In terms of participants’ mental health and well-being ( Table 4 ), the mean Patient Health Questionnaire-9 score in the United Kingdom was 9.7 (SD 7.3) compared with 5 (SD 1.4) in Spain.
Measures | United Kingdom (n=13), mean (SD) | Spain (n=2), mean (SD) | Germany (n=5), mean (SD) |
WEMWBS | 44.2 (7.8) | 51.5 (3.5) | — |
PHQ-9 | 9.7 (7.3) | 5 (1.4) | — |
GAD-7 | 6.5 (4.4) | 8.5 (2.1) | — |
a WEBWBS: Warwick-Edinburgh Mental Well-Being Scale.
b Not available.
c PHQ-9: Patient Health Questionnaire-9.
d GAD-7: Generalized Anxiety Disorder Assessment.
A key finding was that despite best efforts and financial incentives, recruiting underserved young male participants, especially in Spain and Germany, was challenging. This might suggest that these young people may not deem such an emotional competence app as relevant or useful to them, making recruitment and engagement problematic. We also assessed if the app was deemed acceptable (ie, useful, agreeable, palatable, or satisfactory) and appropriate (ie, relevant, suitable, or compatible). Overall, the app was viewed by participants in the United Kingdom, Spain, and Germany as being appropriate and relevant for young people of different ages and walks of life, as they thought that all young people had a smartphone and were adept at using technology:
So, I was able to learn about my feelings, I was able to evaluate how I actually felt today, concerning my feelings, if I was angry or I was sad. I was actually able to write them down in detail. [Participant in Germany]
Several participants commented that the content of the app was best suited to university and school students. Another common view was that the app was better suited to those struggling with their mental health and that it was less relevant for those for whom things were going well. Many participants perceived the app to be aimed at improving mental health problems, as opposed to being a universal intervention intended to improve well-being, which represented a barrier to engagement. Of those who reported that the app was not relevant to them, they did see it as being of potential use to friends and family members who were stressed, anxious, or going through a difficult time:
There will be folks who maybe aren’t going through a good time in their lives, and they will need the app to feel... to understand themselves, mostly. And I think it’s relevant at any age, because I am lucky that I don’t think I need it as much as someone else who feels like that. [Participant in Spain]
Partly it was important, partly it was not. I’ll give an example again, for example if a refugee came to Germany from a war zone, it’s going to be difficult, very difficult to find a topic that would fit him, for the future I mean, so the version now is already okay if you want all persons to use this app. Partly it’s already relevant and partly it’s not. If someone has mental problems or bad experiences, you cannot find such a topic in the app. [Participant in Germany]
Although some participants reported using the app regularly during the 4-week study period, a consistent finding was that participants tended to use the app most when they first downloaded it, with a marked reduction in use over time:
Uh, I probably used it about three times in the first week. And then not really that much at all I’m afraid. [Participant in the United Kingdom]
I don’t know, I just dropped off using a little bit after a couple of weeks, but I’ve been trying to keep on top of doing that like the daily rating things and everything.... I kind of lost my motivation to use it. [Participant in the United Kingdom]
We identified several barriers that hindered participants’ engagement and use of the app. These included the following: (1) repetitive and time-consuming app contents, (2) a paucity of new content and personalized or interactive tools (eg, matching mood to tools), (3) unclear instructions, (4) a lack of rationale for the app, (5) perceiving the app as not being relevant, (6) a lack of motivation, and (7) privacy concerns:
Yes, for example, I would not like to write in this diary, because I do not know if it would be one hundred percent anonymous and if others might read it. And maybe I have more privacy if I do not write it. [Participant in Germany]
I think by now I would slowly stop using the app. It was nice up to this point, but I think for me I might need a step further now. To really deal with my personal problems and I don’t know how much an app like this can help and that rather an expert and therapy is needed. [Participant in Germany]
For the asylum seekers and refugees in Germany, the language and content of the app was not suited to their needs. The participants would have preferred the app in their native language as some had to use translation programs to help access the content. Furthermore, specific topics of relevance to refugees were missing, such as dealing with asylum uncertainty, whereabouts of family members, and their living situation.
Finally, underserved young people, including asylum seekers and refugees, migrants, and those NEET, are more likely to experience financial deprivations and therefore less likely to pay directly for apps, especially for those that do not address their primary difficulties:
If it came to the point that I had to pay for it, I would look for free options. [Participant in Germany]
The use of mobile apps in mental health care continues to attract interest and investment; however, research geared toward understanding the needs of marginalized and underserved populations is still nascent. This study, focusing on the implementation of mental health apps in underserved young people, highlighted that little research exists to support the widespread adoption of these apps as a mental health intervention for marginalized and underserved groups. Findings from both our systematic review and qualitative study were largely consistent: markers of acceptability and usability were positive; however, engagement for underserved young people was low, which is notable given the widespread ownership of smartphones [ 55 , 56 ]. To date, research has focused primarily on efficacy studies rather than effectiveness and implementation in “real-world” settings and may have overestimated users’ “natural tendency” to adopt smartphone apps for their mental health and well-being [ 57 ]. Our findings suggest that despite the rapid proliferation of mobile mental health technology, the uptake and engagement of mental health apps among marginalized young people are low and remain a key implementation challenge.
Our data suggest that establishing and maintaining user commitment and engagement in the content of the intervention as intended is a pervasive challenge across mental health apps and marginalized populations, and premature dropout was prominent in nearly all the included studies. This is consistent with the literature that suggests that the majority of those offered these app-based interventions do not engage at the recommended frequency or complete the full course of treatment [ 58 , 59 ]. In this study, various app components were associated with engagement level, with the most engaging interventions providing young people with some form of associated real-human interaction and those having a more interactive interface. This aligned with other findings that the feedback of personalized information to participants is an especially important aspect of creating engaging and impactful digital tools [ 60 ]. Young people tend to quickly disengage if there are technical difficulties or if the app does not specifically target their perceived needs [ 41 , 50 , 51 ]. Furthermore, recruitment of marginalized groups to app-based studies is difficult. For instance, in this study, the use of advertisements, financial incentives, vouchers, and prize draw incentives seemed to be insufficient to recruit a significant number of participants in Spain and Germany.
Measuring engagement is a challenge that has likely contributed to our lack of knowledge on app components that effectively increase user engagement. Reporting engagement with mental health apps in intervention trials is highly variable, and a number of basic metrics of intervention engagement, such as rate of intervention uptake, weekly use patterns, and number of intervention completers, are available, yet not routinely reported [ 58 , 59 ]. The results of this study highlight the importance of objective engagement measures and that relying on positive subjective self-reports of usability, satisfaction, acceptability, and feasibility is insufficient to determine actual engagement. Furthermore, the findings suggest that apps involving human interactions with a professional (eg, therapist or counselor) or that are completed in a supervised setting tend to be more acceptable and effective and have higher engagement rates [ 47 , 48 ]. Our research suggests that similar to traditional face-to-face mental health services, app-based programs still face numerous barriers to reach marginalized youth, especially since the mental health apps available to the public do not seem to consider the unique developmental needs of these groups, participants do not seem to perceive an obvious benefit from using them, and some potential users prefer to interact with a professional face to face. Thus, it is also possible that the digital mental health field might be inadvertently contributing to mental health inequities among this population by not engaging marginalized groups sufficiently at the outset of research to ensure that the designed app meets their needs. However, for the studies included in this study that did engage these groups in the co-design of the apps, there was no notable improvement in engagement. Thus, we hope these findings encourage researchers and clinicians to think more critically of the role that mental health apps can truly have in addressing mental health equities among underserved groups.
As in other areas of mental health research, young people from LMICs were underrepresented in these studies, which typically originated from high-income settings, including the United States, Australia, and Canada. There are relatively few app-based interventions that were designed or adapted for young people in LMICs that have been rigorously evaluated or are even available in local languages [ 47 , 48 ]. Many living in LMIC regions, for example, adults in Asian countries, are often faced with apps that are not culturally relevant or in the right language [ 61 ]. These inequities are surprising given the high rates of smartphone use in Asia, even in rural regions [ 62 ]. Yet, it is still likely that youth in this region faced barriers related to data availability and more limited phone access, which will likely inhibit the broad implementation of apps beyond research studies [ 16 ]. Considerable work is required to ensure the availability of mental health apps that fit a wide range of user needs and preferences. It is important to ensure that the acceptability and feasibility of mental health apps for young people residing in LMICs are prioritized so that they are not further excluded from relevant mental health research.
Finally, a significant challenge is the lack of diversity in mental health app research participation, which limits our understanding of “real-world” efficacy and implementation for underserved and marginalized groups. While undoubtedly invaluable, and indeed deemed gold standard when evaluating efficacy of interventions, randomized controlled trial of mental health apps are not without flaws [ 63 , 64 ]. Trial recruitment is often highly selective due to stringent inclusion and exclusion criteria resulting in lower inclusion in research than one would expect from population estimates [ 65 ]. In the United Kingdom, the National Institute for Health and Care Research data have revealed that geographies with the highest burden of disease also have the lowest number of patients taking part in research [ 66 ]. The postcodes in which research recruitment is low also aligns closely to areas where earnings are the lowest and indexes of deprivation are the highest [ 66 ]. There are many reasons why some groups are underrepresented in research: language barriers, culturally inappropriate explanations, poor health literacy and the use of jargon, communication not being suitable for people with special learning needs, requirement to complete many administrative forms, negative financial impact in participating, lack of effective incentives for participation, or lack of clarity around incentives, and specific cultural and religious beliefs [ 66 ]. Failing to include a broad range of participants is problematic in that results may not be generalizable to a broad population.
