In spite of this enduring popularity of personality theory, criminologists have hotly disputed the relevance of personality within the study of criminology for several decades (Andrews & Wormith, 1989; Brown, 2006; Caspi et al., 1994; Gibbons, 1989). This paper begins by presenting and describing the different modalities by which personality theory has been applied to criminality.
Critical concerns that have been raised about personality theory by criminologists will be reviewed; first, concerns related to key propositions and policy implications will are considered and evaluated; secondly, criticism regarding methodological weaknesses in personality theory research will be reviewed. Recent advances in personality theory research will be detailed in response to those specific methodological concerns, including current research findings regarding the link between personality and antisocial behavior. Finally, personality theory’s future application to the pursuit of knowledge regarding criminals and crime will be explored and avenues for integrated theory and research suggested.Generally, personality theorists endeavor to put together the puzzle of the human personality. Temperament is the term used for the childhood counterpart to personality (Farrington & Jolliffe, 2004). Facets of personality or temperament, , are combined together into or broad dimension of personality. Personality traits are persisting underlying tendencies to act in certain ways in particular situations (Farrington & Jolliffe, 2004). Traits shape the emotional and experiential spheres of life, defining how people perceive their world and predict physical and psychological outcomes (Roberts, 2009). Various structured models of personality exist, each with a set of traits and super traits (Miller & Lynam, 2001).
Personality and crime have been linked in two general ways. First, in “personality-trait psychology” (Akers & Sellers, 2009, p. 74) certain traits or super traits within a structured model of personality may be linked to (ASB). As reviewed by Miller and Lynam (2001), four structured models of personality theory were found to be widely used in criminological research and are considered reliable: the five-factor model (FFM; McCrae & Costa, 1990), the PEN model (Eysenck, 1977), Tellegen’s three-factor model (1985), and Cloninger’s temperament and character model (Cloninger, Dragan, Svraki, & Przybeck, 1993).
In Table 1, the traits of these models are listed and defined. Eysenck hypothesized specific associations between the PEN model and ASB, proposing that the typical criminal would possess high levels of all three of his proposed personality dimensions. Cloninger hypothesized a link between ASB and personality dimensions from his model, stating that ASB would be linked to high , low , and low (see Table 1).
The second way that personality theorists have linked personality to crime is through “personality-type psychology” (Akers & Sellers, 2009, p. 74) or by asserting that certain deviant, abnormal individuals possess a criminal personality, labeled psychopathic, sociopathic, or antisocial. The complex and twisting history of the term and concept of psychopathy can be traced back to the early 1800s (Feeney, 2003), contributing to its common misuse by both academics and nonacademics. Hare (1993, 1996) set forth a psychological schematic of persistent offenders who possess certain dysfunctional interpersonal, affective, and behavioral qualities and make up about one percentage of the population.
The distinguishing interpersonal and affective characteristic of psychopaths is the dual possession of absolute self-centeredness, grandiosity, callousness, and lack of remorse or empathy for others coupled with a charismatic, charming, and manipulative superficiality (Hare, 1993). The defining behavioral characteristics of psychopaths are impulsivity, irresponsibility, risk taking, and antisocial behavior (Hare, 1993). Table 2 displays the emotional, interpersonal, and acts of social deviance hypothesized to indicate psychopathy. The term antisocial, not psychopath or sociopath, is now used by the American Psychological Association in the latest (DSM-IV-TR, 2000). This disorder manifests itself as a persistent disregard for and violation of the rights of others, beginning at an early age and persisting into adulthood. The DSM-IV-TR (2000) outlines the antisocial personality disorder as a broader clinical disorder than psychopathy, a diagnosis that could easily be applied to many who engage in criminal behavior (see Table 2).
Certain personality theorists such as Eysenck (1977) postulated that personality traits stem from biological causes. For example, Eysenck noted that arousal levels are directly associated with the personality trait of extraversion (Eysenck, 1977) and testosterone levels are linked to levels of psychotocism (Eysenck, 1997). The biologically deterministic premise postulated within segments of personality theory sparked an intense debate in criminology (Andrews & Wormith, 1989; Gibbons, 1989), which provides just a glimpse into a chasm in the field of criminology that has been rupturing for decades.
Criticisms against deterministic thought can best be understood within the historical context (Hirschi & Hindelang, 1977; Laub & Sampson, 1991; Rafter, 2006). Criminology is a field full of deep schisms and sharp debates, a sort of “hybrid” discipline (Gibbons, 1989), with even the historical accounts of criminology being disputed (Brown, 2006; Forsythe, 1995; Garland, 1997; Jones, 2008; Rafter, 2004). Yet, it is generally agreed that the foundations for understanding criminal behavior, even the justification for the existence of the discipline of criminology, is rooted in psychobiological perspectives (Brown, 2006; Garland, 1997; Glicksohn, 2002; Jones, 2008).
Many of those considered to be the founders of criminology collaborated with psychiatrists focusing on the rehabilitation and medical or psychological treatment of criminal deviance, viewing such behavior as a disease of the mind or intellect rather than holding to the more primitive explanations that attributed crime to manifestations of evil spirits or sinfulness (Hervé, 2007; Jones, 2008; Rafter, 2004).
With the dawning of the ideals of the Enlightenment, interest grew in the notion that just as there are natural laws that act upon the physical world, there may be underlying forces that propel individuals or groups to react in certain ways (Jones, 2008). Two distinct schools of positivism arose during this period, those who assumed that these underlying forces were societal and those who assumed that the forces propelling criminal behavior were individualistic or psychological.
One faction of nineteenth century positivists, with researchers such as Guerry and Quetelet, focused primarily on societal forces and emphasized geographical differences in crime rates, especially the effects of urbanization (Jones, 2008; Quetelet, 2003). At the core of this work was the idea that individuals do not have free will to act upon their societal environment, but rather are being acted upon by social forces; “Society prepares crime and the criminal is only the instrument that executes them” (Quetelet, quoted in Jones, 2008, p. 8).
However, the name most associated with nineteenth century positivism is Cesare Lombroso. Lombroso considered criminal behavior as indicative of degeneration to a lower level of functioning caused by brain damage or from certain genetic impacts (such as birth defects passed to children born of diseased or alcoholic parents), which impeded natural development (Glicksohn, 2002; Jones, 2008). Jones (2008) notes that Lombroso’ antagonists recount his professed allegiance to the use of the scientific method, yet they also detail how he would elaborate wildly, speculating far beyond the bounds of his empirical observations.
Occasionally, Lombroso’s work is completely omitted from texts advocating individualistic or psychological approaches to criminal behavior, as Lombroso’s work is seen as an embarrassment and deemed a precursor to the Nazi ideology of the Ayran race (Jones, 2008; Rafter, 2006). Against this blemished backdrop of Nazi ideologies of racial hygiene, labeled biological determinism, sociologically inclined theories flourished within criminology and individualistic explanations for criminality were deserted as taboo and unmentionable (Andrews & Wormith, 1989; Glicksohn, 2002; Hirschi & Hindelang, 1977; Laub & Sampson, 1991).
Within such a historical context, ethical and moral concerns were raised regarding personality theory leading to inequitable or brutish policies (Rafter, 2006). Fears of policy recommendations forcing medical procedures, drug treatment, or excessively restrictive practices were common concerns levied against highly deterministic psychological theories (Bartol & Bartol, 2004; Gibbons, 1986; Jones, 2008). Labeling or stigmatizing persons as psychopaths, sociopaths, or antisocial, raised concerns that such labels might lead to unmerited, harsh sentences, as such individuals would be deemed as incorrigible (Andrews & Wormith, 1989). Conversely, there were concerns that labeling offenders with personality disorders could result in doubts about their culpability for crimes, leading to undue leniency (Bartol & Bartol, 2004).
Personality theorists also were criticized for focusing solely on dysfunctional persons rather than the environments that are producing their dysfunction (Jones, 2008; Tannenbaum, 1938). The fear was that this one-dimensional focus on criminal behavior originating from within the person could lead to the policy recommendations that neglected and dismissed the environmental or social forces that foster crime (Bartol & Bartol, 2004).
Even within the initial research centered on personality and crime, such as research conducted by the Gluecks, personality theory was differentiated from biological determinism by concentrating on the interaction of personality with the environment (Andrews & Wormith, 1989; Laub & Sampson, 1991). Eysenck describes his theory as a diathesis-stress model, postulating that a predisposition may be inherited for certain types of mental illness but it is activated by certain environmental stress factors (Eysenck, 2003, p. 91).
Moffitt (1993, 2006) also recognized continuity of criminal behavior of the persistent offenders as neither totally trait driven, nor entirely environmentally sustained. Rather, persistence in ASB is considered the result of a reciprocal process between individual traits and the environmental reactions to those personal traits (Moffitt, 2006).
Concerning the fear that policy implications would neglect social problems, much to the contrary, personality theory’s focus on the interactional effects of individuals with their environment has led to the careful development of research implications involving the family, the school environment, as well as boarder community and societal institutions (Andrews & Wormith, 1989; Eysenck, 2003; Moffitt, 1993, 2006, 2007; Farrington, 2002; Farrington & Jolliffe, 2004). Childhood dysfunctional is attributed to exposure to parental violence, poor parental-child attachment, and abuse (Caspi et al., 1994; Moffitt, 1993).
Childhood vulnerabilities are considered to be resultant of maternal drug use, poor nutrition, exposure to toxins, and deprivation of affection (Caspi et al., 1994; Farrington, 2002; Moffitt, 1993, 2006). Moffitt (2007) predicted higher prevalence of delinquency among ethnic minorities due to an increased likelihood of experiencing predicted risk markers (i.e., poor prenatal care, exposure to toxins, family adversity), which minorities are subjected to at elevated levels due to poverty and institutionalized discrimination. Moffitt (2006) also emphasized the importance of the prevention of entrapment of adolescents in detrimental snares, such as incarceration, teen pregnancy, or drug addiction. Therefore, policy implications generated from personality theory have not been limited to interventions at the individual level, but policy recommendations have been multi-dimensional, including interventions at the family, school, and community levels (Caspi, Lynam, Moffitt, & Silva, 1993; Lynam et al., 2000; Farrington, 2002).
