideology. ISIS’s media activities have seen a substantial metamorphosis with the conversion of these tales into video format and English translation (Fisher, 2015 ). These kinds of materials aim to appeal to Western audiences, frequently imitating Western media styles to give the propaganda a more recognisable sentiment (Qi and He, 2023 ).

The development of ISIS’s media strategy demonstrates a purposeful and strategic shift from local Arabic material to a more inclusive, wider media strategy that aims to interact with English-speaking viewers. This shift highlights how terrorist organisations are adaptable in the digital era and emphasises how crucial it is to thoroughly examine their media outputs to comprehend their influence and reach. Even if they are comprehensive, the earlier studies on ISIS’s media tactics have gaps that need for more research, especially when it comes to the topic of English-language video propaganda and its peculiar characteristics (Cottee and Cunliffe, 2020 ). Comprehending this evolutionary process is essential to crafting counter-narrative tactics and reducing the group’s impact on vulnerable English-speaking communities.

ISIS Propaganda’s thematic and tactical development

The tactical strategies and subject matter of ISIS’s English-language propaganda videos evolved significantly as their media apparatus grew (Winter, 2015 ). After analysing these themes, academics found recurring themes including victimisation, cruelty, utopianism, martyrdom, and apocalypse, all of which were intended to accomplish certain tactical goals (Johnston, 2022 ; Lakomy, 2020 ; Price and Mooney, 2022 ; Winter, 2015 ).

Early examination of the content of ISIS revealed a duality between images of horror and utopia—a dualism meant to arouse and terrify. The contrast of violent activities against the backdrop of an Islamic utopia promised was noticed by Venkatesh et al. ( 2020 ). ‘Cinematic charms’ combined with pictures of a dreamy caliphate lifestyle were intended to justify violence by painting it as a means of achieving a holy purpose.

In their investigation of the “Theatre of Terror,” Sweeney et al. ( 2020 ) and Qi ( 2020b ) contended that the staged violence in ISIS films was a deliberate strategy to represent authority and engender terror rather than being merely for spectacular. According to their study, those videos demonstrated the group’s ability to avenge its adversaries and were an example of a low-cost, high-effect tactic that maximised the symbolic value of violence and self-justification.

This topic was expanded upon by Kruglova ( 2020 ) to include the marketing-like techniques employed in these videos. She emphasised how skilled ISIS is at using social media as a platform to attract and radicalise potential recruits by creating narratives that play on emotions and identity. ISIS was able to connect with a larger audience by using English to tell a compelling tale that spoke to the needs and grievances of those who were remote from the fighting.

Milton ( 2020 ) looked into another facet of ISIS’s propaganda, which involved the deliberate manipulation of pictures. Using a dataset of 1700 ISIS images, he concluded that violent images, especially those of adversaries, greatly boosted attention. In addition to showcasing the group’s military might, the carefully chosen video also showed ISIS government and everyday life, appealing to viewers’ feeling of order and community.

With time, there was a noticeable change in the quality of ISIS propaganda—from widely circulated messages to more specialised information. In their audience perception research, Cottee and Cunliffe ( 2020 ) brought to light ISIS’s acute comprehension of its Western audience. ISIS’s English-language videos were an effective recruiting tool because they were crafted with tales that spoke to certain frustrations or ideological inclinations.

Qi and He ( 2023 ) has conducted an evaluation of English-language videos with an emphasis on their production and semantic attributes. These studies provide insight into how the videos’ production value and thematic distribution strategies have changed over time, despite criticism for their cursory presentation of the subject matter. This kind of study is essential to comprehending how, despite its military decline on the ground, ISIS managed to stay relevant and active in the digital sphere.

By concentrating on the performative element of ISIS narratives, Toguslu ( 2019 ) exposed the group’s deft use of religious texts to justify its crimes. ISIS attempted to provide its supporters with a spiritual purpose and a theological rationale for their atrocities by utilising passages from the Quran and Hadith in their propaganda.

ISIS propaganda’s thematic and tactical growth demonstrates a deliberate progression that aims to shock and persuade. By skilfully utilising English-language videos, the group was able to reach a wider audience and have a more profound effect, appealing to deeper themes of identity, religion, and political grievances than the surface-level appeal of violence. Therefore, analysing these advancements offers crucial insights into the workings of contemporary terrorist propaganda and serves as a foundation for developing potent counterstrategies.

Theoretical framework

In this study, we adopt the theoretical framework of content analysis as outlined by Braddock and Horgan ( 2016 ), which serves as a methodological cornerstone for dissecting the narratives utilised by extremist groups like ISIS. This framework builds upon the understanding that these groups use specific communicative strategies, including narratives imbued with extremist ideologies, values, and beliefs, to achieve strategic objectives and potentially foster radicalisation (Braddock and Horgan, 2016 ; Braddock and Dillard, 2016 ). The persuasive power of extremist media, and its role in radicalisation, has been acknowledged in various studies (Horgan, 2014 ; Jackson, 2007 ), highlighting the urgency of crafting counter-narratives based on a profound understanding of terrorist narratives.

Braddock and Horgan ( 2016 ) advocate for content analysis as a pivotal tool for this endeavour, enabling researchers to identify themes central to an extremist group’s ideology through a detailed examination of their media productions. Their proposed method includes both quantitative assessments of overt message characteristics and a more nuanced thematic analysis aimed at uncovering underlying values, views, and ideologies (Krippendorff, 2012 ). This approach facilitates the recognition of patterns within texts, serving as a crucial step in understanding extremist narratives.

Following the analytic procedures suggested by Braddock and Horgan ( 2016 , pp. 387–388), our study undertakes a systematic exploration of ISIS and other jihadi groups’ narratives. This involves multiple readings of the narratives to grasp their theme, style, and meaning; generating and consolidating codes that reflect the terrorist group’s ideology; sorting codes into overarching themes to identify higher-order concepts; and quantifying these thematic elements to ascertain the most prevalent themes. Such a structured analysis allows for a comprehensive understanding of the narratives, supported by a pilot-coding to ensure objectivity (Boyatzis and E, 1995 ; Patton, 2002 ).

Sampling rationale

Since there has been a substantial quantity of ISIS media production (Atwan, 2015 ; Colas, 2016a ; Cottee, 2015 ; Stern and Berger, 2016 ; Winkler et al. 2016 ; Winter, 2015 ; Zelin, 2015 ), there must be a feasible solution for sampling the data into a manageable corpus (Colas, 2016a ). Through the existing literature, it is observable that, first, studies have largely focused on the written texts, even though empirical studies on ISIS media output have clearly shown that ISIS relies more on visual propaganda than on written propaganda (Zelin, 2015 ). Second, the corpus might need to vary chronologically in terms of release dates to comprehend the evolution and changing dynamics of ISIS media in response to real-world events (Kuznar, 2017 ). Third, English is the second most commonly used language next to Arabic in ISIS propaganda and is the most commonly used foreign language (Fisher, 2015 ). Finally, in its intentional use of such a worldwide, accessible language, the official English-language video, from the organisation’s perspective, represents ISIS’s global ambitions and central strategies. This, in turn, sheds light upon ISIS’s worldview, how ISIS sees itself, and how ISIS wishes to be seen (Colas, 2016a ; Fisher, 2015 ). Ultimately, this fourfold rationale that leads to the sampling criteria sharpens data into a manageable size while remaining quantifiable and comparable with others’ studies of ISIS media production, leading to a more comprehensive, if counter-intuitive, study.

Sampling criteria

The 79 official English-language videos from ISIS were selected based on the following criteria: (1) timing: the video productions must have been released from April 2014 to July 2017, a timeframe that fully captures the Fall and the Liberation of Mosul (10 June 2014–10 July 2017), which symbolises the geographic controllability and territorial power of ISIS (Burke, 2017 ; Forrest, 2019 ; Gamal-Gabriel and Dunlop, 2017 ); (2) language: the video must either be narrated in English or have subtitles in English; (3) sources [for selecting those that represent official ISIS material]: the video productions must be from official ISIS media centres or from provincial-level centres accredited by official media centres. The criteria were implemented to collect English-narrated/subtitled videos released within the established time period that were produced/recognised by the official media centres at al-Hayat , al-Furqan , and al-I’tisam (Barr and Herfroy-Mischler, 2017 ; Zelin, 2015 ). To ensure that the English-language used in the videos released from provincial media centres was officially authorised by ISIS, as opposed to being a private translating effort from pro-ISIS supporters, the videos must have been promoted by the video series Selected 10 and Featured 3 , both of which represent or highlight periodic exaltations of exemplary provincial videos productions by al-Hayat media centre.