Although this research was carefully executed and used a robust methodological approach with an exhaustive search strategy, it is not without limitations. Foremost, although the systematic review attempted to identify and include as many articles as possible, some papers may have been missed because of the inconsistencies in how feasibility and acceptability outcomes are recorded and reported. It was also difficult to ensure that all apps for this age group were identified because those aged between 15 and 25 years are harder to differentiate in adolescent and adult studies, meaning we might have missed some relevant studies where data could not be disaggregated by age. The exclusion of gray literature (eg, institutional reports and websites) may have also made us overlook potentially relevant apps, albeit lacking the quality assurance of peer-reviewed research. It is also likely that commercial organizations, including app companies, collect rich user demographic and engagement data but do not share it publicly, thus limiting our ability to conduct empirical analyses about the “real-world” acceptability, engagement, and implementation for specific populations. We did not analyze the extent to which publication bias may have influenced the results of our search, and, therefore, there may be a much higher number of mental health apps that have been developed with an underserved sample of young people, but due to their lack of efficacy or acceptability, these studies have not been submitted or accepted for publication. The sample sizes of many of the included studies were relatively low, which potentially limits their generalizability. However, we included all study designs so as to ensure that our learning from existing research was maximized. Furthermore, many of the studies included in the systematic review, as well as our qualitative study, had some form of language competency as an inclusion criterion (eg, English speaking), which likely excludes important perspectives from the results. For the qualitative study, we were only able to gather data from those who had used the app at least once and who were therefore somewhat engaged in the app. Despite our best efforts, we were unable to recruit participants who, following consent, had never then downloaded or used the app and so could not explore barriers to engagement for the least engaged young people or understand why the app was not appealing to those who chose not to proceed or take part. Those who did participate in this research were financially incentivized to do so and often highlighted the importance of this incentive in keeping them engaged. Therefore, we were unable to draw conclusions about the naturalistic engagement, feasibility, and acceptability of the app, if it were to be made available without payment in schools, universities, and health services or to be made commercially available on the app marketplace. It is also possible that social desirability bias (ie, a tendency to present reality to align with what is perceived to be socially acceptable) occurred during the interviews, whereby participants responded to the interview questions in a manner that they believed would be more acceptable to the study team, concealing their true opinions or experiences [ 67 , 68 ]. As previously noted by others, results may be subject to further bias in that findings could be led by more articulate young people, while it is more difficult to hear the voices of those who are less articulate or digitally literate [ 69 ]. Finally, it is also possible that the positionality of the research team, including our own experiences, backgrounds, and biases, impacted what information participants disclosed to the research team as well as the interpretation of the qualitative data in this study.
To overcome this complex engagement and implementation challenge, we have taken together our findings with relevant previous literature to generate 3 key suggestions about how to improve the feasibility and potential utility of apps for young people from marginalized and underserved populations.
Studies should aim to prioritize the inclusion of marginalized groups in trials testing the effectiveness of digital interventions by intentionally planning recruitment efforts aimed to reach these communities [ 70 ]. First, steps can be taken to build trust, connections, and credibility between the research team and these communities. NHS England [ 66 ] suggests involving representatives from those groups during the inception and implementation of recruitment efforts. This approach ensures that the intervention is relevant to the target group by meeting their preferences and needs, incorporating culturally salient factors relevant for recruitment efforts, addressing concerns about community mistrust and participant resource constraints, and establishing partnerships with key community stakeholders that can be gatekeepers in the community [ 14 , 71 ]. These strategies are likely to improve research accessibility, recruitment, and retention. Research teams need to ensure that the findings and any actionable takeaways from the research conducted with the participants are shared with them by asking participants how they would like to receive this information (eg, verbal, written, or via a trusted advocate). Equally important is to explain that the research process can be slow. These steps help create a positive legacy for the research project and build trust between individuals and public institutions, helping future health researchers to further address underrepresentation of marginalized groups in digital research.
A comprehensive understanding of the needs, challenges, and life circumstances of the target population is a key implementation driver for designing relevant, engaging, and effective mental health apps. This knowledge is particularly important when the app is a stand-alone intervention received during daily life outside of traditional psychotherapy or human support [ 50 ]. This goal can be best achieved through a participatory approach, which reflects a growing recognition among intervention researchers and developers that end users need to be involved in the creation of interventions and their future iterations [ 47 , 72 ]. This process may involve a series of stages, including (1) person-centered co-design to ensure that tools are developed to be acceptable to the underserved or marginalized populations as well as meet their specific needs, life circumstances, and cultural norms [ 47 ]; (2) iterative testing that incorporates users’ feedback on a rolling basis to ensure the relevance of the intervention [ 43 , 47 , 72 ]; and (3) changes and adaptations needed to meet users’ needs in “real-world” settings including consideration of economic viability and implementation [ 27 ].
Especially relevant for the underserved and marginalized groups is the need (or lack thereof) to culturally adapt app interventions for specific racial, ethnic, or cultural groups through this person-centered design. In traditional face-to-face interventions, some have argued that all treatments need to be culturally adapted to ensure their validity, relevance, and effectiveness since these interventions are often developed with individuals who can be substantially different from some marginalized populations [ 73 ]. Similar to culturally adapted face-to-face interventions [ 74 - 76 ], culturally adapted digital mental health interventions seem to be effective [ 77 , 78 ]. However, there is no evidence that these culturally adapted interventions outperform the original programs [ 79 , 80 ]. Given that culturally adapting digital interventions is a time-consuming and resource-intensive process, this approach may not be sustainable and limit the dissemination and implementation impact of app programs [ 28 ]. In lieu of culturally adapting digital interventions without careful consideration, Ramos and Chavira [ 28 ] recommend using information gathered through person-centered approaches to integrate culture into the use of already available digital interventions (including apps), using an idiographic, flexible, and personalized approach. This strategy may have a broader implementation and dissemination potential, given that few researchers and clinicians are in a position to develop new apps.
Several systematic reviews and meta-analyses have demonstrated that app-based mental health interventions with a human-support component are more effective and more acceptable than stand-alone, fully automatized, or self-administered apps [ 13 , 25 , 81 ]. Young people seem to want practical skills and usable tools to apply to their current daily life stressors to improve their well-being and functioning. Intervention engagement is enhanced if the intervention serves an obvious purpose, is relevant, and has a clear rationale and instructions, and embedding these interventions within the systems and structures that are already working with users (eg, clinical services, schools, universities, and community agencies) will likely improve implementation. Considering the broad and highly varied nature of intervention formats and modalities, it may be useful for future research to focus on identifying core components of app-based interventions (ie, active ingredients of interventions associated with uptake, adherence, and clinical outcomes) that will allow such integration of app interventions into the varied context of care for marginalized youth.
Despite the enthusiasm that has surrounded the potential of digital technologies to revolutionize mental health and health care service delivery, little evidence yet supports the use of mental health apps for marginalized and underserved young people. Despite the substantial financial and human investment directed to the development of mental health apps over several years, only a small proportion have empirical evidence to support their effectiveness, and there have been few attempts to develop or adapt interventions to meet some of the more unique and heterogeneous needs of diverse groups of young people. Although acceptability seems to be good, engagement is poor and attrition is high, particularly if not supported by in-person elements. Given that most interventions are implemented in high-income countries, very little is known about the generalizability of the findings to LMICs and to a range of adolescents and young people with different socioeconomic, cultural, and racial backgrounds. In this paper, we have drawn several insights about the feasibility and acceptability of mental health apps for underserved young people that may be useful to future app-based mental health promotion and treatment projects. However, before the widespread adoption and scaling-up of digital mental health interventions progresses further, especially for more vulnerable and underserved populations and in settings with limited resources, a greater understanding is needed on the unique barriers faced by these groups in accessing treatment and the types of services young people themselves prefer (eg, standard vs digital) followed by more rigorous and consistent demonstrations of feasibility, effectiveness, and cost-effectiveness.
This project received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation program (grant agreement number 754657).
The authors are grateful to the young people who took the time to participate in this research and who shared their insights with us. The authors would also like to thank those who supported this research including professional youth advisor Emily Bampton, research assistant Catherine Reeve, and researchers Dr Alexandra Langmeyer and Simon Weiser. Finally, the authors would like to thank the ECoWeB (Emotional Competence for Well-Being) Consortium for their support and feedback throughout the duration of this research, including, but not limited to, Dr Lexy Newbold, Dr Azucena Garcia Palacios, and Dr Guadalupe Molinari.
The data extracted to support the findings of the systematic review are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request. Due to the confidential and sensitive nature of the interview transcripts, qualitative data will not be made available.
HAB, LAN, and MF designed the systematic review including the research questions and methods. LAN carried out the database search. HAB, LAN, TM, and BF conducted the study screening and data extraction. TM did the study quality assessments, and HAB did the data synthesis and analysis. MF, SW, EW, and HAB were involved in the conception of the qualitative study. HAB, LAN, and SC conducted the quality study including conducting the qualitative interviews and analysis. HAB wrote the first draft and HAB, LAN, MF, and GR contributed substantially to manuscript drafting. All authors contributed to the manuscript and approved the submitted version.
None declared.
Search strategy.
Topic guide.
Study quality assessment.
Emotional Competence for Well-Being |
low- and middle-income country |
Mixed Methods Appraisal Tool |
not in education, employment, or training |
Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses |
Edited by T de Azevedo Cardoso, S Ma; submitted 13.05.23; peer-reviewed by P Whelan, I Vainieri, H Bao; comments to author 13.09.23; revised version received 26.09.23; accepted 10.06.24; published 30.07.24.
©Holly Alice Bear, Lara Ayala Nunes, Giovanni Ramos, Tanya Manchanda, Blossom Fernandes, Sophia Chabursky, Sabine Walper, Edward Watkins, Mina Fazel. Originally published in the Journal of Medical Internet Research (https://www.jmir.org), 30.07.2024.
This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work, first published in the Journal of Medical Internet Research (ISSN 1438-8871), is properly cited. The complete bibliographic information, a link to the original publication on https://www.jmir.org/, as well as this copyright and license information must be included.