However, vigilance is recommended regarding stigmatization resulting from labeling individuals with deviant personality disorders. In England, the presence of such diagnoses justifies non-engagement in treatment by mental health professionals with such clients based on the Mental Health Act of 1983, with its so-called “treatability” criterion (Appelbaum, 2005, p. 397; Feeney, 2003). Modifications in criminal law in England now permit indefinite detention of persons who are thought likely to represent a serious threat (Appelbaum, 2005; Seddon, 2008). Such persons must have a severe personality disorder diagnosis that makes her or him “more likely than not to commit an offence that might be expected to lead to serious physical or psychological harm from which a victim would find it difficult to recover” (Appelbaum, 2005, p. 398; Seddon, 2008).
In clinical professions, “the most controversial issue has been whether a connection exists between serious mental disorder and violence” (Melton, Petrila, Poythress, & Slobogin, 2007, p. 318; Webster & Hucker, 2007). Yet, the courts in England are now requiring such evaluations and risk assessments from mental health professionals (Appelbaum, 2005; Seddon, 2008). Sexual predator statutes that have been passed in several U.S. states are similar to these new laws in England but have a much more limited scope (Appelbaum, 2005).
Regarding fears of undue leniency from the justice system due to labeling criminals with personality disorders, the pendulum of justice seems to be swinging in a more punitive direction. For example, the acquittal of John Hinckley in 1982 set off a groundswell of criticism against the insanity plea (La Fond & Durham, 1992; Melton et al., 2007). As a result, 39 states made dozens of changes in their laws regarding insanity pleas, Utah and Idaho completely abolished the defense at criminal trials, and the U.S. Congress passed legislation that made changes in the way the insanity plea may be used in criminal court (La Fond & Durham, 1992; Melton et al., 2007).
Beyond criticisms regarding the underlying assumptions or potentially negative impacts of personality theory on policy, criticisms were made in the past regarding research methods in personality theory research (Miller & Lynam, 2001). Researching personality traits was considered by many as a mere circular blaming exercise, condemning criminals for their own criminal propensities (Glicksohn, 2002). Trait theory was characterized as hypothesizing, “delinquents are delinquent because they have delinquency within them” (Jones, 2008, p. 12). In a review of personality research, Miller and Lynam (2001) and Roberts (2009) noted key methodological weaknesses in early personality research that planted doubts among criminologists regarding its reliability and validity, including: the construct validity and reliability of personality trait measures, doubts about the validity of projection tests, and concerns with scale construction through “criterion keying” (p. 766).
Caspi et al. (1994) noted that critics of previous personality research highlighted problems with the measurement of personality and delinquency and biased sampling. Past methodological questions regarding measures of personality through the use of criterion keying specifically centered on the tautological problem with measuring the personality dimension denoting delinquency (Capsi et al., 1994; Miller & Lynam, 2001). As several measures, such as the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI) and the California Psychological Inventory (CPI), were designed to differentiate delinquents from nondeliquents, items in the scales were tautological and limited to demonstrating that the most delinquent individuals assessed were in fact the most similar to the definitions of delinquency in the scales (Caspi et al., 1994; Miller & Lynam, 2001).
Past critics of personality research also were suspicious of the use of official reports for the offending outcome measure that could have created an underrepresentation of offenders who do not get caught or even that such undetected offenders may be inadvertently placed in the nonoffending control groups (Caspi et al., 1994). Also, criticisms were made of the use of self-report measures of offending for including trivial items, plus fears were raised concerning the underreporting of offending (Caspi et al., 1994). Although efforts have been made to correct these weaknesses in measurement by using multiple offending indicators (Caspi et al., 1994), these issues do not uniquely belong to personality researchers, but present a universal difficulty in criminological research (Cantor & Lynch, 2000; Geerken, 1994; Huizinga, & Elliott, 1986; Thornberry & Krohn, 2000). In fact, the Gluecks, renowned yet marginalized for their research on criminal careers, were collecting multi-informant indicators for delinquency in addition to using official records in their very earliest research (Laub & Sampson, 1991).
Criticisms regarding biased samples were due to the primary use of incarcerated populations that only represented offenders who were detected and sentenced (Caspi et al., 1994). Differences in the characteristics of detected and nondetected offenders were presumed to be spurious or confounding variables that could have influenced the study findings (Caspi et al., 1994). Also race, gender, and class biases in samples were noted (Caspi et al., 1994).
In their meta-analytic review of studies of personality and ASB, Miller and Lynam (2001) concluded that these previously mentioned weaknesses within personality research have been overcome (see also, Roberts, 2009). As far as the construct of personality, Miller and Lynam (2001) concluded that the structural models of personality that they included in their review (see Table 1) have been sufficiently tested and “warrant confidence in their reliability and validity” (p. 768). In regards to the use of projection tests, such tests are no longer viewed as reliable measures of personality (except by the few psychoanalysts in the field) and are no longer used in research (Miller & Lynam, 2001).
To avoid the problem of tautology, Caspi et al. (1994) used assessment measures that were not designed to differentiate delinquents from nondelinquents, but instead they utilized instruments that assessed an array of traits that may be linked to ASB. Miller and Lynam (2001) corrected the tautological issue by including the criterion-keyed scales only as measures of delinquency, not as a personality trait. Moffit, Caspi, Rutter, and Silva (2001) similarly used conduct disorder as a measure of delinquency not a personality predictor.
In the meta-analytic review of over 60 studies investigating the relationship between personality traits and ASB conducted between 1963 and 2000 based on the four structural models in Table 1, the largest effect sizes (greater than .30) were found for , , and (Miller & Lynam, 2001). Interestingly, variations across gender and sample type were noted. For example, was only weakly related to ASB in female samples and was more strongly related to ASB in nonprisoner and self-report samples (Miller & Lynam, 2001). As evidenced by this review and other reviews, variation in sample type has increased within these types of studies (Caspi et al., 1994; Miller & Lynam, 2001). In summarizing the results of the review (using FFM as a common denominator for all four models), these findings suggested that individuals low in (i.e., those hostile and indifferent to others) and low in (i.e., those with poor impulse control and lacking in motivation) are more likely to engage in ASB (Miller & Lynam, 2001).
The personality trait of impulsivity or the FFM dimension of low (see Table 1) is the trait that has been the most consistently liked to ASB (Farrington & Jolliffe, 2004; Farrington, 1992, 2002; White et al., 1994). Advances in brain imaging have allowed researchers to investigate the connection between frontal lobe executive functioning and impulsivity (Moffitt, 1990; Eme, 2008), suggesting that hyperactivity and a poor ability to perceive potential consequences of actions may result in school failure (Farrington, 2002). Although Gottfredson and Hirschi (1990) are sociologists by training, they also argued that people differ in an underlying criminal propensity, i.e., low self-control. According to self-control theory, the formation of the stable trait of self-control occurs via the parent-child socialization or the reciprocal bonding process from birth to age eight (Gottfredson & Hirschi, 1990; Gottfredson, 2007).
From these early attachments or social bonds, an individual gains self-control or “the tendency to delay short-term gain for long-term personal and collective interests” (Gottfredson, 2007, p. 537). Gottfredson and Hirschi’s theory has been empirically supported through numerous studies across ages, groups, cultures, crimes, behaviors related to crime, and time periods (Gottfredson, 2006; Pratt, 2009). A meta-analysis of the theory found a combined effect size from 21 studies of .20, regarded as one of the strongest documented micro-level correlates of crime (Pratt & Cullen, 2000). An exception to the link between low self-control and crime has been noted in white-collar criminals, with findings suggesting that they are high in conscientiousness, but low in integrity (Blickle, Schlegel, Fassbender & Klein, 2006).
Low empathy also has been thoroughly investigated as a predictor of ASB, but empirical evidence relating measures of empathy to ASB is not conclusive or consistent (for reviews, see Jolliffe & Farrington, 2004; Lovett & Sheffield, 2007; Varker, Devilly, Ward, & Beech, 2008). In a review and meta-analysis of 35 studies, low empathy was found to be strongly related to violent offenses, but relatively weak to sex offenses. Yet, when controlling for intelligence and SES, the relationship between low empathy and offending disappeared (Jolliffe & Farrington, 2004). In a review of 17 studies by Lovett and Sheffield (2007), no relationship between low empathy and aggression was found in children, yet a relationship was found with adolescents.
Although the issue of tautology is still remains in the Hare Psychopathy Checklist-Revised (PCL-R) due to its behavioral component, psychopathy as measured on the PCL-R has been consistently linked to offending and recidivism (Hemphill, Hare, & Wong, 1998; Porter & Woodworth, 2006; Salekin, Rogers, & Sewell, 1995). Based on a review of psychopathy and crime, Hare (1993) estimated that psychopaths commit more than 50% of all crime, making up a high percentage of violent offenders, law enforcement killers, serial rapists, and wife batterers. This finding is congruent with studies suggesting that a relatively small proportion of offenders account for a large proportion of crimes (Farrington, Ohlin, & Wilson, 1986).
Also supporting Hare’s proposition of the complex clinical condition of psychopathy, numerous studies using data from magnetic resonance imaging of the brains of those classified as psychopaths have revealed significant abnormalities in brain structure (Herba et al., 2007). For example, studies based on both community and offender samples have found reduced connectivity and abnormalities in the amygdala-orbitofrontal cortex network (Yang, Raine, Colletti, Toga, & Narr, 2009) and damage to the prefrontal cortices (Craig et al., 2009). Such defects in brain structure have been shown to result in aggressive behaviors, loss of normal anger and fear responses, decreased inhibition, disruption in decision making, and impairment in processing the emotional and social contexts (Craig et al., 2009; Yang et al., 2009).