The criteria of timing in this study might be worth particular attention to further clarify. The designation of 2014 to 2017 as the peak period of ISIS activities is substantiated by a detailed examination of their territorial control and pivotal events, with a significant focus on the strategic city of Mosul. This era marks ISIS’s swift territorial expansion, reaching its apogee in 2014, characterised by the capture of Mosul, a major urban centre that symbolised their operational and administrative capabilities (Chulov, 2019 ; Curry, 2014b ; Gilsinan, 2014 ). The occupation of Mosul not only demonstrated ISIS’s military prowess but also established a geographical and ideological centre for the caliphate (al-Lami, 2019 ; Boffey and Jalabi, 2014 ; Dearden, 2014 ).

The subsequent decline of ISIS, leading to the liberation of Mosul in July 2017, underscores the importance of this timeframe. The battle for Mosul, which began in October 2016, represented a turning point in the international effort to dismantle ISIS’s territorial hold, highlighting a concerted counter-terrorism strategy that significantly diminished their control and influence (Barnard and Saad, 2017 ; Chulov, 2019 ; Damon et al. 2017 ; Phippen, 2017 )). The liberation of Mosul is widely regarded as a critical indicator of ISIS’s waning power, marking the end of their most significant territorial possession (Burke, 2017 ; Forrest, 2019 ).

Given these considerations, the period between 2014 and 2017 is selected as the focal point of this study, reflecting the zenith and subsequent reduction of ISIS’s territorial and operational command. This timeframe is crucial for understanding the dynamics of ISIS’s rise and fall, providing a comprehensive overview of their impact and the global response to their activities (Burke, 2017 ; Forrest, 2019 ).

Data collection

It is worth noting the distinction between the period of data collection (October 2015 to August 2017) and the video release date criteria (April 2014 to July 2017) for the sake of clarity. This study collected data between 1 October 2015, and 1 August 2017, leveraging Jihadology.net , a renowned repository for jihadi primary materials. During this period, MP4 files of ISIS videos were gathered from digital archives curated by scholars. The collection prioritised anonymity in sourcing to safeguard security while ensuring the authenticity and reliability of the data through cross-verification. Among a broad dataset of 1025 videos, 79 official English-language ISIS videos were chosen based on stringent criteria. Empirical evidence supports data collection via digital media, establishing them as promising research channels for the social sciences (Okereka et al. 2024 ).

Analytical procedure

Extremist organisations use varied communication strategies, including crafting narratives to embed ideologies and values (Braddock and Horgan, 2016 ). The effectiveness of these media in radicalisation is debated. Certain studies suggest narrative exposure can be persuasive, while others see no consistent link (Hong and Park, 2012 ; Peracchio and Meyers-Levy, 1997 ). However, it’s recognised that extremist narratives might potentially lead to radicalisation (Horgan, 2014 ).

Braddock and Horgan focus on developing counter-narratives to extremist ideologies. Understanding terrorist narratives is crucial for crafting effective counter-narratives and strategic communication to prevent radicalisation. These narratives, complex in ideological and emotional content, fulfil several roles: identity, justification for violence, and presenting a skewed reality that influences behaviour. Dissecting them is key to understanding their resonance and potential to foster extremist ideologies.

Development of the coding instrument

The initial phase of the analytical process was the development and enhancement of the coding scheme, which serves as the backbone for thematic analysis. This began with the construction of a provisional list of codes, which are essentially interpretative tags assigned to segments of the meaningful organisations within the videos. These segments to which the codes are applied could vary in length, thereby providing the flexibility to code discrete elements or broader sections of the narrative as necessary.

The analyst used their expertise and preliminary observations to form an initial list of themes present in the videos. This list was dynamically refined to align with established thematic frameworks in extremist propaganda research, ensuring a scholarly foundation for the coding instrument.

Relevant literature, including works by Winter ( 2015 ), Pelletier et al. ( 2016 ), and Gråtrud ( 2016 ), contributed established thematic codes to the analysis. This comparative approach refined the coding list, eliminating redundancy and ensuring a robust, comprehensive coding structure.

The analysis then shifted to a quantitative phase, systematically applying the refined codes to the video narratives. This quantification measured the frequency and prominence of themes, providing empirical insights into ISIS’s strategic messaging priorities during the study period. This approach moved the analysis beyond subjective interpretation towards a data-driven understanding of the thematic content in the ISIS videos.

Application of codes and content analysis

The analytical stage for examining ISIS videos involved a detailed and systematic coding process. The analyst analysed 79 videos, totalling 915 min, by breaking them down into one-minute increments, resulting in 915 distinct units for granular analysis.

Each minute unit was scrutinised using a set of thematic codes, identifying, and recording occurrences of specific themes, termed ‘segments.’ This led to the cataloguing of 799 segments of varying lengths. The prevalence of themes was assessed by calculating the cumulative duration of these segments, quantifying both the frequency and the temporal span of themes in the dataset. The total duration of all segments was 1707 units. Themes with a significance level of 0.06 or higher, roughly equivalent to 100 units or more, were considered substantially prevalent.

Additionally, the analysis explored the ‘asymmetric nature’ of ISIS media operations. This involved using the SKEW function, a statistical measure of distribution asymmetry, to understand the uneven thematic distribution over time, highlighting the dynamic nature of ISIS’s propaganda focus.

The outcome was a comprehensive thematic overview, showing both the frequency and variability of themes in ISIS’s video propaganda. The results were then visually represented in tables and graphs for clearer interpretation and discussion. At the conclusion of this rigorous process, the analyst had at their disposal a comprehensive list of themes, along with detailed insights into the frequency and changing patterns of these themes within ISIS’s video propaganda. The findings from this stage of analysis were then translated into tables and graphs, which facilitated a clear visual representation of the data, allowing for more accessible interpretation and discussion of the results.

Inter-coder reliability

The methodology for analysing ISIS video narratives involved enhancing reliability through an independent expert coder’s review, aligning with Schreier’s ( 2012 ) conflict resolution guidelines. The initial thematic categorisation has been scrutinised to ensure balanced and accurate coding. Braddock and Dillard’s ( 2016 ) methodical evaluation approach guided the determination of theme presence, with coder reviews forming the basis of final decisions.

To verify coding consistency, a pilot test aimed for at least 0.80 inter-coder reliability, following Cohen’s ( 1960 ) benchmark for high reliability. This standard reduces subjective bias, ensuring systematic and replicable coding. After pilot testing and discussions, two significant coding instrument revisions were made, leading to a final list of 26 thematic codes. This process established the credibility and rigour of the analysis.

The research includes three appendices in its online archive for transparency and replication. Appendix 1 details the data collection sources, Appendix 2 presents the final 26 thematic codes, and Appendix 3 contains example tables showing segment cataloguing and duration calculations. These appendices underpin the methodology and analysis, offering detailed insights into the study’s mechanics and coding process.

Thematic dissection of ISIS propaganda: enemy, religious, and emotive narratives

Figure 1 in the study categorises primary narratives in ISIS’s English-language videos into three groups: enemy, religious, and emotive, based on 26 thematic elements.

This figure presents the statistical compositions of the narratives identified in ISIS English-language videos, detailing the specific prevalence of each associated theme.

Figure 2 shows the ‘enemy’ narrative, comprising 40.83% of the content, focuses mainly on portraying ISIS at war (9.02%), captives confessing ‘sins’ (7.26%), and depicting the West as aggressive and oppressive (6.09%). It also highlights Western failures (4.22%) and alliances against ISIS (2.69%), with lesser emphasis on terror attacks (1.52%) and domestic vice and punishment (1.17%).

This figure illustrates the statistical thematic distribution of the enemy narrative within ISIS English-language videos, showing the relative frequency of each theme.

Figure 3 indicates the ‘religious’ narrative forms a substantial portion, led by themes of Sharia law enforcement (9.31%). Other key themes include incitement for jihad (6.39%), Islamic references (6.27%), and calls for emigration (4.16%). Lesser themes include allegiance to the leader (1.29%) and apocalypse (1.05%).

This figure shows the statistical thematic distribution of the religious narrative in ISIS English-language videos, highlighting the prevalence of each associated theme.

Figure 4 signifies the ‘emotive’ narrative, at 21.15%, highlights ‘happiness’ living within ISIS territory (5.74%) and victories at battlefield (4.98%). It also covers martyrdom and Muslim suffering (3.81%; 2.46%; 2.05%), with infrequent mentions of restoring honour of Islam (1.23%) or feelings of humiliation (0.88%).