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This article outlines what a qualitative systematic review is and explores what it can contribute to our understanding of pain. Many of us use evidence of effectiveness for various interventions when working with people in pain. A good systematic review can be invaluable in bringing together research evidence to help inform our practice and help us understand what works. In addition to evidence of effectiveness, understanding how people with pain experience both their pain and their care can help us when we are working with them to provide care that meets their needs. A rigorous qualitative systematic review can also uncover new understandings, often helping illuminate 'why' and can help build theory. Such a review can answer the question 'What is it like to have chronic pain?' This article presents the different stages of meta-ethnography, which is the most common methodology used for qualitative systematic reviews. It presents evidence from four meta-ethnographies relevant to pain to illustrate the types of findings that can emerge from this approach. It shows how new understandings may emerge and gives an example of chronic musculoskeletal pain being experienced as 'an adversarial struggle' across many aspects of the person's life. This article concludes that evidence from qualitative systematic reviews has its place alongside or integrated with evidence from more quantitative approaches.
Keywords: Qualitative systematic review; meta-ethnography; qualitative synthesis.
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Managing neurodiversity in workplaces: a review and future research agenda for sustainable human resource management.
2. literature review, 2.1. neurodiversity—origins of the concept and statistics, 2.2. neurodiversity in the labour market, 2.3. managing neurodiversity in workplaces—organizational barriers and needs, 3. materials and methods.
Author contributions, data availability statement, conflicts of interest.
No. | References | Research Objective | Research Topic/Contexts | Methodology |
---|---|---|---|---|
1 | [ ] | To emphasize the need for CEO adaptability and commitment in the ever-evolving landscape of workplace diversity | CEO leadership and its contribution to diversity management | - |
2 | [ ] | To present a multistage theoretical framework for managing neurodiversity | Addressing the gap between recognition and lack of theoretical frameworks and empirical research on workplace neurodiversity | - |
3 | [ ] | To understand the lived experiences of dealing with crisis in a remote working environment (based on 11 semi-structured interviews with 9 neurodivergent employees and 2 business professionals) | Lack of research on the impact of the COVID-19 crisis on neurominorities | Qualitative study |
4 | [ ] | To review existing research with respect to how autistic individuals fare for the four facets of emotional intelligence | Emotional intelligence in autistic individuals | Descriptive study |
5 | [ ] | To compare the experiences of neurodivergent adults undergoing workplace coaching before and during the pandemic | Disability coaching in a pandemic | Quantitative study—sample of 409 coachees from the UK |
6 | [ ] | To demystify the themes and assumptions affecting neurodivergent coachee experiences at work | Neurodiversity coaching | - |
7 | [ ] | To explore NDVs’ views about how the recruitment process and HR practices impact their employment relationship | Employment experience of the neurodiverse and the military veterans | Quantitative study (232 people with a medically diagnosed condition surveyed and 21 semi-structured interviews conducted) |
8 | [ ] | To seek to reframe the pathologized assumption of ADHD in career research and broader society to date. | Paradoxical career strengths and successes of ADHD adults | Qualitative positive-focused exploration |
9 | [ ] | To identify additional understudied invisible diversity dimensions | Invisible diversity dimensions in the hospitality industry | Prevailing methodologies in hospitality management |
10 | [ ] | To analyze power-laden tensions in traditional and novel brandings of neurodiversity | Neurodiversity branding | Critical discourse analysis |
11 | [ ] | To compare two families with disabled and neurodiverse children disproportionately affected by austerity cuts | Access to Special Educational Needs and Disability (SEND) support services in London, England | Qualitative study |
12 | [ ] | To examine successful management for autistic employees without applying a priori leadership constructs traditionally found in the literature | Effective management of autistic employees | - |
13 | [ ] | To promote effective and inclusive qualitative research that ensures that the specific needs of neurominorities are taken into account throughout the entire research pathway | How to conduct qualitative research with neurominorities | Qualitative research |
14 | [ ] | To explore an open, creative workplace developing neurodivergent talent | Neurodivergent individuals perceived as bringing new talent and innovation to the workplace | - |
15 | [ ] | To explore how interactions between clinicians, parents, and children lead to the reformulation of autism diagnosis from disorder to valuable social and cognitive differences | How clinician–patient interaction and patient age shape the process and meaning of autism diagnosis | A conversation analytic approach to data analysis/analysis of video recordings |
16 | [ ] | To examine the opportunities to create optimal conditions for individuals with autism in the workplace | How to redesign the work environment to enhance the well-being of individuals with autism | Qualitative research (21 in-depth interviews) |
17 | [ ] | To examine employee (manager and coworker) attitudes toward autism employment programs | Employee engagement and commitment to two Australian autism employment programs | Survey |
18 | [ ] | To examine the ability of corporate law firms to recognize the strengths and develop a type of employment both well suited to autistic strengths and able to make accommodations | Insight into the career paths of autistic professionals in large private practice law firms | - |
19 | [ ] | To explore the current inclusive human resource practices being adopted by neurodiversity champion companies | Enabling neurodiversity in the workplace via inclusive human resource practices | In-company interviews |
20 | [ ] | To generate a more nuanced understanding of the impact of accommodation on people with schizophrenia | Design considerations for residents with schizophrenia | Qualitative research approach |
21 | [ ] | To analyze the links between the neurodiversity of the workforce and digital transformation at the individual, organizational, and industry levels | Neurodiversity of the workforce and digital transformation: the case of inclusion of autistic workers at the workplace | Phenomenology (qualitative approach) |
22 | [ ] | To examine the disparate views on the neurodiverse workforce: 1/the benefits 2/the difficulty in finding and maintaining employment and to build a reconciling framework | How internal and external factors influence autistic employee outcomes and firm performance | - |
23 | [ ] | To examine neurodiversity as a cognitive strength from which leadership derives | Reconceptualizing leadership from a neurodiverse perspective | Critical disability theory |
24 | [ ] | To explore how autism influences the workplace | Autism in the workplace | Constant comparative method |
25 | [ ] | To describe how to design environmental conditions (acoustics, lighting, temperature, indoor air quality) that enhance performance by supporting basic physiological needs in the workplace (including designing spaces for neurodiversity) | Humanizing the office | - |
26 | [ ] | To explore the relationship between the above-average human capital of highly functioning neurodivergent employees, their subjective well-being in the workplace, and performance outcomes | The well-being of neurodivergent human capital in the workplace | AMO (ability, motivation, and opportunity) framework |
27 | [ ] | To identify the source of stereotype threat and the neurodivergent response to it | Stereotype threat anticipation in neurodivergent human capital | Analysis of brochures, learning sets, and posters |
28 | [ ] | To examine family relationships within families with neurodiverse kids further complicated by the COVID-19 pandemic | COVID-19 affecting alternative learners and their families | - |
29 | [ ] | To examine how and why parents with children with autism perform emotional work | Emotion work of parenting children with autism in Hong Kong | Qualitative data (analysis) |
30 | [ ] | To explore the school experience of high-functioning autistic teenagers regarding their academic and social inclusion | High-functioning autistic students speaking about their experience of inclusion in mainstream secondary schools (in France and Quebec) | A pragmatic, content analysis-driven approach |
31 | [ ] | To examine how DXC Technology (IT company) managed to develop disability-inclusive recruitment and selection systems along with work designs and environments that are disability friendly | DXC Technology is looking for neurodiverse talent (adults with high-functioning autism) | - |
32 | [ ] | To present a model of the unique challenges that workers with ASD face in the modern workplace | Overcoming barriers and integrating a neurodiverse workforce | A literature review on ASD juxtaposed to evidence-based social psychology and management theories |
33 | [ ] | To analyze how the introduction of autism into a home and the availability of intervention options change the structure and meaning of a home and reflect parental acceptance of a child’s autistic traits | Parental experiences of autism in Kerala, India, and Atlanta, GA USA | Observations |
34 | [ ] | This article examines challenges for human resource management posed by workplace adaptations for individuals with LD (learning disabilities) | Neurodiversity and human resource management | - |
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Cluster Number | Cluster Name | Key Words |
---|---|---|
1 | Gender-Specific Mental Health and Quality of Life in Autism Spectrum Disorder | Article, autism spectrum disorder, female, human, male, mental health, quality of life, well-being |
2 | Inclusive Human Engineering and Neurodiversity in Disability Studies | Disability, human engineering, inclusion, neurodiversity |
3 | Psychological Perspectives on Autism and Employment in the Workplace | Autism, employment, psychology, workplace |
4 | Advanced Strategies in Human Resource Management: Recruitment and Selection | Human resource management, recruitment, selection |
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Rollnik-Sadowska, E.; Grabińska, V. Managing Neurodiversity in Workplaces: A Review and Future Research Agenda for Sustainable Human Resource Management. Sustainability 2024 , 16 , 6594. https://doi.org/10.3390/su16156594
Rollnik-Sadowska E, Grabińska V. Managing Neurodiversity in Workplaces: A Review and Future Research Agenda for Sustainable Human Resource Management. Sustainability . 2024; 16(15):6594. https://doi.org/10.3390/su16156594
Rollnik-Sadowska, Ewa, and Violetta Grabińska. 2024. "Managing Neurodiversity in Workplaces: A Review and Future Research Agenda for Sustainable Human Resource Management" Sustainability 16, no. 15: 6594. https://doi.org/10.3390/su16156594
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Galdas P, Darwin Z, Fell J, et al. A systematic review and metaethnography to identify how effective, cost-effective, accessible and acceptable self-management support interventions are for men with long-term conditions (SELF-MAN). Southampton (UK): NIHR Journals Library; 2015 Aug. (Health Services and Delivery Research, No. 3.34.)
Chapter 3 qualitative review methods.
The objective of the qualitative metaethnography was to systematically identify experiences of, and perceptions of, interventions or specific activities aimed at supporting or promoting self-management of LTCs among men of differing age, ethnicity and socioeconomic background.