As mentioned, Gottfredson and Hirschi’s (1990) self-control theory shares strong conceptual links to personality theory (Farrington, 2002; Miller & Lynam, 2001). However, other avenues of integration of personality with criminological theory could also be useful. For example, Agnew’s (1992) General Strain Theory (GST) focuses on personal pressures arising from the environment that align with individual conditioning factors to press a person toward crime. Life strains by causing, influencing, and interacting with negative emotions, aggressive personality traits, and criminogenic social learning are predicted to result in dysfunctional coping, such as delinquent behaviors (Agnew, 1992, 2001, 2002, 2006).
Agnew (1992, 2001) predicted crime is more likely when goal blockage is perceived as unjust and when the gap between goals and achievements is high in magnitude and the resulting “anger and frustration energize the individual for action, lower inhibitions, and create a desire for revenge” (Agnew, Piquero & Cullen, 2009, p. 41). From this brief overview of GST, it is evident that there exists the potential for research regarding the interaction of certain strains with personality traits, such as agreeableness and conscientiousness (see Table 1). Agnew, Brezina, Wright, and Cullen (2002) explored this connection, finding that those high in negative emotionality and low in restraint were more likely to react to strain with delinquency, but not all research has found this moderating relationship (Wareham, 2005). A recent study found that situational emotionality affected the relationship between strain and delinquency rather than trait-based negative emotionality; so further research is warranted (Moon, Morash, McCluskey, & Hwang, 2009).
Routine activity theory (Cohen & Felson, 1979) is classified as a criminal opportunity theory with concepts that emphasize victim risk, specifically risk created by proximity to crime and target suitability. Related to target suitability, behavioral scientists have proposed that socially rejected youth are most likely to be the victims of teasing, bullying, and hazing by their peers (MacNeil, 2002; Vitaro, Boivin, & Tremblay, 2007), with victims of one of these forms of peer abuse often experiencing several (Thompson, Grace, & Cohen, 2001). Some researchers have recently asserted that, for some youth, victimization is a “condition” rather than an event (Finkelhor, Ormrod, Turner, & Hamby, 2005, p. 20; see also Perry, Hodges, & Egan, 2001, Solomon & Heide, 1999).
These youth do not experience only one or several separate incidents of victimizations, but endure repeated and multiple victimizations, as if repeat victims comprise their own crime “hot spot” (Menard & Huizinga, 2001; Pease & Laycock, 1996). Commenting on their findings regarding family characteristics that affect vulnerability to violent juvenile victimization, Schreck and Fisher (2004) concluded that there is a possibility that vulnerability to crime is a “time-stable personal trait” predetermined by family socialization (p. 1035). Additionally, in a survey of serial rapists, 69 percent identified vulnerability as the strongest reason to attack a female; youth, helpfulness, easy compliance, those exhibiting “a learned helplessness” were characteristics of vulnerable targets (Stevens, 1998, p. 55). From such research findings, it is evident that there is potential for further investigation into the function of personality traits, even a positive trait such as agreeableness, and their possible interactions with target suitability and victim risk.
And lastly, focusing on the dysfunctional individual trait of psychopathy (Hare, 1993), research has yet to fully explore if particular types of crimes may be more conducive to psychopaths by interacting with their interpersonal and behavioral traits. In other words, do certain dysfunctional personality traits draw psychopathic criminals to certain types of offending and facilitate their success? For example, only one study has explored the trait of psychopathy in pimps or sex traffickers, although these offenders demonstrate the “unique set of interpersonal, affective, and lifestyle characteristics (e.g., superficial charm, shallow affect, lack of empathy, manipulativeness, parasitic) typical of psychopathic offenders” (Spidel et al., 2007, p. 163).
Babiak and Hare (2007) hypothesized that qualities of psychopaths may facilitate their success in white-collar crime: possessing charm and social manipulation they succeed at job interviews, possessing attributes that are easily mistaken as leadership ability they are quickly promoted, and the changing business environment has led to a need for confident risk takers to implement ruthless personnel changes that fits with the psychopath’s insensitivity, callous disregard for others, and grandiosity. Exploring this interaction could provide beneficial information on likely crime targets or environments that best facilitate or attract psychopaths.
This review of the chronicles of personality theory in criminology, its current status, and future prospects, reveals that criminology has much to gain from personality theory. Past criticisms regarding debatable deterministic predispositions and weak research methodologies have been sufficiently overcome and cutting-edge technologies available to researchers offer new opportunities to investigate the role of individual traits in offending, recidivism, and even victimization toward the goal of reducing crime and its harmful effects. The study of traits may elucidate why certain individual react to life strain by offending, why particular individuals are targets of crime, and why psychopathic offenders choose particular avenues of crime.
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Hirschi, T. & Hindelang, M. J. (1977). Intelligence and delinquency: A revisionist review. , 571-587.
Huizinga, D., & Elliott, D. (1986). Reassessing the reliability and validity of self-report delinquency measures. , 293-327.
Jolliffe, D. & Farrington, D. P. (2004). Empathy and offending: A systematic review and meta-analysis. 441 – 476.
Jones, D. W. (2008). . Portland: Willan Publishing.
La Fond, J. Q., & Durham, M. (1992). New York: Oxford University Press.
Laub, J. H. and Sampson, R. J. (1991). The Sutherland–Glueck debate: On the sociology of criminological knowledge. 96, 1402-1440.
Lovett, B. J., & Sheffield, R. A. (2007). Affective empathy deficits in aggressive children and adolescents: A critical review. 1-13.
Lynam, D. R., Caspi, A., Moffitt, T. E., Wikstrom, P., Loeber, R., & Novak, S. P. (2000). The interaction between impulsivity and neighborhood context on offending: The effects of impulsivity are stronger in poorer neighborhoods. (9), 563-574.
McCrae, R. R., & Costa, P. T. (1990). . New York: Guilford Press.
MacNeil, G. (2002). School bullying: An overview. In L. A. Rapp-Paglicci, A. R. Roberts, & J. S. Wodarski (Eds.), (pp. 247–261). New York: John Wiley & Sons.
Melton, G. B., Petrila, J., Poythress, N. G., & Slobogin, C. (2007). (3 ed.). New York: Guilford Press.
Menard, S., & Huizinga, D. (2001). Repeat victimization in a high-risk neighborhood sample of adolescents. , 447-472.
Miller, J. D., & Lynam, D. (2001). Structural models of personality and their relation to antisocial behavior: A meta-analytic review. 765-798.
Moffitt, T. E. (1990). The neuropsychology of juvenile delinquency: A Critical Review. In M. Tonry, & N. Morris (Eds.), (pp. 99-169). Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Moffitt, T. E. (1993). Adolescence-limited and life-course-persistent antisocial behavior: A developmental taxonomy. , 674–701.
Moffitt, T. E. (2006). Pathways in the life course to crime. In F. T. Cullen, & R. Agnew (Eds.), (pp. 502-521). Los Angeles: Roxbury Publishing.
Moffitt, T. E. (2007). Life-course-persistent vs. adolescence-limited antisocial behavior. In D. Cicchetti, & D. J. Cohen (Eds.), (2 ed., pp. 570-598). Hoboken, NJ; Wiley and Sons.
Moffitt, T. E., Caspi, A. Rutter, M., Silva, P. A. (2001). . Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press.
Moon, B., Morash, M., McCluskey, C. P., & Hwang, Hye-Won (2009). A comprehensive test of general strain theory. 182-212.
Quetelet, A. (2003). Of the development of the propensity to crime. In E. McLaughlin, J. Muncie, J., & G. Hughes (Eds.), (2 ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
Pease, K., & Laycock, G. (1996). (NCJ Publication No.162951). Washington, DC: National Institute of Justice.
Perry, D. G., Hodges, E. V. E., & Egan, S. K. (2001). Determinants of chronic victimization by peers: A review and new model of family influence. In J. Juvonen, & S. Graham (Eds.), (pp. 73–104). New York: Guilford Press.
Porter, S., & Woodworth, M. (2006). Psychopathy and aggression. In C. Patrick (Ed.), (pp. 481-494). New York: Guilford.
Pratt, T. C. (2009). Reconsidering Gottfredson and Hirschi’s General theory of crime: Linking the micro- and macro-level sources of self-control and criminal behavior over the life course. In J. Savage (Ed.), (pp. 361-373). New York: Oxford University Press.
Pratt, T. C. & Cullen, F. T. (2000). The empirical status of Gottfredson and Hirschi’s General theory of crime 931-964.
Rafter, N. (2004). The unrepentant horse-slayer: Moral insanity and the origins of criminal thought. , 979-1008.
Rafter, N. (2006). H. J. Eysenck in Fagin’s kitchen: The return to biological theory in 20 century criminology. , 37-56.
Roberts, B. W. (2009). Back to the future: Personality and assessment and personality development. 137-145.
Salekin, R. T., Rogers, R., Sewell, K. W. (1995). A review and mete-analysis of the Psychopathy Checklist and the Psychopathy Checklist-Revised: Predictive validity of dangerousness. 203-215.
Seddon, T. (2008). Dangerous liaisons: Personality disorder and the politics of risk. 301-317.
Schreck, C. J., & Fisher, B. S. (2004). Specifying the influence of family and peers on violent victimization: Extending routine and lifestyles theories. , 1021-1041.
Solomon, E. P., & Heide, K. M. (1999). Type III trauma: Toward a more effective conceptualization of psychological trauma. , 202-210.