This figure depicts the statistical thematic distribution of the emotive narrative in ISIS English-language videos, indicating the frequency of different themes.

Prevalent themes in ISIS propaganda: a detailed thematic breakdown

In the detailed analysis of ISIS English-language videos, ‘sharia and governance’ was the most prevalent theme, accounting for 9.31% of the content. This was followed by ‘combat’ (9.02%), ‘captives and confession’ (7.26%), ‘jihad’ (6.39%), ‘support from Quran and Sunnah’ (6.27%), and ‘Western malevolence’ (6.09%). Other notable themes included ‘happiness and wellbeing’ (5.74%), ‘strength and victory’ (4.98%), and ‘execution’ (4.45%).

Figure 5 in the study ranks these 26 themes based on their segment duration in the video corpus. Themes with a significance level of 0.06 or higher, such as ‘sharia and governance’, ‘combat’, and ‘captives and confession’, are highlighted, indicating their central role in ISIS propaganda.

This figure ranks the prevalence of 26 individual themes according to the total duration of segments in 79 ISIS English-language videos, presenting the relative importance of each theme.

Temporal shifts in ISIS narrative focus: analysing the stability of thematic content

The temporal analysis of ISIS English-language videos from 2014 to 2017 reveals fluctuating narrative themes, with six—‘vice and punishment’, ‘terror attack’, ‘apocalypse and prophecy’, ‘support from scholars’, ‘combat’, and ‘obedience to God’—showing significant variability. For example, ‘Terror attack’ was minimal until mid-2015, then became frequent, peaking in January 2016 and coinciding with portrayals of the November 2015 Paris attacks in ISIS videos.

However, as represented by Fig. 6 , themes like ‘jihad’, ‘West colluding with enemies’, ‘happiness and wellbeing’, ‘captives and confession’, ‘support from Quran and Sunnah’, and ‘sharia and governance’ remained stable and recurrent, reflecting ISIS’s core ideological appeals.

This figure displays the skewness in the distribution of the 26 themes in ISIS English-language videos. From left to right, the figure ranks the themes based on their instability, from the highest to the lowest.

Binary worldviews and theological legitimacy in ISIS propaganda

The prevalence of enemy narratives in ISIS propaganda creates a stark ‘us versus them’ dichotomy. Gerges ( 2009 , 2016 ) and Mahood and Rane ( 2016 ) discuss how ISIS portrays itself as the ‘good’—upholders of Sharia and the true path of jihad—while anyone opposing them is depicted as the ‘evil’ doomed to fail due to their disbelief. The narrative is given legitimacy by anchoring it in the historical and contemporary experiences of Muslims. Such binary opposition is a classic psychological warfare technique, fostering a collective identity among ISIS followers and justifying the group’s violent actions (Cantey, 2017 ; Gråtrud, 2016 ).

ISIS ideologues use theological language to assert that the group is on a divine mission, with violent jihad being the sole path to rectify the world (Mahood and Rane, 2016 ). They claim to be guided by a ‘prophetic methodology,’ deriving their understanding from the Quran and Sunnah, and present their jihadists as ‘lions of the caliphate’ and ‘warriors in upholding the rules of God’ (Gerges, 2016 ; Mahood and Rane, 2016 ). This religious narrative is fundamental in legitimising ISIS’s actions and in recruiting followers by weaving theological justifications into its narrative framework.

The strategic use of emotive content in ISIS propaganda is discussed as being less prevalent compared to the enemy and religious narratives. This strategic choice could indicate a focus on ideological and combative aspects, particularly in content aimed at Western audiences (Colas, 2016b ; Spier, 2018 ). However, when emotive content is utilised, it is designed to resonate with feelings of injustice and discrimination, appealing to a sense of identity and grievance (Mahood and Rane, 2016 ; Olidort and McCants, 2015 ).

The discussion further situates ISIS’s propaganda strategy within the broader debate on the role of Islam in its ideology, referencing Graeme Wood’s influential essay (Wood, 2015 ) that contends ISIS is intrinsically Islamic, sparking a debate on the relationship between Islamism and terrorism (Cottee, 2017a ). This debate pits those who view ISIS as representing true Islam (Ali et al. 2020 ) against those who vehemently disagree (Coles, 2015 ; Hasan and Mehdi, 2015 ; Tharoor, 2016 ). This ongoing argument examines whether the violence enacted in the name of religion is inherently religious or if it is politically motivated and sometimes can be secular in character.

Wood’s essay challenges the notion that ISIS’s violence is purely psychopathic, suggesting instead that it is rooted in early medieval Islamic ideology (Remnick, 2014 ). Meanwhile, critics like Coles ( 2015 ) argue that ISIS’s interpretation of Islam is a deviation, and others like Coolsaet ( 2016 ) and Roy ( 2016 ) attribute the violence to political rather than religious motivations.

The empirical evidence from this study, which shows a significant emphasis on religious narrative in ISIS’s English-language videos, adds a critical dimension to this debate. The frequent recurrence of themes such as sharia law and violent jihad in official media suggests that ISIS’s theological underpinnings are significant and that the group’s ideological foundations are vital to understanding its allure and the motivations of its adherents (Makdisi and John, 1985 ; Mutahhari, 2014 ).

The integration of empirical findings with the broader discourse on ISIS’s propaganda strategies provides a more comprehensive understanding of how the group uses enemy and religious narratives to construct a worldview that legitimises its actions, while also participating in a broader debate about the role of religion in political violence. This complex narrative strategy serves multiple functions within the group’s ideological battle, solidifying its identity, justifying its violent actions, and recruiting followers.

Strategic emphasis and media diversity in ISIS’s propaganda narrative

The findings in ISIS’s English-language videos, as identified in the study, affirm the thematic elements highlighted in other research on ISIS’s propaganda (Gråtrud and Henrik, 2016 ; Kuznar, 2017 ). Emotive language, moderately employed in ISIS’s videos, is a common thread throughout jihadist propaganda, which is also prevalent among groups like the Taliban, Al-Qaeda, and its affiliates AQIM and AQAP. However, ISIS’s unique emphasis on certain themes distinguishes its propaganda from others (Abrahms et al. 2017 ; Gendron and Angela, 2016 ; Salem et al. 2008 ).

The study supports Kuznar’s observation that the thematic elements of ISIS propaganda are present in other jihadi propaganda but emphasises that ISIS has a distinctive approach to these themes. While the general message across ISIS’s various media formats—magazines, leaders’ speeches, public statements, and Nasheeds —remains coherent, the intensity with which certain themes are highlighted varies. ISIS’s English-language videos, in particular, consistently emphasise religious and enemy narratives in line with ‘Dabiq,’ the group’s official English-language magazine, while emotive narratives are less pronounced (Colas, 2016a ).

In contrast, the leaders’ speeches seem to focus more on emotion-provoking themes, suggesting a strategic use of emotional appeal to strengthen the group’s core narratives, with religious and enemy narratives taking a secondary role (Spier, 2018 ). Gråtrud’s analysis suggests that the effectiveness of ISIS’s media, such as Nasheeds , could be attributed to its emphasis on a select number of broadly appealing themes. This targeted approach likely extends beyond Nasheeds to other media productions, indicating a nuanced strategy to engage with various target audiences effectively.

When we consider these findings alongside the comparative analysis of other extremist groups, it becomes evident that ISIS has carved out a unique space in jihadist media strategy. While the shared use of recruitment, indoctrination, enemy construction, religious justification, and calls to action are common jihadist media narratives, ISIS’s distinct approach lies in its media production quality, modern communication tool utilisation, apocalyptic messaging, and tailored language use.

The thematic emphasis and diversity in ISIS’s media productions, juxtaposed with the broader landscape of jihadist propaganda, underscore the group’s sophisticated media strategy. ISIS’s ability to maintain thematic consistency across different media forms while varying the intensity of certain themes reveals an intention to optimise the impact of its messaging. This adaptability and tailored emphasis not only differentiate ISIS’s propaganda from other groups but also potentially enhance its effectiveness in recruitment and ideological dissemination.

By understanding these nuances, counter-terrorism efforts can be better tailored to address the specific strategies employed by ISIS and other extremist groups, acknowledging the shared tactics while targeting the unique aspects of each group’s propaganda approach.

Adaptive themes and consistent ideology in ISIS propaganda

The research of Pelletier et al. ( 2016 ) aligns with the findings from this study, suggesting that jihadist groups like AQAP and ISIS exhibit major thematic shifts in response to real-world events while maintaining a consistent overarching thematic structure. In the case of ISIS, the primary and most fundamental themes—those at the core of ISIS’s ideology—tend to remain stable over time. Conversely, the less recurrent themes display more dynamism, often aligning with specific geopolitical or operational developments that ISIS encounters.