A summary of the methods used in the metaethnography is provided in Appendix 3 , using the enhancing transparency in reporting the synthesis of qualitative research (ENTREQ) reporting standards for qualitative evidence synthesis, developed by Tong et al. 93
The evidence synthesis was conducted using a metaethnography approach originally described by Noblit and Hare. 94 This approach was chosen because of its emphasis on conceptual development and generating new insights (i.e. being interpretive rather than integrative 94 ) and because it is compatible with synthesising all types of qualitative research. 95
Metaethnography involves seven stages: getting started, deciding what is relevant, reading the studies, determining how studies are related to each other, translating studies into each other, synthesising translations and expressing the synthesis; 94 these seven, often overlapping, stages are depicted in Figure 7 .
Seven steps of metaethnography.
The first stage involved identifying a ‘worthy’ research question and one that could be addressed through qualitative evidence synthesis. 94 This stage took place in developing the original funding application for the current review and its justification is presented in Chapter 1 .
The second stage, ‘deciding what is relevant’, was viewed as comprising the search strategy, inclusion criteria and quality appraisal, consistent with the experiences of Atkins et al. 96 These are presented next, before steps 3–7 are described in the section Data extraction strategy and data analysis .
A comprehensive electronic search strategy ( Appendix 4 ) was developed in liaison with information specialists. It sought to identify all available studies, rather than using purposive sampling to identify all available concepts. Five electronic databases were searched in July 2013 [Cumulative Index to Nursing and Allied Health Literature (CINAHL), EMBASE, MEDLINE, PsycINFO and Social Science Citation Index].
Because of challenges with methodological indexing of qualitative research, 97 the electronic search was complemented by checking reference lists, and using an adapted strategy published elsewhere 98 that includes ‘thesaurus terms’ (keywords indexed in electronic databases, e.g. ‘Qualitative Research’), ‘free text terms’ (commonly used research methodology terms searched for in the titles, abstracts and keywords) and ‘broad-based terms’ (i.e. the broad free-text terms ‘qualitative’, ‘findings’ and ‘interview$’ and the thesaurus term ‘Interviews’). Terms relating to gender were combined with other terms to narrow the search and increase the precision of the strategy (e.g. ‘men’, ‘male’, ‘masculine$’, ‘gender’, ‘sex difference$’, ‘sex factors’).
Records were initially screened by one reviewer (ZD) on the basis of the title and abstract. Decisions were recorded in EndNote X7.0.2 (Thomson Reuters, CA, USA), a reference management database. All articles identified as potentially eligible for inclusion were obtained in full. Attempts were made to identify and obtain published findings for unpublished literature that was otherwise eligible, for example doctoral theses or conference proceedings.
The full-text literature was screened independently by two reviewers (ZD and PG) using the inclusion criteria listed in Table 5 . Studies that explored the experiences of men alone, or included a clear and explicit comparison between men and women, were included. Studies which focused on self-management experiences of people with LTCs more generally (i.e. did not consider experiences of, or perceptions of, a self-management support intervention or activity) were excluded. The approach to screening was inclusive; for example, studies where the qualitative findings were limited (e.g. Iredale et al. , 99 Ramachandra et al. , 100 Smith et al. 101 ) and mixed-sex studies with limited findings on gender comparisons (e.g. Barlow et al. 102 , 103 ) were retained in case they contributed to the synthesis.
Screening criteria: qualitative
The original study protocol sought to code self-management interventions and support activities using the most up-to-date version of the taxonomy of BCT. 104 – 106 As in the quantitative review (see Chapter 2 , Coding interventions for analysis ), we found that the level of detail reported on self-management interventions or activities in the qualitative literature was limited in detail, precision and consistency, making coding with the BCT taxonomy unfeasible.
Most of the qualitative literature did not focus on behaviour change per se or seek to address men’s views and experiences of behaviour change techniques; for example, some papers were concerned with the dynamics of social support groups, or the use of other self-management support and information. The BCT taxonomy is applicable to only studies that are judged as targeting behaviour change; we were therefore limited to ‘lifestyle’ and ‘psychological’ studies. Only a minority of the studies ( n = 13) provided sufficient information on interventions to allow even rudimentary coding with the BCT taxonomy, and these are presented in Appendix 5 . Issues around application of the BCT taxonomy are returned to in the discussion chapter (see Chapter 6 ).
The lack of detail reported in the qualitative literature also made it unfeasible to classify interventions using the system developed for the quantitative review. Whereas the quantitative review concerned trials of specific interventions, approximately half of the studies in the qualitative review 99 , 101 , 107 – 130 included more than one intervention or activity (e.g. ‘any cancer support group’).
We therefore developed a broad system for classifying interventions and support activities that offered a pragmatic way to group studies and make the analysis process more manageable. The categories are shown in Table 6 .
Categories and descriptions of self-management interventions and support activities in the qualitative evidence synthesis
The purpose of quality appraisal in the review was to provide descriptive information on the quality of the included studies rather than as a basis for inclusion. We considered that studies of weaker quality either would not contribute or would contribute only minimally to the final synthesis. 94 , 131 We therefore chose not to use design-specific appraisal tools (which the original protocol stated we would) because we placed emphasis on conceptual contribution, which did not require a detailed design-specific appraisal of methodological quality. With that in mind, we used the Critical Appraisal Skills Programme (CASP) tool. 132
The CASP tool comprises 10 checklist-style questions (see Appendix 6 ) for assessing the quality of various domains (including aims, design, methods, data analysis, interpretation, findings and value of the research). Because of the checklist nature of the CASP tool, we developed some additional questions informed by other metaethnography studies 96 , 131 that enabled us to extract and record more detailed narrative summaries of the main strengths, limitations and concerns of each study (see Appendix 7 ).
The CASP tool was used in the light of the experiences reported by other researchers who recommended that, despite rather low inter-rater agreement, such an approach ‘encourag[es] the reviewers to read the papers carefully and systematically, and serves as a reminder to treat the papers as data for the synthesis’ (p. 44). 131
Its focus is on procedural aspects of the conduct of the research rather than the insights offered. 133 The quality appraisal (which focused on methodological quality) did not form part of the inclusion criteria because, as recognised by Campbell et al. , 131 it is conceptual quality that is most important for evidence synthesis and it is the process of synthesis that judges the ‘worth’ of studies, with conceptually limited studies making a limited contribution. 94 Additionally, it is acknowledged that agreement is often slight, with low reproducibility. 131 , 133 Appraisal was conducted by two reviewers independently (ZD and PG), with discrepancies resolved through discussion.
The electronic search strategy identified 6330 unique references. Screening based on title and abstract identified 149 papers for full-text screening. Dual screening of these full-text articles identified 34 studies (reported in 38 papers) to be included in the review. Reasons for excluding the remaining 111 articles are shown in Table 7 .
Reasons for exclusion of full-text articles
Inter-rater agreement on the decision to include was 88.6%. The majority of disagreements ( n = 17) concerned the definition of self-management intervention or activity. Having discussed the 17 disagreements, we agreed that five studies on which there was disagreement would be included. 100 , 103 , 110 , 116 , 134
An additional four studies were identified through reference checks and efforts to locate published literature linked to unpublished work identified through the electronic search. 111 , 112 , 135 , 136 An additional two papers (women only), although individually ineligible, were located as ‘linked papers’ for two of the original 34 studies, 114 , 120 giving a total of 38 studies (reported in 44 papers), as shown in Figure 8 .
Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses flow diagram for the qualitative review.
The lead reviewer (ZD) extracted all papers using data extraction forms previously tested and refined through a pilot study of four papers. All study details (including aim, participant details, methodology, method of data collection and analysis) were extracted into Microsoft Excel ® version 14 (Microsoft Corporation, Redmond, WA, USA) and checked by a second reviewer (PG). Extraction and analysis of study findings was undertaken by a group of coreviewers within the research team (ZD, PG, LK, CB, KM, KH) and followed steps 3–7 of the metaethnography process described by Noblit and Hare. 94 Despite being numbered sequentially, these phases do not occur in a linear process. 94
The metaethnography process involved three levels of constructs, as described by Schutz 137 and operationalised by Atkins et al. : 96
Each paper was read in full and copied verbatim into NVivo version 10 (QSR International, Warrington, UK) for line-by-line coding by the lead reviewer. Coding involved repeated reading and line-by-line categorising of first-order and second-order constructs, using participants’ and authors’ words wherever possible, and reading for possible third-order constructs.
Third-order constructs were developed by building second-order constructs into broader categories and themes in a framework which was revised iteratively using the hierarchical functions of the NVivo software (i.e. using ‘parent’ and ‘child’ nodes).
Rather than simply being a synthesis of the second-order constructs, third-order-constructs were derived inductively from the extracted data; this was an interpretive process that was not limited to interpretations offered by the original authors of included studies.
Coding by coreviewers (i.e. other members of the research team) was idiosyncratic but commonly involved working with printed papers, noting key ‘metaphors’ (themes, concepts and ideas) in the margins and highlighting first-order and second-order evidence that supported the coreviewers’ interpretations. The lead reviewer, ZD, met with each coreviewer to discuss/debrief coding decisions and ensure the credibility (i.e. the congruence of coding decisions with the original author interpretations) of the overall analytical process.
To offer a ‘way in’ to the synthesis, we adopted a similar approach to that of Campbell et al. : 131 initially grouping studies by the broad categories of self-management intervention and support activity shown in Table 6 . Each coreviewer was allocated one or more category of studies to analyse. The lead reviewer then read each category of studies in the following order: face-to-face group support, online support, online information, information, psychological, lifestyle and ‘various’; within this, she read the studies in alphabetical order of first author rather than nominating ‘key’ papers. All included papers were analysed, rather than reading until saturation of concepts.
The lead reviewer and coreviewer independently completed matrices to report the second-order constructs and emerging third-order constructs for each paper (which for the lead reviewer were based on a more comprehensive line-by-line coding using NVivo). This facilitated the juxtaposing of metaphors and/or constructs alongside each other, leading to initial assumptions about relationships between studies.
A defining element of metaethnography is the ‘translation’ of studies into each other, whereby metaphors, together with their inter-relationships, are compared across studies. Facilitated by discussions using the matrices of second- and third-order constructs, we translated studies firstly within types of support activity and then, secondly, across types.