Spidel, A., Greaves, C., Cooper, B. S, Hervé, H. F., Hare, R. D., & Yuille, J. C. (2007). The psychopath as pimp. 205-211.
Stevens, D. J. (1998). . Bethesda, MD: Austin & Winfield.
Tannenbaum, F. (1938). New York: Columbia University Press.
Tellegen, A. (1985). Structures of mood and personality and their relevance to assessing anxiety with an emphasis on self-report. In A. H. Tuma and J. D. Maser (Eds.), . Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
Thompson, M., Grace, C. O., & Cohen, L. J. (2001). Ballentine Books: New York.
Thornberry, T., & Krohn, M. (2000). The self report method for measuring delinquency and crime. In Duffee, D. (Ed.), (pp. 33-84) Washington, DC: US Department of Justice.
Varker, T., Devilly, G. J., Ward, T., & Beech, A. R. (2008). Empathy and adolescent sexual offenders: A review of the literature. , 251-260.
Vitaro, F., Boivin, M., & Tremblay, R. E. (2007). Peers and violence: A two-sided developmental perspective. In D. J. Flannery, A. T. Vazsonyi, & I. D. Waldman (Eds.), (pp. 361-387). New York: Cambridge University Press.
Wareham, J. J. (2005). Strain, personality traits, and deviance among adolescents: Moderating factors. (Doctoral dissertation, University of South Florida, 2005). USF Electronic Theses and Dissertations, HV6025.
Webster, C. D., & Hucker, S. J. (2007). . Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons.
White, J. L., Moffitt, T. E., Caspi, A., Bartusch, D. J., Needles, D. J., Stouthamer-Loeber, M. (1994). Measuring Impulsivity and Examining its Relationship to Delinquency. 192–205.
Yang, Y., Raine, A., Colletti, P., Toga, A. W., & Narr, K. L. (2009). Abnormal temporal and prefrontal cortical gray matter thinning in psychopaths. , 561-562.
In the nineteenth century, several psychiatrists and physicians in Europe and in the United States began to independently describe a similar condition. Each one labeled the condition differently, naming it or (Hervé, 2007; Glicksohn, 2002; Rafter, 2004). These terms were used to depict a personality disorder or clinically observed syndrome describing emotionally disturbed but intellectually intact persons who engaged in antisocial or violent behaviors. An American psychologist, Partridge, was the first to narrowly define and describe psychopathy as a particular personality disorder rather than a typology of disorders with diverse subtypes (Hervé, 2007). Due to the former confusion surrounding the term , Partridge replaced the older term with a new term, , to be identified with his more specific concept (Hervé, 2007). The contemporary concept of psychopathy can be attributed to Hervey Cleckly (1976), a psychiatrist who treated criminal offenders (Hervé, 2007). Today, Robert Hare is leader of the study of psychopathy and he refined Cleckly’s list of traits and definitions and created a measure of psychopathy, the Psychopathy Checklist (PCL) (Hare, 1996). Unlike other instruments used to measure personality, the PCL cannot be self-administered but must be administered by a trained interviewer who asks a series of questions to determine whether a person exhibits the traits of psychopathy. Moffitt (1993) asserts that there are two types of offenders: (1) a larger group of offenders, with delinquent or antisocial behavior that begins and ends during adolescence and (2) a smaller group of offenders, with antisocial behavior that begins in childhood and continues into adulthood, labeled offenders.
Model
| |
Neuroticism | Emotional stability and adjustment versus instability and maladjustment |
Extraversion | Sociability and agency |
Openness to Experience | Interest and willingness to try or consider new activities, ideas, beliefs; intellectual curiosity |
Agreeableness | Interpersonal strategies: Agreeableness versus Antagonism |
Conscientiousness | Ability to control impulses, carry out plans and tasks, organizational skills, follow one’s internal moral code |
| |
Psychoticism | Egocentricity, interpersonal coldness and disconnectedness, lack of empathy, and impulsiveness |
Extraversion | Sociability and agency |
Neuroticism | Emotional stability and adjustment versus instability and maladjustment |
| |
Positive Emotionality | Sociability, tendency to experience positive emotions, assertiveness, achievement orientation |
Negative Emotionality | Tendency to experience negative emotions; one’s ability to handle stress |
Constraint | Ability to control impulses, avoid potentially dangerous situations, and endorse traditional values and standards |
| |
Novelty Seeking | Tendency toward intense exhilaration or excitement in response to novel stimuli |
Harm Avoidance | Tendency to respond intensely to aversive stimuli |
Reward Dependence | Tendency to respond intensely to signals of reward |
Persistence | Perseverance despite frustration and fatigue |
Self-directedness | Self-determination and willpower |
Cooperativeness | Tendency to be agreeable versus antagonistic and hostile |
Self-transcendence | Involvement with spirituality |
Source: Miller, J. D., & Lynam, D. (2001). Structural models of personality and their relation to antisocial behavior: A meta-analytic review. Criminology, 39, p. 769
Table 2: Psychopathy Verses Antisocial Personality Disorder
Hare Psychopathy Checklist Revised (PCL-R)
Emotional/Interpersonal Traits
Glibness/superficial charm
Grandiose sense of self-worth
Need for stimulation/prone to boredom
Conning/manipulation
Lack of remorse of guilt
Shallow affect
Callous/lack of empathy
Lack of realistic, long-term goals
Failure to accept responsibility for own actions
Pathological lying
Social deviance
Many short-term marital relationships
Juvenile delinquency
Criminal versatility
Promiscuous sexual relations
Poor behavioral controls
Parasitic lifestyle
Early behavior problems
Impulsivity
Irresponsibility
Revocation of conditional release
Note: Items scored on a scale of 0-2 by a trained interviewer
(0 = not applicable, 1 = uncertain, 2 = definitely present)
DSM-IV Diagnostic Criteria for Antisocial Personality Disorder
A. There is a pervasive pattern of disregard for and violation of the rights of others occurring since age 15 years, as indicated by three (or more) of the following:
B. The individual is at least age 18 years.
C. There is evidence of conduct disorder with onset before age 15 years.
Sources: Robert D. Hare (1993). Without Conscience: The Disturbing World of Psychopaths Among Us. American Psychiatric Association (2000). Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (4th ed.).
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Moffitt, T. E. (2006). Pathways in the life course to crime. In F. T. Cullen, & R. Agnew (Eds.), Criminological theory: Past to present (pp. 502-521). Los Angeles: Roxbury Publishing.
Moffitt, T. E. (2007). Life-course-persistent vs. adolescence-limited antisocial behavior. In D. Cicchetti, & D. J. Cohen (Eds.), Developmental psychopathology (2 nd ed., pp. 570-598). Hoboken, NJ; Wiley and Sons.
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Quetelet, A. (2003). Of the development of the propensity to crime. In E. McLaughlin, J. Muncie, J., & G. Hughes (Eds.), Criminological perspectives: Essential readings (2 nd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
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Pratt, T. C. (2009). Reconsidering Gottfredson and Hirschi’s General theory of crime: Linking the micro- and macro-level sources of self-control and criminal behavior over the life course. In J. Savage (Ed.), The development of persistent criminality (pp. 361-373). New York: Oxford University Press.
Pratt, T. C. & Cullen, F. T. (2000). The empirical status of Gottfredson and Hirschi’s General theory of crime . Criminology, 38, 931-964.
Rafter, N. (2004). The unrepentant horse-slayer: Moral insanity and the origins of criminal thought. Criminology, 42 , 979-1008.
Rafter, N. (2006). H. J. Eysenck in Fagin’s kitchen: The return to biological theory in 20 th century criminology. History of the Human Sciences, 19 , 37-56.
Roberts, B. W. (2009). Back to the future: Personality and assessment and personality development. Journal of Research in Personality, 43, 137-145.
Salekin, R. T., Rogers, R., Sewell, K. W. (1995). A review and mete-analysis of the Psychopathy Checklist and the Psychopathy Checklist-Revised: Predictive validity of dangerousness. Clinical Psychology: Science and Practice, 2, 203-215.
Seddon, T. (2008). Dangerous liaisons: Personality disorder and the politics of risk. Punishment and Society, 10, 301-317.
Schreck, C. J., & Fisher, B. S. (2004). Specifying the influence of family and peers on violent victimization: Extending routine and lifestyles theories. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 19 , 1021-1041.
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Varker, T., Devilly, G. J., Ward, T., & Beech, A. R. (2008). Empathy and adolescent sexual offenders: A review of the literature. Aggression and Violent Behavior, 13 , 251-260.
Vitaro, F., Boivin, M., & Tremblay, R. E. (2007). Peers and violence: A two-sided developmental perspective. In D. J. Flannery, A. T. Vazsonyi, & I. D. Waldman (Eds.), The Cambridge handbook of violent behavior and aggression (pp. 361-387). New York: Cambridge University Press.
Wareham, J. J. (2005). Strain, personality traits, and deviance among adolescents: Moderating factors. (Doctoral dissertation, University of South Florida, 2005). USF Electronic Theses and Dissertations, HV6025.
Webster, C. D., & Hucker, S. J. (2007). Violence Risk: Assessment and management . Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons.
White, J. L., Moffitt, T. E., Caspi, A., Bartusch, D. J., Needles, D. J., Stouthamer-Loeber, M. (1994). Measuring Impulsivity and Examining its Relationship to Delinquency. Journal of Abnormal Psychology 103, 192–205.
Yang, Y., Raine, A., Colletti, P., Toga, A. W., & Narr, K. L. (2009). Abnormal temporal and prefrontal cortical gray matter thinning in psychopaths. Molecular Psychiatry, 14 , 561-562.