For example, the theme of ‘Terror Attack’ in ISIS videos became more prominent following high-profile attacks that ISIS claimed responsibility for, such as the Paris attacks in November 2015. Foster ( 2014 ) notes the depiction of the perpetrators as heroes in ISIS’s narrative, which marked a peak in the terror attack theme’s prominence. The ‘Apocalypse and Prophecy’ theme’s activity aligns with the group’s control over the town of Dabiq, believed to be a prophesied battlefield, and its eventual loss of the town in 2016 (Withnall, 2016 ). These shifts illustrate how ISIS’s media strategy is interwoven with its operational successes and setbacks, using thematic content to reflect and amplify its real-world narrative.

Despite the responsiveness to events, the more recurrent themes, particularly those propagating violent jihad and Islamic law—pillars of the ISIS ideology—remained consistent. These themes are critical for maintaining a steady ideological message for recruitment, indoctrination, and asserting the group’s identity.

However, the theme of ‘Combat’ presents an interesting case. Although it is one of the most recurrent themes, it exhibited significant instability. The two major peaks in this theme’s prominence not only reflect specific events but also disproportionately affect the theme’s overall statistical stability. This instability may serve a strategic purpose, as Zelin ( 2015 ) indicates, potentially highlighting the asymmetric nature of ISIS media operations. The aim could be to project an image of ongoing struggle and resilience despite real-world setbacks, thereby maintaining morale and commitment among its followers.

The skewness in the distribution of themes across ISIS’s videos supports the notion of an asymmetric media strategy. This asymmetry is not arbitrary but appears to be a calculated response to real-world events. Themes that exhibit significant shifts correspond to specific incidents, underscoring ISIS’s intent to manipulate media narratives in line with operational objectives and challenges.

Counter-terrorism strategies implications

Counter-narrative campaigns are crucial in combating the binary enemy narratives that ISIS propagates. ISIS frames the world in terms of black and white, good and evil, believers and non-believers. To counter this, it’s important to develop narratives that showcase the complexity and diversity of Muslim identities and the peaceful, pluralistic nature of Islamic teachings. Educational initiatives can play a pivotal role in this area, as they can foster a more nuanced understanding of Islam that goes beyond the simplistic and extremist interpretations offered by ISIS (Gerges, 2016 ; Mahood and Rane, 2016 ).

By highlighting the rich tapestry of Islamic scholarship and the diversity of interpretations that have coexisted within Islamic history, these campaigns can undermine the theological foundations upon which ISIS builds its legitimacy. It is also essential to promote voices within the Muslim community that speak to the religion’s core messages of peace and compassion, drawing on both historical and contemporary sources of Islamic thought (Makdisi and John 1985 ).

ISIS has demonstrated an ability to adapt its messages in response to changing circumstances, be they losses on the battlefield or shifts in geopolitical alliances. A successful counter-terrorism approach must be equally flexible, employing real-time intelligence to detect and respond to changes in ISIS’s narrative strategies (Pelletier et al. 2016 ). Developing predictive models based on this intelligence can help anticipate the group’s future shifts in narrative and allow counter-terrorism efforts to stay one step ahead.

At its core, radicalisation often stems from socio-political factors such as alienation, discrimination, and injustice—elements that ISIS exploits to recruit and radicalise individuals. Counter-terrorism efforts must, therefore, also focus on the root causes of radicalisation. This involves creating inclusive policies that address unemployment, provide educational opportunities, and promote social cohesion within marginalised communities (Coolsaet, 2016 ; Roy, 2016 ). Programs that target these areas can reduce the susceptibility of individuals to extremist ideologies by improving their socioeconomic conditions and fostering a sense of belonging within their societies.

In summary, ISIS has created a complex global propaganda apparatus comprising comprehensive narrative themes that span adversarial, theological, and emotional artefacts. The primary conclusion is fourfold: first, within the scope of ISIS propaganda, the extent to which ISIS emphasises certain themes is distinctive from that of other media releases; second, the two most important narratives for ISIS propagandists are the enemy and religious narratives, which reflect a binary worldview of ISIS ideology. ISIS represents the ‘good’ whereas those who oppose ISIS are its enemies and the ‘evil’; third, the ratio of the religious narrative in ISIS English-language videos elucidates one of the hottest debates regarding ISIS’s Islamic nature by supporting and reinforcing the arguments that the religious artefacts of ISIS are important and cannot be neglected if the narrative and underlying ideologies are to be understood (Pelletier et al. 2016 ; Wood, 2015 ); finally, the most fundamental themes promoted by ISIS remain consistent over time whereas the least recurrent themes are more dynamic and might shift significantly in response to a series of real-world events that ISIS faces on the ground.

However, this study is merely the first step. There have been some limitations and many other research trajectories of which future studies might be aware. Most apparently, due to the resource restraints and unstable circumstances in the region, it has been difficult to claim the complete collection of ISIS-produced videos has been archived in this field. Second, this study does not account for the audience perception of ISIS videos – it demands a separate study, although some research in this domain is already underway, and such work is beneficial for our understanding of ISIS propaganda (Cottee, 2017b ). Third, the effectiveness of ISIS narratives might not only depend on what the narrative contains but also on the style in which the content is vividly presented (O’Keefe, 1997 ). Further studies could provide another perspective by, for instance, examining cinematography or semiotics. Finally, the use of content analysis might restrain our understanding of the sophistication of ISIS rhetoric and reasoning devices; further research could offer an interpretation of ISIS English videos beyond locution and thematic analysis of extremists’ messages. For example, ISIS’s use of language as a means to achieve objectives through words and deeds.

Nevertheless, contributing significantly to the discourse on jihadist media strategy, this study undertakes a detailed examination of narrative motifs found in the official English-language videos of ISIS. It renders an original, comprehensive content analysis of ISIS’s propaganda, and facilitates a highly inclusive range of thematic elements that are also applicable to other extremists’ visual texts. Dissecting these videos’ narrative constructs enables a deeper counterpoint to the narratives that have found traction in jihadist online propaganda. By doing so, insights into the group’s strategic narrative constructions and worldviews are gleaned. These insights are crucial for demystifying ISIS: discerning its self-image, presentation style, and desired perception among international audiences. Moreover, this research augments existing studies on ISIS’s global media reach by providing an exhaustive analysis of its official English-language videos and adopts a dynamic perspective on the group’s media offerings, tracking how ISIS tailored its propagandist responses to various global events during the important period. The methodological rigour applied herein lays the groundwork for future explorations into the propaganda of other terrorist organisations. Exposure to jihadist propaganda might not be a sole radicalising force; rather, it is the confluence of ideological currents within broader social, political, and cultural frameworks that is critical (Winter, 2015). ISIS’s media arsenal, encompassing literature, videos, social platforms, and discussion forums, is curated to mirror these undercurrents. The analytical method developed through this study’s examination of ISIS’s videos paves the way for scrutinising a broader array of extremist communications.

Data availability

The dataset generated during and/or analysed during the current study is submitted as a supplementary file and can also be obtained from the corresponding author upon reasonable request.

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Chapter 12 Interpretive Research

The last chapter introduced interpretive research, or more specifically, interpretive case research. This chapter will explore other kinds of interpretive research. Recall that positivist or deductive methods, such as laboratory experiments and survey research, are those that are specifically intended for theory (or hypotheses) testing, while interpretive or inductive methods, such as action research and ethnography, are intended for theory building. Unlike a positivist method, where the researcher starts with a theory and tests theoretical postulates using empirical data, in interpretive methods, the researcher starts with data and tries to derive a theory about the phenomenon of interest from the observed data.

The term “interpretive research” is often used loosely and synonymously with “qualitative research”, although the two concepts are quite different. Interpretive research is a research paradigm (see Chapter 3) that is based on the assumption that social reality is not singular or objective, but is rather shaped by human experiences and social contexts (ontology), and is therefore best studied within its socio-historic context by reconciling the subjective interpretations of its various participants (epistemology). Because interpretive researchers view social reality as being embedded within and impossible to abstract from their social settings, they “interpret” the reality though a “sense-making” process rather than a hypothesis testing process. This is in contrast to the positivist or functionalist paradigm that assumes that the reality is relatively independent of the context, can be abstracted from their contexts, and studied in a decomposable functional manner using objective techniques such as standardized measures. Whether a researcher should pursue interpretive or positivist research depends on paradigmatic considerations about the nature of the phenomenon under consideration and the best way to study it.