The lead reviewer initially developed the constructs in relation to face-to-face support (the largest category of studies) and read other categories of studies with reference to this, using a constant comparison approach to identify and refine concepts. The ‘models’ function in NVivo was used to depict relationships between third-order constructs; this helped to develop the line-of-argument synthesis, which is discussed next.
Studies can be synthesised in three ways: 94
Because we found similarities and contradictions, we developed a line-of-argument synthesis (rather than reciprocal or refutational translation) that encompassed four key concepts, each of which was based around a set of third-order constructs.
The output of the synthesis, that is communicating our third-order concepts and overarching line-of-argument synthesis, is described by Noblit and Hare 94 as ‘expressing the synthesis’ (p. 29). They state that ‘the worth of any synthesis is in its comprehensibility to some audience’ (p. 82), 94 emphasising the importance of communicating the synthesis effectively, being mindful of the intended audience and using concepts and language that are meaningful (and understandable). We worked to make the synthesis comprehensible by discussion with coreviewers and, critically, through involvement of the patient and public involvement (PPI) group. The synthesis is presented in Chapter 5 and will also be expressed through other dissemination activities, for example the SELF-MAN symposium ( www.self-man.com ), mini-manuals and journal publications.
We undertook several steps to enhance the rigour of our analysis. Authors’ themes and interpretations (second-order constructs) were independently extracted by two reviewers, each of whom additionally suggested their own interpretations of the study findings (third-order constructs).
We were influenced by a recent Health Technology Assessment metaethnography which found multiple reviewers offered ‘broad similarities in interpretation, but differences of detail’ (p. x). 131 We therefore treated the lead reviewer’s analyses as the ‘master copy’ and compared these with the coreviewers’ extractions and interpretations. Peer debriefing meetings were held between the lead reviewer and each coreviewer to discuss matrices of second-order and third-order constructs which facilitated the consideration of alternative interpretations.
The third-order constructs and line-of-argument synthesis were further refined at a full-day meeting (January 2014) attended by the lead qualitative reviewer and wider team of five coreviewers involved in coding, extraction, analysis and interpretation (PG, KH, LK, KM, CB).
We identified the need to be reflexive about our interpretations and recognised potential sources of influence on our interpretations; for example, two reviewers (PG, KH) identified having a ‘constructions of masculinity’ lens, and we agreed to focus the line-of-argument synthesis on interpretations offered by authors of studies being synthesised, rather than framing our interpretations around constructions of masculinity. We considered it a strength that the six reviewers involved reflected a wide range of backgrounds and perspectives. Although PPI colleagues were not involved in the coding process, the line-of-argument synthesis and four key concepts were discussed with the PPI group to ensure credibility.
The SELF-MAN research team worked with a specially constituted public and patient advisory group comprising men living with one or more LTCs who were involved in either running or attending a LTC support group in the north of England. Members were recruited via the research team’s existing networks. Stakeholders’ support groups were all condition-specific – arthritis ( n = 1), diabetes ( n = 1), heart failure ( n = 2) and Parkinson’s disease ( n = 1) – although some men lived with multiple LTCs. All stakeholders attended a welcome meeting prior to the commencement of the study to prepare them for the involvement in the research, and were provided with ongoing support and guidance by the chief investigator throughout the research process. Members were reimbursed for travel, expenses and time throughout the duration of the project (in line with current INVOLVE recommendations 138 ).
The overarching aims of PPI in the project were, first, to help ensure that the review findings spoke to the self-management needs and priorities of men with LTCs, and, second, to ensure the development of appropriate outputs that would have benefit and relevance for service users. A recognised limitation of our group was that stakeholder representation was drawn from face-to-face group-based support interventions.
The stakeholder group met on three half-days over the course of the 12-month project. On each occasion, the group provided positive affirmation that the project was being conducted in accordance with its stated objectives. In the first two meetings, the group offered feedback and advice to the investigative team on preliminary and emerging analysis of the qualitative data throughout the research process: specifically, the development of third-order constructs and the line-of-argument synthesis. Responding to their input, we made revisions to some of our interpretations, particularly in relation to the importance of physical aspects of environments in which interventions took place. The group’s input also highlighted the need for future research to address depression as a common and often overlooked comorbidity in men (see Chapter 7 , Recommendations for future research ), and that they welcomed recommendations for sustainability of support groups and improving communication within groups. When considering the key outcomes to be assessed in the quantitative review, stakeholders also recommended that emphasis should be placed on quality-of-life outcome measures when considering whether or not a self-management support intervention is effective.
In the final meeting, the stakeholder group provided detailed recommendations for the content of the Self-Manual: Man’s Guide to Better Self-Management of Long Term Conditions (not yet available). It advised that the guide should be rephrased from ‘how to’ self-manage to ‘how to better ’ self-manage because men may view themselves as already self-managing and therefore not identify with the former.
Six or seven stakeholders attended each meeting. The female partner of one of the men attended and contributed to discussions at each meeting. Members of the group each received reimbursement of travel expenses and a £150 honorarium for each meeting they attended. In the final meeting, the stakeholders provided feedback on their involvement in the research process overall, focusing on what was done well and what could be improved. Feedback indicated that most stakeholders had a positive experience, particularly valuing the opportunity to have their ‘voices heard’ and make a potential impact on future service delivery. Recommendations for improvements mostly centred on ensuring prompt reimbursement of expenses incurred in attending the meetings.
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BMC Geriatrics volume 24 , Article number: 640 ( 2024 ) Cite this article
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In previous research, older adults have been associated with reduced levels of health literacy (HL) influenced by a range of contextual factors. To optimise HL, it is essential to better understand the interactions between the ageing process and both personal and environmental factors as perceived by older adults. This study aimed to explore the experiences and needs of older community-dwelling adults when accessing, understanding, appraising and using health-related information.
An explorative, qualitative design was used within the social constructivism framework. Semi-structured individual interviews were conducted with 20 adults aged 70–96 living at home in three areas in Northern Iceland. The transcribed interviews were constructed into categories and subcategories using qualitative content analysis.
Four categories emerged. “Expectations for responsibility” describes the experience that individuals are responsible for taking care of their health, including accessing, understanding, appraising and using information and services, showing initiative and keeping needed communications active. “A gap between expectancy and ability/context” includes experiences while taking responsibility for expectations not aligning with skills/situations, creating information gaps. “Finding one’s own ways” comprises various adapted ways to access, understand, and use information and services. “Bridging the gap” describes experiences of needing shared responsibility and more manageable options to enable reasoned health-related decisions and navigation in the healthcare system.
The participants valued and took full responsibility for accessing, understanding, appraising and using information and services as part of a social norm; however, they experience information gaps. They request shared responsibility by being provided with fundamental health-related information as a vital step in making reasoned health-related decisions and navigating the healthcare system. They also request more inclusive and accessible service opportunities to bridge the gaps and facilitate HL. It is necessary to critically address, at a systematic level, the conflict between expected individual responsibility and the existence of options to act upon this responsibility. In matters of health, health services and HL, the need to analyse and confront structural disadvantages experienced by older adults is highlighted.
Peer Review reports
Health literacy (HL) refers to both the personal skills and social resources needed for individuals and communities to access, understand, appraise and use information and services to make reasoned health-related decisions and to navigate in the healthcare system [ 1 , 2 ]. HL is therefore considered essential to maintaining and improving quality of life throughout the life course [ 3 ]. With advancing age, older adults may require more frequent interactions with health-related information. Consequently, the importance of addressing HL concerning older adults has been emphasised [ 4 ], particularly because of population projections that indicate a global increase in the number of older adults in the future and the need to enhance health promotion for this group [ 5 ].
In Europe, an effort has been made to measure HL levels, for example, with the European Health Literacy Survey Questionnaire (HLS-EU-Q), among the general population. Limited HL is associated with social and socioeconomic conditions, particularly lower levels of education, income, low social status and older age [ 4 , 6 , 7 , 8 ].
Acknowledging HL as an interaction of individual skills within a social context, it is essential to look beyond the personal level and include the social structures in which people live. That is, to better understand the influence of the situations in which people are required to use their HL skills and capabilities [ 9 , 10 ]. There is, for example, a heightened focus on the organisational context of HL, the health system’s demands and the complicated information environment in a modern world [ 11 , 12 ]. However, at the same time, it is essential to recognise the complexity of the social context of HL [ 9 , 10 ]. This has, for example, been addressed in research focusing on experiences related to health information among socioeconomically disadvantaged adults in Switzerland [ 13 ], among refugees in Sweden [ 2 ] and as part of information literacy in everyday life among people aged 47–64 [ 14 ] and 57–70 in Australia [ 15 ].
Research findings concerning older adults in Iceland echo this complex interaction between the ageing process, HL and both personal and environmental factors. Notably, HL has been connected to the personal factors of age in years, education level, income, resilience and depression and the environmental factors of means of transport and perceived access to healthcare and medical service [ 16 ]. These factors seem to play an important role in HL; however, further information is needed to comprehensively understand this dynamic interaction between older adults, HL and their context. In contrast to using quantitative measurements in relation to HL as is prominent, a qualitative perspective is needed to gain a deeper understanding of the matter. Therefore, this study aimed to explore the experiences and needs of older community-dwelling adults concerning accessing, understanding, appraising and using health-related information.
This qualitative study within the social constructivism framework sought to understand the specific contexts in which people live [ 17 , 18 ]. An explorative design was used to find and create knowledge of the focused and little-studied phenomena [ 19 ]. We conducted individual semi-structured interviews to generate qualitative data, get insights into the lives of older adults and establish knowledge [ 20 ].
The research group consisted of three Icelandic researchers (SSG, SAA and AKS), a Swedish (LM) researcher and an Icelandic senior citizen (AS). The four researchers created an interdisciplinary team of occupational therapists (SSG and LM), a physiotherapist (SAA) and a nurse (AKS) as professors/researchers (LM, SAA and AKS) and a PhD student (SSG). The group’s expertise, research and lived experience lie within ageing, daily living, gerontology, HL, health promotion, qualitative research and urban/rural settings.