Table 1. Personality Models and Dimensions Model Definitions
| |
Neuroticism | Emotional stability and adjustment versus instability and maladjustment |
Extraversion | Sociability and agency |
Openness to Experience | Interest and willingness to try or consider new activities, ideas, beliefs; intellectual curiosity |
Agreeableness | Interpersonal strategies: Agreeableness versus Antagonism |
Conscientiousness | Ability to control impulses, carry out plans and tasks, organizational skills, follow one’s internal moral code |
| |
Psychoticism | Egocentricity, interpersonal coldness and disconnectedness, lack of empathy, and impulsiveness |
Extraversion | Sociability and agency |
Neuroticism | Emotional stability and adjustment versus instability and maladjustment |
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Positive Emotionality | Sociability, tendency to experience positive emotions, assertiveness, achievement orientation |
Negative Emotionality | Tendency to experience negative emotions; one’s ability to handle stress |
Constraint | Ability to control impulses, avoid potentially dangerous situations, and endorse traditional values and standards |
| |
Novelty Seeking | Tendency toward intense exhilaration or excitement in response to novel stimuli |
Harm Avoidance | Tendency to respond intensely to aversive stimuli |
Reward Dependence | Tendency to respond intensely to signals of reward |
Persistence | Perseverance despite frustration and fatigue |
Self-directedness | Self-determination and willpower |
Cooperativeness | Tendency to be agreeable versus antagonistic and hostile |
Self-transcendence | Involvement with spirituality |
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Reid, J. A. (2011). "Crime and Personality: Personality Theory and Criminality Examined." Inquiries Journal/Student Pulse , 3 (01). Retrieved from http://www.inquiriesjournal.com/a?id=1690
Reid, Joan A. "Crime and Personality: Personality Theory and Criminality Examined." Inquiries Journal/Student Pulse 3.01 (2011). < http://www.inquiriesjournal.com/a?id=1690 >
Reid, Joan A. 2011. Crime and Personality: Personality Theory and Criminality Examined. Inquiries Journal/Student Pulse 3 (01), http://www.inquiriesjournal.com/a?id=1690
REID, J. A. 2011. Crime and Personality: Personality Theory and Criminality Examined. Inquiries Journal/Student Pulse [Online], 3. Available: http://www.inquiriesjournal.com/a?id=1690
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On the outside, violent offenders come in all shapes, sizes, colors and ages. But on the inside, research finds that they may share some traits. Here’s a look at some of the biological risk factors psychologists and others have linked to violence — and the interventions they’re testing to reduce that risk.
February 2014, Vol 45, No. 2
Print version: page 39
On the outside, violent offenders come in all shapes, sizes, colors and ages. But on the inside, research finds that they may share some traits. Here's a look at some of the biological risk factors psychologists and others have linked to violence — and the interventions they're testing to reduce that risk.
The amygdala — a part of the brain involved in fear, aggression and social interactions — is implicated in crime. Among the research that points to this link is a neuroimaging study led by Dustin Pardini, PhD, of the University of Pittsburgh. His team found that 26-year-old men with lower amygdala volumes were more than three times more likely to be aggressive, violent and to show psychopathic traits three years later than men of the same age with more normal-sized amygdalas — independent of factors including history of violence and social background ( Biological Psychiatry , 2013).
Other research, such as an fMRI study led by psychologist Andrea Glenn, PhD, of the University of Alabama, suggest that amygdala functioning — not just size — is also more likely to be reduced among those with psychopathic tendencies ( Molecular Psychiatry , 2009).
At least one study indicates that such deficits may appear long before people commit crimes. Adrian Raine, DPhil, of the department of criminology at the University of Pennsylvania, led a study with Yu Gao, PhD, at CUNY-Brooklyn that examined fear conditioning, which is dependent on amygdala function, in a group of 1,795 3-year-olds. The researchers put electrodes on the children's fingers while repeatedly playing two tones: one that was followed by a loud, unpleasant sound and another that was played alone. Subsequently, the difference in sweat responses to each tone by itself yielded a measure of each toddler's fear conditioning. Twenty years later, the team identified participants who had gone on to commit crimes and compared them with noncriminal counterparts, matching them on gender, ethnicity and social adversity. They found that those children who went on to commit crimes had "simply failed" to demonstrate fear conditioning, Raine says. In other words, they were fearless when most of us would be fearful. This finding suggests that deficits in the amygdala, which are indirectly identifiable as early as age 3, predispose to crime at age 23 ( The American Journal of Psychiatry , 2010).
The anterior cingulate cortex (ACC), which plays a major role in behavior regulation and impulsivity, has also been linked to crime. Psychologist Kent Kiehl, PhD, and colleagues at the University of New Mexico used fMRI to look at the brains of nearly 100 adult male inmates while they completed a cognitive task involving inhibitory control. They found that prisoners with lower ACC activity were twice as likely to reoffend four years after they left prison than prisoners with higher ACC activity ( PNAS , 2013). While such studies need replication and extension, Raine says, they are "proof of the concept that there may be added value with bringing on board neurobiological information, including brain imaging information, for future prediction of violence."
If we know that certain brain characteristics may predispose some people to violence, what can we do about it? Intervene — and the earlier, the better, says Raine, author of "The Anatomy of Violence" (Random House, 2013).
In one intervention, for example, he and colleagues found that 3-year-olds who had been assigned to an enrichment program focused on nutrition, exercise and cognitive skills had better brain functioning at age 11 and a 34 percent reduction in criminal activity at age 23 when compared with a control group that did not receive the intervention ( American Journal of Psychiatry , 2003). Intervening even earlier, David Olds, PhD, of the University of Colorado, has found that pregnant low-income mothers who were visited regularly by home nurses who talked to them about health, education and parenting were less likely to have children who were arrested by age 15 ( Infant Mental Health Journal , 2006).
Even simple interventions may make a difference. In one preliminary study, prisoners assigned to a 10-week yoga class improved their impulse control ( Journal of Psychiatric Research , 2013). In an earlier randomized-controlled trial of British prisoners, those who received vitamin, mineral and essential fatty acid supplements committed an average of 26.3 percent fewer offenses than those who had received the placebo. They also showed a reduction in offenses of more than 35 percent, while the placebo-taking prisoners' records remained stable ( British Journal of Psychiatry , 2002). A study in the Netherlands replicated the effect, and now Raine is testing a similar intervention for children.
The bottom line, he says, is that "biology is not destiny. We can change the biological roots of crime and violence — there's no question about it."
—Anna Miller
Hear Dr. Adrian Raine's plenary address on this topic at APA's 2014 Annual Convention in Washington, D.C., Aug. 7–10.
BMC Psychology volume 9 , Article number: 191 ( 2021 ) Cite this article
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Although systematic research on narcissism has been conducted for over 100 years, researchers have only recently started to distinguish between grandiose and vulnerable narcissism in relation to criminal behavior. In addition, there is some evidence suggesting that identity integration and self-control may underlie this association. Therefore, the present study aimed to develop a theory-driven hypothetical model that investigates the complex associations between grandiose and vulnerable narcissism, identity integration, self-control, and criminal behavior using structural equation modeling (SEM).
The total sample ( N = 222) included 65 (29.3%) individuals convicted of criminal behavior and 157 (70.7%) participants from the community, with a mean age of 37.71 years ( SD = 13.25). Criminal behavior was a grouping variable used as a categorical outcome, whereas self-report questionnaires were used to assess grandiose and vulnerable narcissism, self-control, and identity integration.
The overall SEM model yielded good fit indices. Grandiose narcissism negatively predicted criminal behavior above and beyond the influence of identity integration and self-control. In contrast, vulnerable narcissism did not have a direct significant effect on criminal behavior, but it was indirectly and positively associated with criminal behavior via identity integration and self-control. Moreover, grandiose narcissism was positively, whereas vulnerable narcissism was negatively associated with identity integration. However, identity integration did not have a direct significant effect on criminal behavior, but it was indirectly and negatively associated with criminal behavior via self-control. Finally, self-control was, in turn, negatively related to criminal behavior.
We propose that both subtypes of narcissism should be carefully considered in clinical assessment and current intervention practices.
Peer Review reports
The antecedents of criminality have long been of interest to criminological researchers, as well as factors that mediate the links between them (e.g., [ 1 ]). However, most of the existing studies on personality characteristics and abilities that contribute to the development of criminal behavior have focused on single factors in relation to offending, and integration among studies has often occurred post-hoc via logical inferences (e.g., because construct X is related to construct Y, which in turn is related to criminal behavior, an indirect effect can be logically expected). In the current study, we hence proposed and tested a theory - driven model that focuses on the interplay between narcissism, identity integration, and self-control, in the explanation of criminal behavior .
Despite numerous studies on narcissism, no consensus has been reached on a widely accepted definition of narcissism [ 2 , 3 , 4 ]. However, over the past 20 years, there has been broad recognition of the need to differentiate between different types of narcissism that can be roughly divided into narcissistic grandiosity and narcissistic vulnerability [ 4 , 5 , 6 ]. Although both subtypes of narcissism share a common deeper foundation, such as self-centeredness [ 7 ], they can have very different manifestations. Grandiose narcissism as a pathological characteristic manifests itself in exaggerated self-esteem, grandiosity and an unrealistic sense of superiority, as well as admiration seeking, entitlement and arrogance [ 4 , 6 , 8 ]. Most experts agree that grandiose narcissism is more a characteristic of the Narcissistic Personality Disorder, as defined by the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders , 5th Edition, Section II (DSM-5; [ 9 ]), than vulnerable narcissism is [ 3 , 5 , 10 ]. In contrast, vulnerable narcissism entails pronounced self-absorbedness, low self‐esteem, hypervigilance, shyness, social withdrawal and emotional hypersensitivity [ 11 , 12 ]. Recent studies have shown that grandiose narcissism is less harmful to mental health, while vulnerable narcissism is associated with psychological problems and the use of rather inappropriate emotion regulation strategies, such as aggression and repression [ 13 ].