However, qualitative versus quantitative research refers to empirical or data -oriented considerations about the type of data to collect and how to analyze them. Qualitative research relies mostly on non-numeric data, such as interviews and observations, in contrast to quantitative research which employs numeric data such as scores and metrics. Hence, qualitative research is not amenable to statistical procedures such as regression analysis, but is coded using techniques like content analysis. Sometimes, coded qualitative data is tabulated quantitatively as frequencies of codes, but this data is not statistically analyzed. Many puritan interpretive researchers reject this coding approach as a futile effort to seek consensus or objectivity in a social phenomenon which is essentially subjective.

Although interpretive research tends to rely heavily on qualitative data, quantitative data may add more precision and clearer understanding of the phenomenon of interest than qualitative data. For example, Eisenhardt (1989), in her interpretive study of decision making n high-velocity firms (discussed in the previous chapter on case research), collected numeric data on how long it took each firm to make certain strategic decisions (which ranged from 1.5 months to 18 months), how many decision alternatives were considered for each decision, and surveyed her respondents to capture their perceptions of organizational conflict. Such numeric data helped her clearly distinguish the high-speed decision making firms from the low-speed decision makers, without relying on respondents’ subjective perceptions, which then allowed her to examine the number of decision alternatives considered by and the extent of conflict in high-speed versus low-speed firms. Interpretive research should attempt to collect both qualitative and quantitative data pertaining to their phenomenon of interest, and so should positivist research as well. Joint use of qualitative and quantitative data, often called “mixed-mode designs”, may lead to unique insights and are highly prized in the scientific community.

Interpretive research has its roots in anthropology, sociology, psychology, linguistics, and semiotics, and has been available since the early 19 th century, long before positivist techniques were developed. Many positivist researchers view interpretive research as erroneous and biased, given the subjective nature of the qualitative data collection and interpretation process employed in such research. However, the failure of many positivist techniques to generate interesting insights or new knowledge have resulted in a resurgence of interest in interpretive research since the 1970’s, albeit with exacting methods and stringent criteria to ensure the reliability and validity of interpretive inferences.

Distinctions from Positivist Research

In addition to fundamental paradigmatic differences in ontological and epistemological assumptions discussed above, interpretive and positivist research differ in several other ways. First, interpretive research employs a theoretical sampling strategy, where study sites, respondents, or cases are selected based on theoretical considerations such as whether they fit the phenomenon being studied (e.g., sustainable practices can only be studied in organizations that have implemented sustainable practices), whether they possess certain characteristics that make them uniquely suited for the study (e.g., a study of the drivers of firm innovations should include some firms that are high innovators and some that are low innovators, in order to draw contrast between these firms), and so forth. In contrast, positivist research employs random sampling (or a variation of this technique), where cases are chosen randomly from a population, for purposes of generalizability. Hence, convenience samples and small samples are considered acceptable in interpretive research as long as they fit the nature and purpose of the study, but not in positivist research.

Second, the role of the researcher receives critical attention in interpretive research. In some methods such as ethnography, action research, and participant observation, the researcher is considered part of the social phenomenon, and her specific role and involvement in the research process must be made clear during data analysis. In other methods, such as case research, the researcher must take a “neutral” or unbiased stance during the data collection and analysis processes, and ensure that her personal biases or preconceptions does not taint the nature of subjective inferences derived from interpretive research. In positivist research, however, the researcher is considered to be external to and independent of the research context and is not presumed to bias the data collection and analytic procedures.

Third, interpretive analysis is holistic and contextual, rather than being reductionist and isolationist. Interpretive interpretations tend to focus on language, signs, and meanings from the perspective of the participants involved in the social phenomenon, in contrast to statistical techniques that are employed heavily in positivist research. Rigor in interpretive research is viewed in terms of systematic and transparent approaches for data collection and analysis rather than statistical benchmarks for construct validity or significance testing.

Lastly, data collection and analysis can proceed simultaneously and iteratively in interpretive research. For instance, the researcher may conduct an interview and code it before proceeding to the next interview. Simultaneous analysis helps the researcher correct potential flaws in the interview protocol or adjust it to capture the phenomenon of interest better. The researcher may even change her original research question if she realizes that her original research questions are unlikely to generate new or useful insights. This is a valuable but often understated benefit of interpretive research, and is not available in positivist research, where the research project cannot be modified or changed once the data collection has started without redoing the entire project from the start.

Benefits and Challenges of Interpretive Research

Interpretive research has several unique advantages. First, they are well-suited for exploring hidden reasons behind complex, interrelated, or multifaceted social processes, such as inter-firm relationships or inter-office politics, where quantitative evidence may be biased, inaccurate, or otherwise difficult to obtain. Second, they are often helpful for theory construction in areas with no or insufficient a priori theory. Third, they are also appropriate for studying context-specific, unique, or idiosyncratic events or processes. Fourth, interpretive research can also help uncover interesting and relevant research questions and issues for follow-up research.

At the same time, interpretive research also has its own set of challenges. First, this type of research tends to be more time and resource intensive than positivist research in data collection and analytic efforts. Too little data can lead to false or premature assumptions, while too much data may not be effectively processed by the researcher. Second, interpretive research requires well-trained researchers who are capable of seeing and interpreting complex social phenomenon from the perspectives of the embedded participants and reconciling the diverse perspectives of these participants, without injecting their personal biases or preconceptions into their inferences. Third, all participants or data sources may not be equally credible, unbiased, or knowledgeable about the phenomenon of interest, or may have undisclosed political agendas, which may lead to misleading or false impressions. Inadequate trust between participants and researcher may hinder full and honest self-representation by participants, and such trust building takes time. It is the job of the interpretive researcher to

“see through the smoke” (hidden or biased agendas) and understand the true nature of the problem. Fourth, given the heavily contextualized nature of inferences drawn from interpretive research, such inferences do not lend themselves well to replicability or generalizability. Finally, interpretive research may sometimes fail to answer the research questions of interest or predict future behaviors.

Characteristics of Interpretive Research

All interpretive research must adhere to a common set of principles, as described below.

Naturalistic inquiry: Social phenomena must be studied within their natural setting. Because interpretive research assumes that social phenomena are situated within and cannot be isolated from their social context, interpretations of such phenomena must be grounded within their socio-historical context. This implies that contextual variables should be observed and considered in seeking explanations of a phenomenon of interest, even though context sensitivity may limit the generalizability of inferences.

Researcher as instrument: Researchers are often embedded within the social context that they are studying, and are considered part of the data collection instrument in that they must use their observational skills, their trust with the participants, and their ability to extract the correct information. Further, their personal insights, knowledge, and experiences of the social context is critical to accurately interpreting the phenomenon of interest. At the same time, researchers must be fully aware of their personal biases and preconceptions, and not let such biases interfere with their ability to present a fair and accurate portrayal of the phenomenon.

Interpretive analysis: Observations must be interpreted through the eyes of the participants embedded in the social context. Interpretation must occur at two levels. The first level involves viewing or experiencing the phenomenon from the subjective perspectives of the social participants. The second level is to understand the meaning of the participants’ experiences in order to provide a “thick description” or a rich narrative story of the phenomenon of interest that can communicate why participants acted the way they did.

Temporal nature: Interpretive research is often not concerned with searching for specific answers, but with understanding or “making sense of” a dynamic social process as it unfolds over time. Hence, such research requires an immersive involvement of the researcher at the study site for an extended period of time in order to capture the entire evolution of the phenomenon of interest.

Hermeneutic circle: Interpretive interpretation is an iterative process of moving back and forth from pieces of observations (text) to the entirety of the social phenomenon (context) to reconcile their apparent discord and to construct a theory that is consistent with the diverse subjective viewpoints and experiences of the embedded participants. Such iterations between the understanding/meaning of a phenomenon and observations must continue until “theoretical saturation” is reached, whereby any additional iteration does not yield any more insight into the phenomenon of interest.

Interpretive Data Collection

Data is collected in interpretive research using a variety of techniques. The most frequently used technique is interviews (face-to-face, telephone, or focus groups). Interview types and strategies are discussed in detail in a previous chapter on survey research. A second technique is observation . Observational techniques include direct observation , where the researcher is a neutral and passive external observer and is not involved in the phenomenon of interest (as in case research), and participant observation , where the researcher is an active participant in the phenomenon and her inputs or mere presence influence the phenomenon being studied (as in action research). A third technique is documentation , where external and internal documents, such as memos, electronic mails, annual reports, financial statements, newspaper articles, websites, may be used to cast further insight into the phenomenon of interest or to corroborate other forms of evidence.