This study is reported following the Consolidated Criteria for Reporting Qualitative Research (COREQ) checklist [ 21 ]. An application for ethical approval was sent to the Icelandic National Bioethics Committee. The committee deemed permission not necessary according to Icelandic law on scientific research in health (VSN-21–009 based on VSNb2016060007/03.01).
Participants in this study were purposefully selected from 175 partakers in a previous quantitative cross-sectional study on HL. That study was based on a stratified random sample from the national register of community-dwelling people 65 years and older in one urban town and two rural areas in Northern Iceland [ 16 , 22 ].
To get as broad a perspective as possible, the selection criteria for this study were based on the aim of interviewing older people with various backgrounds regarding place of living, age, gender, education, means of transport and distance from services. The selection procedure was conducted in three steps, as shown in Table 1 . In the first step, potential participants were sorted by partakers’ numbers from the previous quantitative research. They were placed into a matrix list based on five to six determining factors, with a sixth factor being considered for those living in rural areas. Considering the amount of needed information, that some people might not be reached and some might decline participation, the matrix list included 69 from 175 previous partakers, with many categorised with the same factors. In the second step, previous partakers’ numbers and the names of potential participants were connected. Information recorded at the Register Iceland database on a) social security number, b) place of living and c) a registered telephone number accessible through an open website were matched. This information could not be paired for 21 persons, leaving 48 on the potential participants’ list. In the third and last step, 20 people on the list were contacted for participation. They all agreed, consented, and were subsequently interviewed.
All participants, 11 women and nine men were born and raised in Iceland except for one individual who, despite not being native, had resided in the country for decades. Their birth years ranged from 1926 to 1952, and the median age was 76,6 years. Seven had elementary education, eight a secondary or trade school education and five a university degree. Agriculture, education, trade, healthcare and homemakers were the main occupation fields.
In three interviews, the spouse was present. In one case, the participant had early-stage Alzheimer’s, so in cooperation with the couple, it was decided that the spouse would play the roles of support, memory and voice. In the other two cases, both in rural settings, the spouse of the participant was present in the kitchen, where the interview was conducted as a part of the culture in place. The spouses were not direct participants in the interview; however, they added information when, for example, asked to recall a process, names or times.
Potential participants were sent an invitational letter by mail and subsequently contacted (by SSG) by telephone and invited to participate. Data were collected over one year, from January 2022 to January 2023. SSG conducted all of the interviews in Icelandic at the participants’ chosen place. The interviews were audio-recorded and lasted from 30 to 65 min, with an average of 46 min. The recordings were deleted after transcription. An interview frame designed for this study was used, which included a) opening questions about the length of time living in their current area, main occupation and preferred pseudonyms for confidentiality; b) questions about HL, which asked the participants to describe their experience of accessibility, clarity and usefulness of health-related information and services; and c) an opportunity to add any information.
The interviews were transcribed verbatim and analysed using content analysis as described by Graneheim and Lundman [ 23 ] and Graneheim, Lindgren and Lundman [ 24 ]. The method offers researchers different epistemological positionings with various levels of abstraction and degrees of interpretation, depending on the study aim and data quality. It is, for example, applicable when knowledge is believed to be socially constructed [ 24 ]. As reflexivity was considered an essential part of the whole process, the analysis was conducted with a team of all authors. Although SSG and LM mostly did the main work because of their pre-understanding of the research area and the method used for analysis, all the authors met in working meetings at each step of the analysis process, as described below. These meetings were used for reflection on the empirical data, the potential influence of preconceptions and the emerging findings from SSG and LM. In addition, a reflection from AS with a lived experience of the matter was sought in each step. Throughout the analysis process, work was carried out in Icelandic and English. Transcriptions were entered into the data management software NVivo 11 [ 25 ] for data storage, organisation, and coding. However, the team encountered difficulties in sharing information using the software, which resulted in the analysis being conducted manually in a Word document.
In the first step, all the authors read the interviews several times to understand the content. The three Icelandic researchers read the material in their native tongue, and the Swedish researcher used an English Google-translated version. The interviews were discussed both as a whole and in specific parts, where meaning units and potential content areas in consideration of the study’s objective were identified.
In the second step, meaning units were identified according to the aim of the study and condensed into descriptions close to the text, preserving the core meaning, abstracted and labelled with codes. Further abstraction occurred as subcategories and categories emerged from the condensed content based on patterns or commonalities. Similarities, differences and connections between and within the content were reflected upon and sorted. Constant comparison was used to clarify meanings, comparing data with codes and codes with codes.
In the third and last step, further analysis took place when the descriptive content of the preliminary categories was formulated by going back and forth and checking consistency between the categories, their content and the empirical data. The emerged core meanings were validated by contextualizing the meaning units in the individual interviews and the data as a whole. The 20 interviews provided insightful data to answer the purpose of the study, which was to explore the experiences and needs of older community-dwelling adults concerning accessing, understanding, appraising and using health-related information.
Based on manifest content, four qualitative categories emerged from the experiences and needs of older community-dwelling adults. Each category is independent, yet interconnected with the others, as shown in Fig. 1 . “Expectations for responsibility” describe the experience that the individual should be responsible for taking care of their own health, including accessing, understanding, appraising and using information and services, as well as showing initiative and keeping needed communications active. “A gap between expectancy and ability/context” includes experiences while taking responsibility for expectations not aligning with one’s own skills/situations. “Finding one’s own ways” comprises various adapted ways to access, understand, appraise and use information and services due to a misalignment between expectations for responsibility and the individual's ability or context. “Bridging the gap” describes experiences of needing shared responsibility and more manageable options to optimise reasoned health-related decisions and navigation through the healthcare system. Significant quotations are provided to illustrate the empirical foundations of the subcategories. Table 2 provides information about the manifest content from the analysis.
Interplay of categories and subcategories for older adults' experiences and needs related to health literacy. The figure shows the interaction and tension between the categories “Expectations for responsibility” and “A gap between expectancy and ability/context” that together create limited options and push for individual action in “Finding one's own ways” when accessing, understanding, appraising, and using health-related information. Jointly, these three categories, including their subcategories, call for needed actions in “Bridging the gap”, presented in the green box
This category describes participants’ experiences regarding the predominant expectation that each individual should carry the responsibility of taking care of their own health, including accessing, understanding, appraising and using health-related information as well as showing initiative and keeping needed communications active. The category is divided into two subcategories based on how this expectation is described: directly from the person and indirectly from the information providers. The subcategories were named “ Personal expectations ” and “ Environmental expectations ”.
This subcategory describes the experience that the person was expected to be responsible for their health and health-related matters—that is, to be their own health manager. The person should know best what they need and therefore be responsible for achieving, understanding, appraising and using information. This expectation was accepted as part of being independent and acknowledging the increase in general knowledge, making people more educated about health matters. By not taking responsibility as one’s health manager, opportunities for health and welfare information might be lost, and then the person would be the only one to blame.
“You get the information you need, you just look for it… so you have nothing to complain about but yourself” (if you have missed information) (Thorunn, 76-year- old woman).
The responsibility for taking care of one’s own health was also experienced as an unspoken expectation from health-related information and service providers, who often only deliver information if requested. In these circumstances, the individual needs to take the initiative to look for the information and services that are needed and relevant on each such occasion. If opportunities to manage one’s own health were lost, this was because of a lack of responsibility of the persons rather than the information provider.
“I did not know… usually it is the case that you have to look for information” (Kara, 70-year-old woman).
This category describes participants’ experiences of being unable to live up to the expectations of being responsible for accessing, understanding, appraising and using health-related information to manage their health. The category is divided into three subcategories based on descriptions of different kinds of gaps between the expectancy and one’s own ability/context, although often interlinked, which are named “ Digitalisation gap ”, “ Personal contact gap ”, and “ Navigation gap ”.
This subcategory describes the experiences of being unable to access and use information as expected and navigating within and between the health and welfare systems because of the increased use of computers and the internet, that is, digitalisation. Although digital development was generally viewed positively, it was expressed that all the changes were happening so fast, leaving many unable to keep up. For those needing more than general information or not having all the proper equipment or the ability, digital technologies were creating a significant gap in information and services.
“You know, I am back from ancient times. I have no computer and no phone to Google and nothing, so I am completely… so many things that you cannot do unless you have a computer… all the information” (Dora, 96-year-old woman).
With the increased use of digital technology, there was also the experience of a decrease in personal and direct contact. This combination created an even wider gap between expectations of taking responsibility and one’s own ability/context. This gap consisted of being unable to use entirely the formal digital ways to access, understand, appraise and use information and, simultaneously, the conventional and valued forms of person-to-person contact being limited. Being without a key person within the health and welfare systems to contact was described as being lost and not knowing what information to look for, where and what options were current or applied to them. This contact with a key healthcare person was significant in the case of illnesses. Although generally satisfied with hands-on service, with no one knowing the health history and situation of the older person or the possibilities in the service system, there was no way to safely navigate or coordinate the necessary information and actions when needed.
“… I need to get someone I trust. I do not want to end up with a new person in every conversation and say the same thing over and over and over again. After the fifth time, you think 100 times over whether to call again… Everyone wants to assist you, but can’t because they do not know you” (Hanna, 80-year-old woman).
A gap in navigation while taking responsibility for accessing, understanding, appraising and using health-related information was experienced as a result of the general complexity within and between health-related services, particularly in knowing what information to find and where. This gap in navigation was fuelled by the digitalisation gap and the personal contact gap. The existence of long, complicated, and unclear communication channels, disconnection between organisations, and unclear service provision or division between entities, such as the local municipality and the state, often result in difficulties finding information or some information getting lost along the way. These were expressed as daunting, never sure of being on the right navigation course, always showing initiative and only relying on persistence not to give up. Perceived by participants as confusing, health-related service systems were described as not being made for the older service user and made to drive them away.