In general, research suggests that narcissism is quite overrepresented in samples of violent offenders (e.g., [ 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 ]), and positively associated with criminal behavior [ 18 , 19 ]. However, in the field of forensic psychology, researchers have only recently begun to investigate the difference between grandiose and vulnerable narcissism and no research to date has investigated how both forms differ from one another concerning criminal behavior. Yet, some indirect evidence emerges from studies on grandiose and vulnerable narcissism in relation to aggression, more specifically proactive and reactive aggression. While the results have been somewhat mixed , the available evidence suggests that narcissistic grandiosity is associated with both forms of aggression, while narcissistic vulnerability is associated only with reactive aggression (e.g., [ 20 , 21 , 22 ]). Compared to vulnerable narcissism, grandiose narcissism has also been more strongly associated with a wide variety of impulsivity-related externalizing behaviors, such as gambling [ 23 ], substance use [ 24 ], antisocial behaviors [ 25 ], and proactive aggression [ 26 ]. Individuals with higher levels of grandiose narcissism may have excessive confidence in their competencies and take more risks [ 27 ], probably due to their excessively active reward-oriented system (e.g., [ 28 ]). They focus more on positive outcomes and do not estimate chances and outcomes in a realistic way [ 23 ]. Additionally, aggression in individuals with higher levels of grandiose narcissism is usually seen as a self-enhancing strategy with the aim of restoring or enforcing a sense of superiority [ 29 , 30 ]. However, there is also contrasting evidence suggesting that individuals with high narcissistic vulnerability are more likely to display aggressive behavior than individuals high on grandiosity (e.g., [ 31 , 32 ]). For example, Krizan and Johar [ 31 ] found that narcissistic vulnerability (but not grandiosity) has particularly shown to be a powerful driver of rage, hostility, and aggressive behavior, fueled by suspiciousness, dejection, and angry rumination. The fragmented sense of the self and desperate need for external appreciation predisposes individuals with higher levels of vulnerable narcissism to experience shame about their narcissistic needs and unrestrained anger towards those who exposed their weaknesses [ 33 ]. This, in turn, triggers “narcissistic rage” that can further promote aggressive behavior [ 31 ]. Due to inconsistency and a scarcity of empirical evidence , additional research is needed to uncover whether and how these two subtypes of narcissism are associated with criminal behavior. Indeed, previous research has mainly focused on the link between narcissism and aggressive behavior in samples of the general population. Possible relations of different variants of narcissism with more severe forms of violent behavior (e.g., sanctioned by society) remained largely understudied.
Likewise, little is known about the mechanisms underlying the association between narcissism and criminality. According to Stern [ 34 ], the narcissistic individual is often attuned to what other individuals feel and think. This notion is closely related to the core aspect of identity, namely the fact that the individual is partly determined by interaction with his environment and must develop the ability to act effectively as an independent subject in that environment.
Identity refers to how a person defines the self and understands intimate relationships and social interactions with the social world. Identity formation is a process of alternating phases of ‘crisis and commitment’ that occur especially during adolescence [ 35 ]. Identity integration can be defined as a coherence of identity; the capacity to see oneself and one's life as stable, integrated and purposive [ 36 ]. In contrast, identity diffusion is characterized by a lack of normative commitment and reflects difficulties in maintaining a relatively constant set of goals [ 37 ]. Notably, identity diffusion does not occur in a vacuum; rather, it is an important feature that is associated with various personality dysfunctions and characterizes personality pathology [ 38 , 39 , 40 ]. According to the DSM-5 Section III [ 9 ], significant impairments in self-identity (e.g., unstable self-image, inconsistencies in values, goals, and appearance) and interpersonal functioning (e.g., being insensitive to others, inconsistent, detached, or abusive style of relating) are the main characteristics of personality disorders. In particular, identity diffusion (i.e., incoherent self-image, self-fragmentation) is one of the core components of a narcissistic personality disorder [ 41 , 42 ]. Narcissistic individuals show excessive dependency on others for identity; they need constant external support and attention to maintain their self-esteem, and self-esteem problems often shift between inflated and deflated self-appraisal [ 43 ].
Despite theoretical elaboration of the role of identity in narcissism, there is little empirical research on the association between narcissism and identity integration. However, available evidence suggests that narcissistic traits [ 41 , 44 ], and in particular narcissistic vulnerability [ 39 , 40 , 45 ], are associated with higher identity instability (i.e., a weak sense of the self). For example, Dashineau et al. [ 39 ] found that narcissistic vulnerability was associated with all forms of dysfunction (e.g., well-being, self-control, and everyday life tasks), while grandiosity was associated with specific deficits in interpersonal functioning. However, after accounting for shared variance in vulnerability, grandiosity was not associated with most aspects of poor functioning and was positively associated with better functioning in some areas, such as life satisfaction. Similarly, Huxley et al. [ 40 ] found that vulnerable narcissism was associated with impairment in self- and relational functioning, while grandiosity predicted higher self-functioning. More research is needed to investigate how both grandiose and vulnerable narcissism are associated with identity integration.
Furthermore, it has been shown that identity diffusion can result in feelings of emptiness, deviant behavior and superficiality, or other maladaptive outcomes, such as poor impulse control [ 41 , 42 ]. In the identity-value model, Berkman et al. [ 46 ] proposed that identity plays a crucial role in self-control. By its definition, identity is a relatively stable mental representation of personal and intrapersonal values, priorities, and roles. Therefore, individuals are more prone to associate their identity with long-term goals than with short-term impulses. According to this model, self-control is defined as a decision-making process that compares the subjective value of two options and selects the option with the highest value [ 46 ]. Therefore, individuals with more integrated identity are better at making choices that are relevant to their long-term goals over short-term impulses, meaning they are better at self-control.
Self-control is conceptualized as the capacity to tolerate, use and control one’s own emotions and impulses [ 36 ]. Research has shown that the degree of self-control is positively associated with adaptive correlates in various life domains, such as academic and professional success, healthier and more sustainable intimate relationships, closer social networks, greater self-awareness, empathy, and more proactive health behaviors (e.g., regular medical check-ups; [ 47 ]). In contrast, a lack of self-control is linked to a wide range of antisocial and deviant behaviors [ 48 , 49 , 50 , 51 ], and a variety of negative life outcomes, such as criminal victimization, poor health, and financial difficulties (e.g., [ 52 , 53 , 54 ]).
According to the general theory of crime [ 55 ], a lack of self-control is the main factor behind all criminal acts [ 56 , 57 ], although in this theory self-control was conceptualized in broader terms as “the differential tendency of people to avoid criminal acts whatever the circumstances in which they find themselves” [ 55 p87]. A lack of self-control was thus characterized by impulsive behavior towards others, physical risk-taking and shortsightedness, and can give rise to criminal acts in interaction with situational opportunities [ 55 ].
In sum, there is evidence that grandiose and vulnerable narcissism contribute to disintegrated identity and criminal behavior. In addition, there are indications that identity diffusion is directly associated with criminal behavior and that this association is mediated by self-control. Several studies have reported bivariate associations between pairs of these constructs, as previously reviewed. However, to our knowledge, no studies so far have investigated whether identity integration and self-control sequentially mediate the association between grandiose and vulnerable narcissism and criminal behavior.
Therefore, the goal of the present study was to develop a theory-driven hypothetical model by using structural equation modeling (SEM) in a cross-section design. Although we cannot test causal relationships in a cross-sectional design, SEM is widely used in social science research to test a hypothetical conceptual model [ 58 , 59 , 60 ]. In this model (see Fig. 1 ), complex associations between grandiose and vulnerable narcissism, identity integration, self-control, and criminal behavior were investigated with specific theory-driven hypotheses about the sequential mediation of identity integration and self-control in the link between narcissism and criminal behavior. First, based on the available evidence [e.g., 20 , 21 , 22 , 25 , 26 ], we hypothesized that both grandiose (path 1) and vulnerable narcissism (path 2) would be directly and positively associated with criminal behavior. However, due to the mixed empirical findings of the extent to which grandiose and vulnerable narcissism contribute to violent offending, we had no specific hypotheses as to which of both narcissistic subtypes on criminal behavior would be stronger. Second, since identity diffusion is one of the key features of a narcissistic personality disorder [ 41 , 42 ], we hypothesized that both grandiose and vulnerable narcissism would be directly and negatively associated with identity integration (path 3 and path 4, respectively). Nonetheless, this link might be expected to be weaker for grandiose narcissism, as grandiose narcissism has been documented to be associated with a narrower range of poor identity functioning and better life satisfaction compared to vulnerable narcissism [e.g., 39 , 40 ]. Furthermore, it has been shown that identity diffusion can lead to deviant behavior and a range of maladaptive outcomes such as poor impulse control [ 48 , 49 , 50 , 51 ]. It also plays a vital role in self-control and individuals with a more integrated identity are better at self-control [ 46 ]. Therefore, it was hypothesized that identity integration would have a direct negative effect on criminal behavior (path 5) and a direct positive effect on self-control (path 6). Lastly, previous research has shown that a lack of self-control is associated with a wide range of antisocial and deviant behavior [ 48 , 49 , 50 , 51 ] and is the main factor behind all criminal acts [ 55 ]. Hence, it was hypothesized that self-control would have a direct negative effect on criminal behavior (path 7). Despite supporting these direct links, the review literature also indicates that there may be indirect effects between these variables. Therefore, a series of indirect effects was assumed. Identity integration and self-control were hypothesized to mediate the association between grandiose narcissism and criminal behavior (path 8 [i.e., paths 3, 6, 7]) and between vulnerable narcissism and criminal behavior (path 9 [i.e., paths 4, 6, 7]). Finally, it was hypothesized that self-control would mediate the association between identity integration and criminal behavior (path 10 [i.e., paths 6 and 7]).