Interpretive Research Designs

Case research . As discussed in the previous chapter, case research is an intensive longitudinal study of a phenomenon at one or more research sites for the purpose of deriving detailed, contextualized inferences and understanding the dynamic process underlying a phenomenon of interest. Case research is a unique research design in that it can be used in an interpretive manner to build theories or in a positivist manner to test theories. The previous chapter on case research discusses both techniques in depth and provides illustrative exemplars. Furthermore, the case researcher is a neutral observer (direct observation) in the social setting rather than an active participant (participant observation). As with any other interpretive approach, drawing meaningful inferences from case research depends heavily on the observational skills and integrative abilities of the researcher.

Action research . Action research is a qualitative but positivist research design aimed at theory testing rather than theory building (discussed in this chapter due to lack of a proper space). This is an interactive design that assumes that complex social phenomena are best understood by introducing changes, interventions, or “actions” into those phenomena and observing the outcomes of such actions on the phenomena of interest. In this method, the researcher is usually a consultant or an organizational member embedded into a social context (such as an organization), who initiates an action in response to a social problem, and examines how her action influences the phenomenon while also learning and generating insights about the relationship between the action and the phenomenon. Examples of actions may include organizational change programs, such as the introduction of new organizational processes, procedures, people, or technology or replacement of old ones, initiated with the goal of improving an organization’s performance or profitability in its business environment. The researcher’s choice of actions must be based on theory, which should explain why and how such actions may bring forth the desired social change. The theory is validated by the extent to which the chosen action is successful in remedying the targeted problem. Simultaneous problem solving and insight generation is the central feature that distinguishes action research from other research methods (which may not involve problem solving) and from consulting (which may not involve insight generation). Hence, action research is an excellent method for bridging research and practice.

There are several variations of the action research method. The most popular of these method is the participatory action research, designed by Susman and Evered (1978) [13] . This method follows an action research cycle consisting of five phases: (1) diagnosing, (2) action planning, (3) action taking, (4) evaluating, and (5) learning (see Figure 10.1). Diagnosing involves identifying and defining a problem in its social context. Action planning involves identifying and evaluating alternative solutions to the problem, and deciding on a future course of action (based on theoretical rationale). Action taking is the implementation of the planned course of action. The evaluation stage examines the extent to which the initiated action is successful in resolving the original problem, i.e., whether theorized effects are indeed realized in practice. In the learning phase, the experiences and feedback from action evaluation are used to generate insights about the problem and suggest future modifications or improvements to the action. Based on action evaluation and learning, the action may be modified or adjusted to address the problem better, and the action research cycle is repeated with the modified action sequence. It is suggested that the entire action research cycle be traversed at least twice so that learning from the first cycle can be implemented in the second cycle. The primary mode of data collection is participant observation, although other techniques such as interviews and documentary evidence may be used to corroborate the researcher’s observations.

Figure 10.1. Action research cycle.

Ethnography . The ethnographic research method, derived largely from the field of anthropology, emphasizes studying a phenomenon within the context of its culture. The researcher must be deeply immersed in the social culture over an extended period of time (usually 8 months to 2 years) and should engage, observe, and record the daily life of the studied culture and its social participants within their natural setting. The primary mode of data collection is participant observation, and data analysis involves a “sense-making” approach. In addition, the researcher must take extensive field notes, and narrate her experience in descriptive detail so that readers may experience the same culture as the researcher. In this method, the researcher has two roles: rely on her unique knowledge and engagement to generate insights (theory), and convince the scientific community of the trans-situational nature of the studied phenomenon.

The classic example of ethnographic research is Jane Goodall’s study of primate behaviors, where she lived with chimpanzees in their natural habitat at Gombe National Park in Tanzania, observed their behaviors, interacted with them, and shared their lives. During that process, she learnt and chronicled how chimpanzees seek food and shelter, how they socialize with each other, their communication patterns, their mating behaviors, and so forth. A more contemporary example of ethnographic research is Myra Bluebond-Langer’s (1996) [14] study of decision making in families with children suffering from life-threatening illnesses, and the physical, psychological, environmental, ethical, legal, and cultural issues that influence such decision-making. The researcher followed the experiences of approximately 80 children with incurable illnesses and their families for a period of over two years. Data collection involved participant observation and formal/informal conversations with children, their parents and relatives, and health care providers to document their lived experience.

Phenomenology. Phenomenology is a research method that emphasizes the study of conscious experiences as a way of understanding the reality around us. It is based on the ideas of German philosopher Edmund Husserl in the early 20 th century who believed that human experience is the source of all knowledge. Phenomenology is concerned with the systematic reflection and analysis of phenomena associated with conscious experiences, such as human judgment, perceptions, and actions, with the goal of (1) appreciating and describing social reality from the diverse subjective perspectives of the participants involved, and (2) understanding the symbolic meanings (“deep structure”) underlying these subjective experiences. Phenomenological inquiry requires that researchers eliminate any prior assumptions and personal biases, empathize with the participant’s situation, and tune into existential dimensions of that situation, so that they can fully understand the deep structures that drives the conscious thinking, feeling, and behavior of the studied participants.

Figure 10.2. The existential phenomenological research method.

Some researchers view phenomenology as a philosophy rather than as a research method. In response to this criticism, Giorgi and Giorgi (2003) [15] developed an existential phenomenological research method to guide studies in this area. This method, illustrated in Figure 10.2, can be grouped into data collection and data analysis phases. In the data collection phase, participants embedded in a social phenomenon are interviewed to capture their subjective experiences and perspectives regarding the phenomenon under investigation.

Examples of questions that may be asked include “can you describe a typical day” or “can you describe that particular incident in more detail?” These interviews are recorded and transcribed for further analysis. During data analysis , the researcher reads the transcripts to:

(1) get a sense of the whole, and (2) establish “units of significance” that can faithfully represent participants’ subjective experiences. Examples of such units of significance are concepts such as “felt space” and “felt time,” which are then used to document participants’ psychological experiences. For instance, did participants feel safe, free, trapped, or joyous when experiencing a phenomenon (“felt-space”)? Did they feel that their experience was pressured, slow, or discontinuous (“felt-time”)? Phenomenological analysis should take into account the participants’ temporal landscape (i.e., their sense of past, present, and future), and the researcher must transpose herself in an imaginary sense in the participant’s situati on (i.e., temporarily live the participant’s life). The participants’ lived experience is described in form of a narrative or using emergent themes. The analysis then delves into these themes to identify multiple layers of meaning while retaining the fragility and ambiguity of subjects’ lived experiences.

Rigor in Interpretive Research

While positivist research employs a “reductionist” approach by simplifying social reality into parsimonious theories and laws, interpretive research attempts to interpret social reality through the subjective viewpoints of the embedded participants within the context where the reality is situated. These interpretations are heavily contextualized, and are naturally less generalizable to other contexts. However, because interpretive analysis is subjective and sensitive to the experiences and insight of the embedded researcher, it is often considered less rigorous by many positivist (functionalist) researchers. Because interpretive research is based on different set of ontological and epistemological assumptions about social phenomenon than positivist research, the positivist notions of rigor, such as reliability, internal validity, and generalizability, do not apply in a similar manner. However, Lincoln and Guba (1985) [16] provide an alternative set of criteria that can be used to judge the rigor of interpretive research.

Dependability. Interpretive research can be viewed as dependable or authentic if two researchers assessing the same phenomenon using the same set of evidence independently arrive at the same conclusions or the same researcher observing the same or a similar phenomenon at different times arrives at similar conclusions. This concept is similar to that of reliability in positivist research, with agreement between two independent researchers being similar to the notion of inter-rater reliability, and agreement between two observations of the same phenomenon by the same researcher akin to test -retest reliability. To ensure dependability, interpretive researchers must provide adequate details about their phenomenon of interest and the social context in which it is embedded so as to allow readers to independently authenticate their interpretive inferences.

Credibility. Interpretive research can be considered credible if readers find its inferences to be believable. This concept is akin to that of internal validity in functionalistic research. The credibility of interpretive research can be improved by providing evidence of the researcher’s extended engagement in the field, by demonstrating data triangulation across subjects or data collection techniques, and by maintaining meticulous data management and analytic procedures, such as verbatim transcription of interviews, accurate records of contacts and interviews, and clear notes on theoretical and methodological decisions, that can allow an independent audit of data collection and analysis if needed.