“…this is uncomfortable because you sometimes get the impression that the system does not care… and then you think you are somehow alone if something happens. Why isn’t it better? Maybe that is why senior citizens get the impression that you are a bit set aside. It is tiring always to have to push yourself somehow through” (Sigrun, 78-year-old woman).
This category describes the experiences of finding one’s own ways to live up to the expectancy of being responsible for accessing, understanding, appraising and using health-related information. It is divided into three subcategories based on descriptions of the different ways used to adapt: “ Rely on oneself ”, “ Rely on spouse, family and friends ”, and “ Using personal relationships ”.
This subcategory describes the experience of relying on oneself while managing health-related information. It was described as using knowledge through former work experience from the health and welfare service, watching parents age or even taking care of them and building on information and service from that time. Having some idea about what service is available and where to start looking for further information was expressed. This includes having enough knowledge to know where to look for information and how the services operate, given that little has changed.
“I know the operation (at the former workplace) well enough that I would look for the service, if I needed home care or something like that, I know how to do it” (Nina, 80-year-old woman).
Finding one’s own ways based on the experience of relying on the spouse, family and friends regarding health-related information was described. In situations in which the participant could not use computer technology fully or at all, but the spouse could, he or she was valued as essential and even the reason for being able to live in place. Help from grown-up children or acquaintances was also mentioned, and they considered themselves lucky to have people around to help, stating that this was not the case for everyone.
“Our daughter … is extremely good at helping. I do not know what we would do if we lost touch with her” (Fannar, 72-year-old man).
Experiences of getting information about available services and where to turn in need at gatherings organized by local senior non-governmental organisations (NGOs) were also described. Also, when getting together, friends shared information on where to turn in need and hands-on experiences.
Finding one’s own ways by using personal relationships or acquaintances with health and welfare professionals was described by some as being, at times, necessary to access information or services by using this kind of relationship. This required using informal methods rather than formal ones when no other means seemed possible.
“He (the general practitioner) was always on vacation or busy or not reachable … so I called my son (who is a medical doctor) and said now you have to help me” (Dora, 96-year-old woman).
Others described it as a common way to use personal connections regarding health-related information, especially in rural areas where “everybody knows everyone”. Considerations of being very lucky to have this kind of relationship and being able to use this informal way were expressed.
This category describes the experience of what is needed to access, understand, appraise and use health-related information to be more able to take care of one’s own health. It is divided into two subcategories based on descriptions of different needs: “ Shared responsibility ” and “ Manageable options ”.
This subcategory describes the experience of needing shared responsibility by being provided with the necessary fundamental health-related information. Although accepting the expectations of being responsible for achieving information as a part of taking care of their own health (category “Expectations for responsibility”) the experience also revealed that to do so, fundamental knowledge of what information and services exist and are current is required. To find information about services, the person first needs to know what opportunities and resources are available.
“ I really expect this (information) to be handed to me when I reach the age, but not that I have to run after it” (Hanna, 80 year-old woman).
Some of the fundamental information on health-related matters was described as being provided by local senior NGOs and highly valued as such; however, at the same time, it was questioned who should be responsible for providing older adults with this information.
In addition to needing the provision of fundamental health-related information to bridge the gap, this subcategory describes the experience of what kind of information access is required and in what way accessed. Manageable options refer to an accessible overview of opportunities and resources that are available and current, both locally and nationwide. A clear venue for quality and reliable information is necessary, which was possible during the COVID-19 pandemic, so there is a precedent. Also, getting valuable and more relevant information is needed.
“Why do you always have to be in such a terrible shape to get information and service? … I think there needs to be a little more about everyday things. If you’re taking care of yourself, advice is needed on the best way to do this” (Nina, 80-year-old woman).
Access to information and services must align with diverse abilities/contexts. More options than mainstream digitalisation to access information and navigate through service systems need to be available. In rural areas, experiences of information being delivered more according to the ability and context of people were described, however, as being more the personal decisions of the staff rather than an embedded system ideology. Manageable options also include offering in-person support for those who require more introduction, instructions or assistance when accessing, understanding, appraising and using information.
The findings of this study among community-dwelling older adults revealed four separate, but interconnected, qualitative categories. The category “Expectations for responsibility” describes the experience that the person, the individual, should be responsible for taking care of their health, including accessing, understanding, appraising and using information and services. However, difficulties in doing so are revealed in the category “A gap between expectancy and ability/context” and include experiences, while taking the responsibility of expectations to do so are not in line with skills/situations. The consequences are information gaps that arise. The category “Finding one’s own ways” comprises various adapted ways to access, understand, appraise and use information and services. Although accepting the expectations that the individual should be responsible for taking care of their health, the category “Bridging the gap” describes experiences of needing responsibility to be shared and more manageable options to optimise reasoned health-related decisions and navigation in the healthcare system.
The category “Expectations for responsibility” is the base for the categories “A gap between expectancy and ability/context” and “Finding one´s own ways”. It describes the responsibility that participants experience in accessing, understanding, appraising and using health-related information and services as part of being their own health managers. This view is fuelled by and intertwined with personal expectations and messages from the environment that seem to be a part of social norms. This experience echoes, in a way, neoliberal ideology, with its economic and political focus on individualism and autonomy. It includes the idea that people should have the right and responsibility to make their own choices, which inevitably shapes healthcare delivery systems [ 26 , 27 ]. Reflecting this upon Iceland, although generally considered a part of the Nordic welfare states, the rise and promotion of neoliberalism in the country has shaped the economy and politics of health and welfare since the late 1970s [ 28 ].
Although the findings from this study indicated that the participants accept the expectation of being responsible for their health and value being their own health managers, they also revealed that this expectation was often not in line with their skills/situations. The result was the emergence of information gaps limiting their options to be responsible and make informed health decisions. The “A gap between expectancy and ability/context” category describes three interlinked subcategories: digitalisation , personal contact and navigation gaps . Numerous studies have reported challenges among older adults to participate in or benefit from the growing digitalisation, known as the “digital divide” or “grey digital divide” [ 29 , 30 ]. Research findings from Iceland also highlight this information gap. Palsdottir [ 31 ] has reported an increased frequency of online health information seeking among people 68 years and older from 2002 to 2012. However, the usefulness of that information, including websites by the health care system or health specialists, did not increase. A study on perceived barriers to health information among people 60 years and older also reveals hindrances in the availability of information and the ability to seek and find it [ 32 ]. This divide is considered to marginalise older adults, among other groups, who are most likely to become excluded from the benefits of digital technologies [ 30 ]One solution to the digital transformation that healthcare is undergoing [ 29 ], and in line with the expectation of individual responsibility, would be to modify HL by interventions aimed at strengthening the digital skills or competencies of individuals through education. However, Bittlingmayer and Sahrai [ 33 ] drew attention to what might happen if increased education is challenging to manage – for example, in the case of disability. Although older adults are a heterogeneous group, this perspective could be reflected, for instance, in the normal ageing process. Lifelong learning [ 5 ] should always be an option; however, how health services meet the complex needs of people as their own health managers needs to be addressed. Another angle regarding these experienced information gaps is that limited HL has generally been related to lower levels of education [ 4 , 6 , 16 ]. In this study, however, the community-dwelling participants’ education level is relatively high, with most having a secondary or a university degree. Perhaps this echoes the dynamic and complex interaction between various personal and environmental contextual factors acting and interacting as barriers or facilitators of HL.
Because of the gaps experienced in health-related information, the participants need to adapt and find other ways to manage. They do this by, for example, relying on people close to them like spouses, children, grandchildren and friends, as described in the category “Finding one’s own ways”. Concerning this adaptation, the resilience and resourcefulness of the participants seem to play an important role; it also identifies the importance of social connections or networks. Making reasoned health-related decisions and navigating the healthcare system can, therefore, build on if you have someone in your life willing and able to help. Findings from this research indicated that, in some cases, this support is provided by healthcare staff, even when not on the job. ers. The importance of relatives as an adapted or alternative strategy while dealing with health information was one of four main themes in a study among socioeconomically disadvantaged adults in Switzerland [ 13 ]. This supports the importance of social connection and support for those experiencing health-related information gaps. Although matters of caregiving and the share of informal/unpaid carers, often female family members or friends [ 34 ], are beyond the scope of this research and will not be addressed further, the effects of individualism and healthcare delivery systems’ expectations of responsibility cannot be underestimated. The local senior NGOs in Iceland also seem to play an important role in providing relevant health-related information, for example about rights and available services. However, to participate in gatherings these organisations provide or to receive most of the information, people must become members and pay an annual fee [ 35 ].
In the category “Bridging the gap”, the participants ask for two things to make the passing of the experienced information gaps easier, presented in the subcategories “ Shared responsibility ” and “ Manageable options ”. Although the findings from this study indicated that the participants accept the expectation of responsibility for their own health, they also revealed a contradiction. Namely, without knowing what information and services exist and are current, this expectation can sometimes be hard to live up to, or even be impossible. Shared responsibility in providing older adults with more fundamental health-related information seems a vital preliminary step for them to access, understand, appraise and use information. Access to healthcare is generally considered a multifaceted concept consisting of the interaction between the accessibility of services and the abilities of people [ 36 ]. One of the five identified dimensions of accessibility is the approachability of services. This dimension includes making services known and reachable to individuals, along with the necessary individual skills to identify the need for these services [ 36 ]. Yet again, the complexity of HL is brought to light, and the question is raised where this line between individual versus service responsibility is drawn and, more importantly, who decides. Organisational health literacy (OHL) is an evolving concept [ 11 ], especially in the wake of COVID-19, which has transformed the healthcare service [ 37 ]. It is described as an effort to transform health-related services to make it easier for people to navigate, understand and use information and services to look after their own health and address the implementation of policies, practices and systems. This concept underpins the idea that HL does not merely depend on the abilities of individuals [ 11 , 38 ]. Neoliberal policies, with their emphasis on economic value, have often been criticised for negatively impacting access to healthcare by not addressing the structural disadvantages experienced by certain population groups [ 39 ]. Furthermore, these policies are considered to contribute to the negative viewing of individuals who are not in the workforce, perceiving them as potentially financially burdensome [ 39 ].