Hypothetical conceptual model. Indirect paths are in the brackets
Master level psychology students who did their clinical internship in three outpatient forensic psychiatric centers recruited the individuals convicted of criminal behavior. All offenders undergo mandatory outpatient treatment in these forensic psychiatric centers which was imposed by the judge as a result of a committed offense. Treatments mainly focused on aggression and emotion regulation based on cognitive behavioral therapy. During a therapeutic session, potential participants were asked if they were willing to participate in the study and also received an information letter. In that letter, it was clearly stated that participation was voluntary and that refusing to participate would not influence the participant’s treatment in any way. The participants had approximately one week to consider their potential participation. Participants who agreed to participate in this study were asked to complete a set of psychosocial questionnaires and were rewarded with monetary compensation of five euros. The questionnaires were completed during a treatment session to cause as little burden as possible to the offenders.
Furthermore, 22 Dutch bachelor and master level psychology students collected data in the community from October 2014 to March 2015. The survey was administered via the Qualtrics platform and made available to the general population through publishing on social media. Participants had to be at least 18 years old and have sufficient knowledge of the Dutch language. Control subjects were matched with the delinquent population on two characteristics, namely age and level of education. Participants with a university degree were excluded from the control group because this category did not appear in a sample of delinquents. After being informed of the goal and procedure of the study by an information letter, all participants signed informed consent and participated voluntarily in the study without receiving financial compensation. Before completing the survey, which included a set of validated psychosocial questionnaires, the participants were asked whether they had ever been convicted of an offense and whether a psychologist, psychotherapist or other care provider had treated them in the past 3 years. If the answer was 'yes', they could not participate in the study. After this, the questionnaires could be completed.
To guaranty anonymity, all participants were instructed to return the questionnaires in a sealed envelope after completion. The sealed envelopes and consent statements were given to the student's supervisor. The informed consent was removed before the data encoding. All procedures involving human participants were performed in accordance with the ethical standards of the institutional and/or national research committee and with the 1964 Helsinki Declaration and its later amendments or comparable ethical standards. The Committee of Scientific Research of FPC Kijvelanden and the local university ethics review board approved the study.
The total sample included 222 male participants. Of this sample, 65 (29.3%) were individuals convicted of criminal behavior and 157 (70.7%) were controls from the community. The mean age of the participants was 37.71 years ( SD = 13.25), ranging from 20 to 60. Most of the participants (67.6%, n = 150) had a Dutch nationality, lived alone (28.2%, n = 62) and had an income from paid employment (65.4%, n = 138). The most common finished level of education was intermediate vocational education/MBO (31.1%, n = 69), next to higher professional education/HBO (28.4%, n = 63), higher general secondary education/HVO (9%, n = 20) and secondary education/VWO (9%, n = 20). The index offenses of individuals convicted of criminal behavior included a variety of violent offenses: physical aggression (45.3%, n = 29); domestic violence (31.3%, n = 20); verbal aggression (20.3%, n = 13); and other offenses (3.1%, n = 10). More details about the demographic characteristics of the two groups can be found in the appendix (see Additional file 1 : Table S1). The questionnaire characteristics (including F tests) of the two groups are shown in Table 1 . Compared to the control group, the group of individuals convicted of criminal behavior showed significantly higher levels of vulnerable narcissism and lower levels of grandiose narcissism, self-control and identity integration.
Narcissism was measured with the Nederlandse Narcisme Schaal ([Dutch Narcissism Scale]; NNS; [ 61 ]). The NNS is based on the Narcissistic Personality Inventory [ 62 , 63 ] and on the Hypersensitive Narcissism scale [ 64 ]. The NNS is a Dutch questionnaire that consists of 35 items measuring three different types of narcissism: vulnerable (11 items), grandiose (12 items) and isolation (12 items). The isolation subscale was not used in this study given its misalignment with our theoretical model. All items are rated on a seven-point Likert scale ranging from 1 “that is certainly not the case” to 7 “that is certainly the case”, with higher scores indicating greater levels of narcissism. An example of a vulnerable narcissism item is: “Small remarks of others can sometimes easily hurt my feelings”. An example of a grandiose narcissism item is: “Sometimes I feel like I got lucky with who I am anyway” [ 61 ]. The validity of the Dutch NNS was supported by its relations with age, self-esteem, burnout, and empathy [ 61 ], meaning of life [ 65 , 66 ], and depression [ 66 ], which paralleled findings obtained with other narcissism inventories. Past research has also demonstrated good internal consistency (Cronbach’s α) of both scales, ranging from 0.71 to 0.77 for grandiose narcissism and from 0.77 to 0.87 for vulnerable narcissism. In the current sample, the internal consistency (Cronbach’s alpha) of the grandiose and vulnerable narcissism scales was acceptable to good with Cronbach’s alpha of α = 0.71 and α = 0.81, respectively. For more details about item means and factor loadings, see Additional file 1 : Table S2 in the appendix.
The Severity Indices of Personality Problems—Short Form (SIPP-SF; [ 36 ]) is a 60-item self-report questionnaire derived from the SIPP-118. The SIPP-SF measures five domains of maladaptive personality functioning, namely: self-control (12 items), identity integration (12 items), relational capacities (12 items), responsibility (12 items) and social concordance (12 items). All items are rated on a four-point Likert scale ranging from 1 “fully disagree” to 4 “fully agree”, with higher scores corresponding with greater levels of functioning. For the purpose of the present study, only the domains self-control and identity integration of the SIPP-SF were used. The former assesses the capacity to tolerate, use and control one’s own emotions and impulses, whereas the latter assesses the capacity to see oneself and one’s own life as stable, integrated and purposive [ 36 ]. In the current sample, both domains (i.e., self-control and identity integration) showed excellent internal consistency, with a Cronbach’s α = 0.93 and α = 0.92, respectively. For more details about item means and factor loadings, see Additional file 1 : Table S3 in the appendix.
Criminal behavior was used as a grouping variable (0 = community participants, 1 = sample of offenders), and defined as being convicted of one or more of the following offenses: physical aggression, domestic violence, verbal aggression, violent property offense and stalking. Because we could not have any a-priori theoretical expectation about distinct links with each type of offense as we had no information about the criminal history, and also to maintain statistical power, we deliberately chose this grouping variable of overall offending (referring to violent criminal behavior).
All analyses were computed by using the lavaan package in R [ 67 , 68 ] and SPSS version 25.0 [ 69 ]. To determine the bivariate associations between continuous indicators and criminal behavior (i.e., binary outcome variable), we computed the point-biserial correlations. Furthermore, to investigate the interrelation of grandiose and vulnerable narcissism, identity integration, self-control and criminal behavior, path analysis was applied. Path analysis is a subset of SEM and only deals with observed variables. Path analysis was used to investigate whether the assumed theoretical model corresponds to the cross-sectional empirical model that has been studied. A model was estimated with Maximum Likelihood Estimation, which searches for parameter estimates that make probability for observed data maximal [ 70 ]. The model fit was evaluated using the following fit indices: Comparative Fit Index (CFI) and Standardized Root Mean Square Residual (SRMR). The CFI compares the fit of a target model to the fit of a baseline model. Values exceeding 0.90 indicate a well-fitting model. The SRMR represents the square-root of the difference between the residuals of the sample covariance matrix and the hypothesized model. A value less than 0.08 suggests a good model fit [ 71 ]. The minimum sample size for conducting SEM is at least five observations per estimated parameter [ 72 ], which means that we had enough statistical power to detect statistically significant effects. Lastly, missing values were handled with pairwise deletion.
Correlations between all study variables including age are shown in Table 2 . Grandiose narcissism was negatively associated with criminal behavior and positively associated with identity integration and self-control. On the contrary, vulnerable narcissism was positively associated with criminal behavior and negatively associated with identity integration and self-control. Moreover, identity integration was negatively associated with criminal behavior and positively associated with self-control. Finally, self-control was negatively associated with criminal behavior. Considering age, it was negatively associated with both forms of narcissism and positively associated with self-control.
Subsequently, path analysis was performed to investigate the direct and indirect associations between narcissism (i.e., grandiose and vulnerable), identity integration, self-control, and criminal behavior. The data fit sufficiently well with the hypothetical conceptual model based on CFI = 0.98 and SRMR = 0.04. Results are summarized in Table 3 and Fig. 2 . Grandiose narcissism had a significant direct negative path to criminal behavior (path 1), whereas vulnerable narcissism appeared to be non-significantly associated with criminal behavior (path 2). Furthermore, grandiose narcissism had a significant direct positive path to identity integration (path 3), whereas vulnerable narcissism had a significant direct negative path to identity integration (path 4). In addition, identity integration did not have a significant direct path to criminal behavior (path 5), but it had a significant direct positive path to self-control (path 6). Self-control, in turn, had a significant direct negative path to criminal behavior (path 7). Moreover, considering mediating effects, the results showed that identity integration and self-control partially mediated a negative association between grandiose narcissism and criminal behavior (path 8) and fully mediated a positive association between vulnerable narcissism and criminal behavior (path 9). Finally, identity integration was indirectly and negatively associated with criminal behavior through self-control (path 10).
Standardized model results. ** Association is significant at the .01 level (2-tailed). Indirect effects are in the brackets
The present study was the first to investigate the complex associations between grandiose and vulnerable narcissism, identity integration, self-control, and criminal behavior by using SEM. We hypothesized that both grandiose and vulnerable narcissism would have a direct positive effect on criminal behavior and a direct negative effect on identity integration. In addition, we expected identity integration to have a negative effect on criminal behavior, and a positive effect on self-control. Lastly, self-control was expected to be negatively associated with criminal behavior. Furthermore, different mediating effects between these associations were also hypothesized, in a sequential model connecting narcissism to identity integration, self-control, and criminal behavior, in this order. In addition, we also expected that self-control would mediate the association between identity integration and criminal behavior. Overall, the path analysis showed that the empirical model fits well with the proposed theoretical model. However, on the path-level, the results indicated that our expectations were not entirely supported.