Confirmability. Confirmability refers to the extent to which the findings reported in interpretive research can be independently confirmed by others (typically, participants). This is similar to the notion of objectivity in functionalistic research. Since interpretive research rejects the notion of an objective reality, confirmability is demonstrated in terms of “inter-subjectivity”, i.e., if the study’s participants agree with the inferences derived by the researcher. For instance, if a study’s participants generally agree with the inferences drawn by a researcher about a phenomenon of interest (based on a review of the research paper or report), then the findings can be viewed as confirmable.

Transferability. Transferability in interpretive research refers to the extent to which the findings can be generalized to other settings. This idea is similar to that of external validity in functionalistic research. The researcher must provide rich, detailed descriptions of the research context (“thick description”) and thoroughly describe the structures, assumptions, and processes revealed from the data so that readers can independently assess whether and to what extent are the reported findings transferable to other settings.

[13] Susman, G.I. and Evered, R.D. (1978). “An Assessment of the Scientific Merits of Action Research,”

Administrative Science Quarterly , (23), 582-603.

[14] Bluebond-Langer, M. (1996). In the Shadow of Illness: Parents and Siblings of the Chronically Ill Child . Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

[15] Giorgi, A and Giorgi, B (2003) Phenomenology. In J A Smith (ed.) Qualitative Psychology: A Practical Guide to Research Methods . London: Sage Publications.

[16] Lincoln, Y. S., and Guba, E. G. (1985). Naturalistic Inquiry . Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications.

Social Science Research: Principles, Methods, and Practices. Authored by : Anol Bhattacherjee. Provided by : University of South Florida. Located at : http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/oa_textbooks/3/ . License : CC BY-NC-SA: Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike

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The role of vitamin d in hematopoietic stem cell transplantation: implications for graft-versus-host disease—a narrative review.

1. Introduction

2. materials and methods, 2.1. study design, 2.2. definition of research question, 2.3. literature search and criteria, 2.4. data extraction and synthesis, 3.1. general characteristics of the studies included, 3.2. vitamin d levels and supplementation during different phases of hsct, 3.3. vitamin d levels and gvhd, 4. discussion, limitations and future perspectives, 5. conclusions, author contributions, conflicts of interest.

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Click here to enlarge figure

Author, Year, Country	Type of Study	Sample	Objective	Intervention	Results
Bartlett et al. 2023 USA [ ]	Observational study	20 (Allo-SCT)	Increase vitamin D levels	Cholecalciferol supplementation	Improvement in vitamin D levels; no toxicity observed
Ros-Soto et al. 2022 UK [ ]	Observational study	16 (Allo-SCT)	Vitamin D levels and GvHD	Measurement of VitD and GvHD biomarkers	Association between patients vitamin D levels and GvHD
Jindal et al. 2022 India [ ]	Retrospective Observational study	162 (Allo-SCT)	Vitamin D levels and GvHD	Cholecalciferol supplementation	High incidence of vitamin D deficiency; no association between GvHD and vitamin D levels
Gjærde et al. 2021 Denmark [ ]	Observational study	116 (Allo-SCT)	Vitamin D levels and GvHD	Measurement of VitD levels	No significant association between vitamin D levels and acute GvHD
Dikyar et al. 2020 Turkey [ ]	Retrospective observational study	123 donor; 123 recipents (Allo-SCT)	Vitamin D levels and GvHD	Evaluate the possible impact of donor and recipient VitD levels on HSCT outcome	Association between patients vitamin D levels and GvHD
Mastaglio et al. 2019 Australia [ ]	Retrospective matched cohort study	IG 78 CG 156 (Allo-SCT)	Vitamin D levels and GvHD	Cholecalciferol supplementation	No association between patients vitamin D levels and GvHD
Quillinan & Murray 2019 UK [ ]	Observational study	102 (Allo-SCT)	Vitamin D levels and GvHD	Measurement of VitD levels	Clear link between VitD deficiency and GvHD; 25% of patients developed GvHD; need for VitD supplementation
Von Bahr et al. 2015 Sweden [ ]	Retrospective cohort study	166 (Allo-SCT)	Vitamin D levels and GvHD	Measurement of VitD levels	Low baseline vitamin D levels
Glotzbecker et al. 2013 USA [ ]	Retrospective cohort study	53 (Allo-SCT)	Vitamin D levels and GvHD	Measurement of VitD levels	Low vitamin D levels associated with increased risk of chronic GVHD

Author	Sample (n)	Cholecalciferol Start Indication	Cholecalciferol Dosage (Mean)	Method of Administration	Time of Administration	Vitamin D Levels(ng/mL) [Timing]
Bartlett et al. [ ]	Allo-SCT (n = 20)	≤35 ng/mL	40,000 IU/week	OTF	From day 21–428 post-transplant	t0: 29.2 [+21] t1: 53 [+51] * t2: 58 [+428]
Jindal et al. [ ]	Allo-SCT (n = 162)	≤20 ng/mL	60,000 IU/week	Oral	For 8 weeks followed by maintenance with 800 IU/day	t0: ≤20 [pre-HSCT] (86.9%) t1: N.R t2: 34 [+120]
Mastaglio et al. [ ]	Allo-SCT (n = 78)	N.R	1000 IU/day or 0.25 mg calcitriol/day	Oral	Before HSCT until 1 year post-transplant	N.R
Gjærde et al. [ ]	Allo-SCT (n = 116)	N.R	N.R	N.R	N.R	t0: 25.6
Dikyar et al. [ ]	Donors (n = 123); Allo-SCT (n = 123)	N.R	N.R	N.R	N.R	t0: 16 12.8
Quillinan & Murray [ ]	Allo-SCT (n = 102)	N.R	N.R	N.R	N.R	t0: ≤20 [pre-HSCT] (73.5%)
Von Bahr et al. [ ]	Allo-SCT (n = 166)					t0: 15.6 [pre-HSCT]
Glotzbecker et al. [ ]	Allo-SCT (n = 116)	N.R	N.R	N.R	N.R	t0: 21.9

Author, Year	Sample	aGvHD Results	cGvHD Results
Ros-Soto et al. [ ]	Allo-SCT (n = 16)	Patients with grade 0–II had a higher concentration of 25(OH)D3 compared to those with grade III–IV (41.6 vs. 23.3 nmol/L; p = 0.032)	N.R
Mastaglio et al. [ ]	Allo-SCT (n = 78)	No association between baseline vitamin D levels and GVHD
Gjærde et al. [ ]	Allo-SCT (n = 116)	No association between baseline vitamin D levels or vitamin D insufficiency and acute GvHD	N.R
Dikyar et al. [ ]	Donors (n = 123) Allo-SCT Recipients (n = 123)	N.R	Negative correlation between baseline recipient VitD levels and cGvHD (p = 0.011, r = −0.235)
Quillinan & Murray [ ]	Allo-SCT (n = 102)	Association between GvHD and baseline vitamin D deficiency with approximately 25% of patients developing acute or chronic GvHD
Glotzbecker et al. [ ]	Allo-SCT (n = 116)	aGvHD grades II–IV at 100 days was 53.1% in patients with vitamin D < 25, versus 33.3% in patients with vitamin D ≥ 25 ng/mL (p = 0.13)	Low baseline vitamin D levels are associated with cGVHD (hazard ratio = 5.26, p = 0.02)

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Mancin, S.; Cangelosi, G.; Matteucci, S.; Palomares, S.M.; Parozzi, M.; Sandri, E.; Sguanci, M.; Piredda, M. The Role of Vitamin D in Hematopoietic Stem Cell Transplantation: Implications for Graft-versus-Host Disease—A Narrative Review. Nutrients 2024 , 16 , 2976. https://doi.org/10.3390/nu16172976

Mancin S, Cangelosi G, Matteucci S, Palomares SM, Parozzi M, Sandri E, Sguanci M, Piredda M. The Role of Vitamin D in Hematopoietic Stem Cell Transplantation: Implications for Graft-versus-Host Disease—A Narrative Review. Nutrients . 2024; 16(17):2976. https://doi.org/10.3390/nu16172976

Mancin, Stefano, Giovanni Cangelosi, Sofia Matteucci, Sara Morales Palomares, Mauro Parozzi, Elena Sandri, Marco Sguanci, and Michela Piredda. 2024. "The Role of Vitamin D in Hematopoietic Stem Cell Transplantation: Implications for Graft-versus-Host Disease—A Narrative Review" Nutrients 16, no. 17: 2976. https://doi.org/10.3390/nu16172976