Also, older adults may experience decreased functioning over time due to the natural ageing process. This decline can affect their ability and capacity to access, understand, appraise and use health-related information. Focusing on individual responsibility can lead to compromised access to and use of information and services. Therefore, the effect of these policies on fuelling ageism in viewing older adults as a burden must be considered. Ageism has been estimated to cost societies vast amounts [ 40 ], and in the United Nations action plan Decade of Healthy Ageing 2021–2030 [ 5 ], one of the identified areas for action is connected to changing negative views and actions towards age and ageing.
The findings from this study indicated that the participants not only require shared responsibility in the form of being provided with fundamental health-related information in the category of “Bridging the gap”. The subcategory “ Manageable options ” reflects the request for information that is approachable, acceptable, appropriate, and available. For example, this study indicates that older adults have a generally positive view of digital development as a part of the future. This finding is also reflected in a study on technology use for health information based on a randomized sample of older Icelanders [ 41 ]. However, it seems to be an issue of design, delivery, instructions and support, bringing us to service user participation and inclusion. One of the identified areas for action in the United Nations action plan, Decade of Healthy Ageing 2021–2030 [ 5 ], aims at enabling older people to continue to do the things that they value and support the inclusion of their voices not only as service beneficiaries but also as agents of change. The focus is on the abilities of older people and person-centred integrated care and primary health services. Brach et al. [ 42 ] introduced the 10 attributes of a health-literate healthcare organisation (HLHCO). The attributes are based on the OHL concept [ 11 ] to deliver person-centred healthcare and tackle system-level factors enabling people to access, understand, appraise and use health-related information. One of the 10 attributes emphasises the importance of including the voices of consumers in the design process, implementation and evaluation of health information and services [ 42 ]. This specific attribute, engagement and support of service users, has been recognized as one of the most prevalent topics of OHL [ 38 ].
Furthermore, in a framework for strengthening the health system’s capacity regarding HL, one of the eight suggested action areas focuses on people-centred services based on user engagement and enabling environments [ 43 ]. In this study, the participants indicated that they value being their own health managers and take full responsibility for accessing, understanding, appraising and using health-related information, as expected, as part of social norms. However, the lack of options to fulfil this expectation implies that healthcare delivery systems do not always meet the needs of older adults to act on it.
This qualitative exploratory study aimed to gather information about the experiences and needs of older community-dwelling adults concerning accessing, understanding, appraising and using health-related information. One of the strengths of this study is that it gives older adults living at home a platform to be heard. By selecting potential participants purposefully with different backgrounds regarding the place of living, age, gender, education, means of transport and distance from services, variations in experiences were sought. The generalisability of the results was affected by participants being restricted to living in Northern Iceland and including individuals with similar cultural backgrounds. It should, however, be kept in mind that close similarities may exist between Iceland and other northern geographical areas of the world where the culture is labelled Western.
The possible effects of having a spouse present during three of the 20 interviews must be mentioned. Their presence was considered culturally relevant in rural areas in the sense of greeting visitors at home. The spouses also acted as a support and facilitated communication, such as for one participant with early-stage Alzheimer’s disease. Memory loss is most often a reason for exclusion from research. However, gender roles and the power balance between couples must be considered, which might have affected the conversations. One interview took place via Zoom. While this may not align with our main findings, older adults’ technological skills vary. In times of often hard confinement and isolation of older people during the COVID-19 pandemic, by preparing the interview setting well, the wishes of this participant to meet on Zoom could be met.
Clear categories emerged based on evident patterns, consisting of direct content, minimal interpretation and remaining close to the original text. In content analysis, the researcher must know the context. Having four interdisciplinary researchers with stated expertise partaking in the data analysis process contributed to the credibility of this research. Although two researchers conducted the primary analysis, regular meetings with all authors at every step of the process were used for reflection on possible preconceptions and consistency between empirical data and the emerging categories and their content. Including a senior citizen with lived experience on the research team further enhanced the credibility of this research. However, the involvement of an older adult in the earlier stages of the research is an aspect for consideration in future studies.
Working on data in Icelandic and English can be both a strength and a limitation. A strength regarding reasonability and accuracy as a thorough evaluation of the meaning and use of words during the translation process took place. A limitation in the sense of possibly misrepresenting the participants’ expression in the translation process from Icelandic to English, although three of four researchers are fluent in both languages, should minimise that risk.
The participants in this study experienced expectations of being responsible for accessing, understanding, appraising and using health-related information as part of acting as their own health managers. Although valuing and accepting these expectations, limitations regarding living up to them were revealed because such expectations were often not in line with their skills/situations, despite having a relatively high education level. Information gaps, therefore, arise due to digitalisation, limited personal contact and general navigation complexity within and between health-related services. Therefore, approachable fundamental health-related information, current and quality checked, and inclusive service opportunities are needed to bridge the resulting gaps. It is necessary to critically address the possible influences of politics regarding the views on individual responsibility at a systematic level in matters of health and HL. Such action should analyse if and how those principles shape attitudes, social norms and health services and confront structural disadvantages experienced by population groups. Access to information and services must be viewed beyond availability and include the approachability, acceptability and appropriateness of service users with various abilities and contexts. The findings from this study reflect participants’ experiences of bearing most of the responsibility as their own health managers, while simultaneously having limited choices in acting on it. Policymakers are therefore encouraged to develop services that enable older adults to make reasoned decisions about health and navigate healthcare services in an effective way.
The datasets used and/or analysed during the current study are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request.
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We thank all the study participants, the University of Akureyri Research Fund and the Akureyri Hospital Science Fund for supporting our study. Asta Sigurdardottir, a senior citizen in Akureyri and a member of our research team, is especially thanked for her valuable input and reflection.
This work was supported by the University of Akureyri Research Fund under grant number R2112 and the Akureyri Hospital Science Fund. The funders had no role in the study design, data collection and analysis or manuscript preparation.
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Faculty of Occupational Therapy, School of Health, Business and Natural Sciences, University of Akureyri, Nordurslod 2, Akureyri, 600, Iceland
Sonja Stelly Gustafsdottir
Department of Physical Therapy, Faculty of Medicine, School of Health Sciences, University of Iceland, Reykjavik, Iceland
Sonja Stelly Gustafsdottir & Solveig A. Arnadottir
Health and Rehabilitation at the Institute of Neuroscience and Physiology, University of Gothenburg, Gothenburg, Sweden
Lena Mårtensson
Faculty of Nursing, School of Health, Business and Natural Sciences, University of Akureyri, Akureyri, Iceland
Arun K. Sigurdardottir
Akureyri Hospital, Akureyri, Iceland
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SSG collected, analysed and interpreted the data, drafted the manuscript and was the grant holder. LM contributed to analysing and interpreting the data and drafting and revising the manuscript. SAA and AKS contributed to the data interpretation and revising the manuscript. AKS was also a grant holder. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.
Correspondence to Sonja Stelly Gustafsdottir .
Ethics approval and consent to participate.
According to the Icelandic National Bioethics Committee, no further approval from the previous study (VSNb2016060007/03.01) was needed for this continued research (VSN-21–009). Information about the names and social numbers of participants and research numbers from the previous study were kept separate and accessible only to the researchers through special permission from the file holder, University of Akureyri Research Centre. Written informed consent was obtained from all participants. Participants chose pseudonyms at the beginning of each interview, which were used to ensure confidentiality and privacy, and recorded interviews were deleted after transcriptions. This study is not a registered clinical trial.
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Gustafsdottir, S.S., Mårtensson, L., Sigurdardottir, A.K. et al. When great responsibility comes with limited options: experiences and needs of older community-dwelling adults regarding accessing, understanding, appraising and using health-related information. BMC Geriatr 24 , 640 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12877-024-05236-2
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Received : 03 January 2024
Accepted : 22 July 2024
Published : 31 July 2024
DOI : https://doi.org/10.1186/s12877-024-05236-2
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Violence against women and children (VAWC) is a significant health and human rights issue closely tied to multiple Sustainable Development Goals. While VAWC is prevalent in all countries, the severity and incidence of VAWC increase during wars, natural disasters, economic crises, and pandemics, all of which have affected Yemen in recent years. This systematic review synthesizes evidence from qualitative and quantitative studies on the types, prevalence, perpetrators of, and risk factors for VAWC in Yemen. Before initiating the search, the protocol and search strategy were registered to PROSPERO (CRD42021237855). We systematically searched four biomedical databases and grey literature sources and used reverse snowball sampling to identify eligible studies. The 31 studies included in the analysis depicted a range of forms of VAWC, encompassing honor violence, female genital mutilation and cutting, early and very early marriage, tourist marriage, family and intimate partner violence, and gender inequities in access to food, education, and medical care. Included studies reported a high prevalence of many forms of violence, including corporal punishment in schools and intimate partner violence. We reviewed study quality and how studies addressed ethical concerns in VAWC-related research. We found that several studies did not report ethics review or interviewer training and no studies discussed safety planning or addressing the mental health needs of participants in VAWC research. This systematic review provides a much-needed synthesis of existing research on VAWC in Yemen. Since the start of the 2014 war, Yemen has become the world’s largest humanitarian crisis, with the highest rate of maternal mortality and gender inequality in the world. We only identified one study initiated after the recent war in Yemen. This deficiency represents a missed opportunity to understand how the ongoing war has reversed prior gains in reducing the prevalence of child and very early child marriage and introduced new forms of gender-based violence, including tourist marriage.
The authors have declared no competing interest.
https://www.crd.york.ac.uk/prospero/display_record.php?ID=CRD42021237855
MAZ received funding support from the Else Kroener-Fresenius-Stiftung within the Heidelberg Institute for Global Health at Universitaetsklinikum Heidelberg for one year of her work on this project (Award Number D10053008). The Heidelberg University Library supported the open-access fee for this article. The Else Kroener-Fresenius-Stiftung had no role in the study's design, conduct or reporting.
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