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Abstract. Narrative research aims to unravel consequential stories of people's lives as told by them in their own words and worlds. In the context of the health, social sciences, and education, narrative research is both a data gathering and interpretive or analytical framework. It meets these twin goals admirably by having people make sense ...
Capturing Lived Experience: Methodological Considerations for
Fundamentally for interpretive phenomenological research, ... 1994a, p. 101) The first constructed narrative synthesis provides a paradigm case from which other narrative syntheses can then be examined: "in its own terms and in ... (2002). Participant observation. In Research methods in anthropology: Qualitative and quantitative methods (pp ...
Critical Narrative Inquiry: An Examination of a Methodological Approach
Narrative inquiry is carried out in terms of two paradigm-specific criteria, either an interpretative or a critical paradigmatic position in exploring and understanding the ways people construct meaning of their experiences in social contexts with emphasis on the dialectic stance between the researcher and participants that aims to reach deep insights (Ravenek & Laliberte Rudman, 2013).
PDF Biographic Narrative Interpretive Method
As a qualitative research method, biographic narrative interpretative method (BNIM) explores the stories or narratives from interviewees' lives (Wengraf, 2001). BNIM is considered a reflexive and psychosocial methodology, drawing in part on the German tradition of in-depth hermeneutics and the long-standing, but sometimes marginalized ...
A comparative tale of two methods: how thematic and narrative analyses
However, our broader goal is to use the divergent results to critically examine how our choice of analytic method in interpretive research influences how we (researcher + method) 'author' data stories. Ultimately, researcher reflexivity must go beyond acknowledging how one's position may influence the data analysis or the participant.
Using the interpretive narrative research method in interdisciplinary
The purpose of this article is to describe how faculty from two disciplines, nursing and education, used the interpretive narrative method, a qualitative research method, in a pilot project to examine issues related to the recruitment and retention of Hispanic nurses.
(PDF) Narrative Research
Narrative research aims to unravel consequential stories of people 's lives as. told by them in their own words and worlds. In the context of the health, social. sciences, and education ...
Using the interpretive narrative research method in interdisciplinary
How faculty from two disciplines, nursing and education, used the interpretive narrative method, a qualitative research method, in a pilot project to examine issues related to the recruitment and retention of Hispanic nurses is described. Researchers from different disciplines bring to a project their different perspectives of the research problem. Differences in education, experiences, and ...
Interpretive research
The term 'interpretive research' is often used loosely and synonymously with 'qualitative research', although the two concepts are quite different. Interpretive research is a research paradigm (see Chapter 3) that is based on the assumption that social reality is not singular or objective. Rather, it is shaped by human experiences and ...
PDF Essentials of Descriptive-Interpretive Qualitative Research: A Generic
In this particular book, we present descriptive-interpretive qualitative research by Robert Elliott and Ladislav Timulak. This generic approach is the culmination of many years of method development and research by these authors, who were pioneers in introducing qualitative research to the psycho-therapy field.
Narrative Analysis
Flexibility: Narrative analysis is a flexible research method that can be applied to a wide range of contexts and research questions. Interpretive insights: Narrative analysis provides interpretive insights into the meanings that individuals attach to their experiences and the ways in which they construct their identities.
An introduction to the biographical narrative interpretive method
Aim The purpose of this paper is to introduce the Biographical Narrative Interpretive. Method (BNIM) to nurse researchers in search of a research methodology and. method. The core methodological ...
Using narrative analysis in qualitative research
Deductive method. Deductive narrative analysis means starting with a basic code outline, such as "summary," "beginning," "middle," and "end." Many research professionals have developed their own methods of organizing narrative research, such as the Delve "Story Circle" method. Regardless of your chosen method, using a deductive method can help ...
30 Interpretation Strategies: Appropriate Concepts
Qualitative research is an umbrella term that encompasses a wide array of paradigmatic views, goals, and methods. Still, there are key unifying elements that include a generally constructionist epistemological standpoint, attention to primarily linguistic data, and generally accepted protocols or syntax for conducting research.
Using the Interpretive Narrative Research Method in Interdisciplinary
The purpose of this article is to describe how faculty from two disciplines, nursing and education, used the interpretive narrative method, a qualitative research method, in a pilot project to examine issues related to the recruitment and retention of Hispanic nurses. The researchers chose the interpretive narrative method for the flexibility ...
The Interpretive Interview. An Interview Form Centring on Research
The latter can be clearly differentiated from the interpretive interview style proposed here - and is per se not a bad choice as long as it fits the overall methodology and the ensuing research interests. ... There is more than one way-a study of mixed analytical methods in biographical narrative research. Contemporary Social Science, 14(3 ...
Using the Interpretive Narrative Research Method
This overview explains the interpretive narrative method as a qualitative method and acknowledges the inherent complexity of selecting an appropriate research technique, especially when interdisciplinary research is being conducted. Research methods vary by discipline, depending on the purpose of the research project. Quantitative research ...
Best practice assessment methods for the undergraduate psychology
The outcomes, as detailed by the APA (Citation 2008), are as follows: 1) knowledge base of psychology, 2) research methods in psychology, 3) critical thinking skills in psychology, 4) application of psychology, 5) values in psychology, 6) information and technological literacy, 7) communication skills, 8) sociocultural and international ...
The Un(daunting) Grounded Theory and Narrative Research
In the past decade, the acceptance of qualitative research among the management research community has risen significantly. Methodologies such as grounded theory (GT), phenomenology, narrative, discourse analysis, ethnography and case study research have become popular among management scholars.
Benefits, barriers and recommendations for youth engagement in health
Patient engagement in health research is essential to improving the relevance, processes, and impact of their findings [1,2,3].Defined as the collaboration between researchers and those with lived experience in planning and conducting research, interpreting findings, and informing knowledge translation activities [], patient engagement in research has been shown to produce and disseminate ...
Propaganda in focus: decoding the media strategy of ISIS
This research concludes that at a global scale, the propaganda apparatus of ISIS has orchestrated an intricate narrative, incorporating adversarial, theological, and emotional elements, thereby ...
Chapter 12 Interpretive Research
Chapter 12 Interpretive Research. The last chapter introduced interpretive research, or more specifically, interpretive case research. This chapter will explore other kinds of interpretive research. Recall that positivist or deductive methods, such as laboratory experiments and survey research, are those that are specifically intended for ...
Advocating the Use of Informal Conversations as a Qualitative Method at
Data collection at live events has used a wide variety of methods from a range of disciplines in contemporary research, but this was predominantly via quantitative or secondary research approaches (see Draper et al., 2018; Getz, 2010; Park & Park, 2017). Mair (2012) highlighted that qualitative methodologies were significantly underrepresented in high impact journals, and the event research ...
The Role of Vitamin D in Hematopoietic Stem Cell Transplantation ...
Introduction/Aim: Vitamin D plays a crucial role in immune modulation, which may influence the development of graft-versus-host disease (GvHD) in patients undergoing hematopoietic stem cell transplantation (HSCT). This study aims to evaluate the impact of vitamin D levels and supplementation on the incidence of GvHD in HSCT patients. Methods: A narrative review was conducted across PubMed ...

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Administrators' professional development in a higher education organisation

12 Interpretive research

Distinctions from positivist research

Benefits and challenges of interpretive research

Characteristics of interpretive research

Interpretive data collection

Interpretive research designs

Rigor in interpretive research

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Inductive method

Taking cues from entrance and exit talk

Deductive method

Hybrid inductive and deductive narrative analysis

Step 1 – Code narrative blocks

Step 2 – Group and read by live-event

Step 3 – Create a nested story structure

Step 4 – Delve into the story structure

Step 5 – Compare across story structure

Step 6 – Tell the core narrative

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Using the Interpretive Narrative Research Method in Interdisciplinary Research Projects

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Benefits, barriers and recommendations for youth engagement in health research: combining evidence-based and youth perspectives

Conclusions

Plain English summary

Introduction

Phase 1: Narrative Review

Inclusion and Exclusion Criteria

Search Strategy and Synthesis

Phase 2: Collaboration with Youth Advisory Council

Recruitment of Youth Advisory Council Members

Scheduling and Meetings

Independent Working Groups

Compensation

Aim 1: Key Types of Youth Engagement

Aim 2: Frameworks for Youth Engagement

Aim 3: Barriers to Engaging Youth in Research

Individual-Level Barriers: Youth-Specific

Individual-Level Barriers: Adult Researcher-Specific

Organizational-Level Barriers

System-Level Barriers

Aim 4: Facilitators and Recommendations for Youth Engagement

Engaging Youth from Structurally Marginalized Populations

Evaluation of Youth Engagement

Capacity Development

Aim 5: Youth Advisor Reflections on the Impact of Youth Engagement

Conclusions, Limitations & Future Directions

Limitations

Future Directions

Availability of data and materials

Abbreviations

Acknowledgements

Author information