Specifically, contrary to our expectations, we found that grandiose narcissism was not positively, but directly negatively associated with criminal behavior (path 1), whereas vulnerable narcissism did not have a significant direct effect on criminal behavior (path 2), despite a small but significant bivariate association. However, by inspecting the indirect effects, it should be noted that vulnerable narcissism was significantly positively associated with criminal behavior, but only via identity integration and self-control (path 9). The same indirect effect was significant for grandiose narcissism as well, yet in the opposite direction, however, without diminishing the direct effect of grandiose narcissism on criminal behavior (path 8). This could lead to the conclusion that higher levels of identity integration and self-control partially explained a negative association between grandiose narcissism and criminal behavior, and lower levels of identity integration and self-control fully explained the positive association between vulnerable narcissism and criminal behavior. Our result is in line with previous finding showing that grandiose narcissism is not necessarily associated with criminal behavior [ 13 ] and that narcissistic vulnerability, but not grandiosity, is a stronger indicator of aggressive behavior and hostility ([ 31 , 32 , 73 ]; but see [ 20 , 22 ]). People high on narcissistic vulnerability often use inappropriate emotion-regulating strategies, which might lead to more anger and aggression (e.g., 13, [ 31 , 32 ]). However, in the present study vulnerable narcissism predicted criminal behavior only indirectly.
A lack of a direct effect of vulnerable narcissism on delinquency (path 2) in our study might be explained by the design of the study. In other words, it is likely that previous studies that found a direct association between vulnerable narcissism and criminal behavior did not include mediators in the model. Here, with identity integration and self-control in our model, all association between vulnerable narcissism and criminal behavior goes through identity integration and self-control. It is not necessary that these individuals do not express aggression openly/directly, as the criminal behavior itself can be overt and direct. The statistical effect is not direct because we control for identity and self-control, which may be mechanisms linking vulnerable narcissism and criminal behavior.
Furthermore, the present study revealed that higher levels of grandiose narcissism and lower levels of vulnerable narcissism were associated with a more integrated identity (path 3 and 4, respectively). Consistent with our hypothesis, we found that vulnerable narcissism was associated with lower levels of identity integration. It might be that individuals high on narcissistic vulnerability have a lower integrated identity because they are more likely to maintain their self-esteem and to modulate their fragile ego by relying on the social approval of significant others [ 74 ]. It has also been shown that, with positive feedback, individuals with high levels of vulnerable narcissism can hide the negative and shameful self-image, but when external feedback is perceived as negative, they are forced to face their negative self-image and are deeply ashamed. In contrast, negative feedback does not affect the positive self-image of individuals with grandiose narcissistic traits [ 75 ].
Contrary to our expectations, grandiose narcissism was positively associated with identity integration (path 3) namely with a self-representation of oneself and one’s own life as stable, integrated, and purposive. It might be that individuals high on narcissistic grandiosity have a higher integrated identity because they are more likely to maintain their self-esteem by employing overt strategies, such as self-enhancement and devaluation of others [ 30 ]. The result may fit into previous studies showing that individuals with grandiose narcissistic traits are better adjusted compared to individuals with vulnerable narcissistic traits [ 39 , 40 , 45 , 76 , 77 , 78 ]. For example, Ng et al. [ 76 ] found that grandiose narcissism predicted higher life satisfaction and lower perceived stress, whereas vulnerable narcissism showed the opposite pattern. It has been also shown that the agentic extraversion, a characteristic of grandiose narcissism (i.e., a tendency toward assertiveness, persistence, and achievement), may serve as a protective factor against psychopathology and thus contribute to higher well-being and the “happy face” of narcissism [ 77 ]. This could explain why individuals high on grandiosity are satisfied with their lives, although they remain potentially harmful to others [ 45 ].
Furthermore, identity integration did not have a direct significant negative effect on criminal behavior (path 5), which is not in line with our hypothesis. However, identity integration was significantly negatively associated with criminal behavior, but only indirectly via self-control (path 10). Due to the fact that there was a significant negative correlation between identity integration and criminal behavior, this could lead to the conclusion that self-control fully explained the association between identity integration and delinquency. Indeed, it has been shown that individuals with higher identity integration have better self-control and are therefore less likely to engage in criminal behavior [ 46 ].
In support of this evidence, we found that better-integrated identity was associated with higher levels of self-control (path 6), which in turn was negatively related to delinquency (path 7). Identity can be seen as a strong and enduring source of value, which has an important role in determining self-regulation and self-control outcomes [ 46 ]. Our result corresponds with previous findings showing that lower identity integration can be manifested through poor self-control [ 41 , 46 ]. In addition, a lack of self-control has been linked to a wide range of antisocial and deviant behaviors [ 46 , 47 , 48 , 49 , 50 , 51 , 56 ]. Finally, our findings also give support to the general theory of crime [ 55 ], in which a lack of self-control represents the most important explanatory factor behind criminal behaviors.
Several limitations should be considered while interpreting the results of the present study. First, the current study was limited by operationalizing criminal behavior as a dichotomous variable, as well as by a relatively small sample of 65 offenders and 157 controls, which might negatively affect statistical power and effect size. Second, the study sample included only male participants and therefore our findings are not generalizable to the population of females. In addition, convenience sampling was used to recruit the subsample of controls and hence the generalizability of the findings cannot be entirely justified. Third, to maintain statistical power, we did not include any covariates in the analysis, which may also influence the results. In the current sample, however, age was significantly associated with both forms of narcissism and with self-control. There were also significant differences in social status, educational level and income between controls and offenders (Additional file 1 : Table S1). Future studies may consider including age and other demographic characteristics as covariates when examining these complex associations. Furthermore, different narcissism inventories operationalize grandiose narcissism differently; therefore, we can only conclude that the effects reported relate to the NNS operationalization of narcissism and call for replications with other measures of this construct. Lastly, the design of the study was cross-sectional, which does not allow us to draw causal inferences about the complex associations between grandiose and vulnerable narcissism, identity integration, self-control, and criminal behavior.
Despite the limitations mentioned above, this study could have important research and clinical implications. To the best of our knowledge, the interrelation of identity integration, narcissism, and self-control explaining criminal behavior has never been tested before. In this study, we emphasized the role of personality pathology in the development of disintegrated identity. In addition, this study demonstrated the importance of considering identity integration and self-control as significant factors underlying the association between narcissism and criminal behavior. Future studies should investigate the long-term relations between grandiose and vulnerable narcissism, identity integration, self-control, and criminal behavior. The findings of the current study may be of significant value for future intervention practices. So far, most studies on narcissism in forensic psychiatry have treated narcissism as a unidimensional construct. However, there is some evidence that grandiose and vulnerable narcissism should be treated independently, as they are differently associated with adverse outcomes, such as criminal behavior, as well as victimization [ 79 ]. Therefore, the differences between these two subtypes of narcissism should be carefully considered in clinical assessment and intervention practices.
This study can deepen our understanding of the complex associations between different aspects of narcissism, identity integration, self-control, and criminal behavior. In particular, the findings of the present study revealed that grandiose narcissism can be seen as a better-adjusted subtype of narcissism, as it was associated with higher identity integration and non-criminal behavior. In contrast, vulnerable narcissism was associated with low identity integration and indirectly associated with criminal behavior. Moreover, our study showed that identity integration and self-control are important mediators in the association of both grandiose and vulnerable narcissism with criminal behavior. Finally, this research confirmed the importance of identity integration in potentially contributing to self-control, which in turn is highly relevant for deterring criminal behavior. Researchers may wish to confirm our conclusions in a larger and more representative sample, and the current study serves as a good starting point for further work.
The datasets used and/or analyzed during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.
Structural equation modeling
Nederlandse Narcisme Schaal [Dutch Narcissism Scale]
Severity indices of personality problems – short form
Severity indices of personality problems – 118
Comparative fit index
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Rom J Leg Med
Professor Cristian Delcea, PhD
Researches and practitioners have long tried to identify potential predictors of crime. In this study, psychoticism, extraversion, neuroticism, trait criminality and addiction are investigated as predictors of crime. Using a sample of 492 adults (half in penitentiary, half not), with a mean age of 34 years, this study found that trait criminality and addiction are linked to a higher probability of having committed a crime. However, no effect is found for psychoticism, extraversion, neuroticism and having committed a crime. Future research is needed to replicate these findings and assess the link between personality and specific types of crimes.
IJMTST - International Journal for Modern Trends in Science and Technology (ISSN:2455-3778)
The present research aims to investigate personality constructs in etiology of criminal behaviors. This descriptive study was conducted on 200 students of Tehran Medical Science University (100 female students and 100 male students) in 2018-2019. Subjects, accessible,were selectedwith stratified sampling method and they participated in the research voluntarily.In the research two questionnaires were used for gathering data namely, Neo and Criminal Behaviors. The data were analyzed with Pearson correlation, simultaneous regression and stepwise regression. The data indicated that: neuroticism personality trait (r=-0/45), agreement (r=-0/63), agreement (r=-63) and loyalty (r=-0/69) with significant negative relationship(p=0/01) and extraversion traits (r=0/78) and open to experience (r=0/71) with significant positive relationship (p=0/01): the results of linear and hierarchy regression showed that generally these personality traits explain 75% of criminal behaviors variance which extraversion 60%, loyalty 8%, neuroticism 4%, open to experience 1% and agreement 2%. The results indicated that findings of this research can apply to create intervening programs for the ones engaging in criminal behaviors and also preventing this behaviorfor the ones who are exposed tosuch behaviors.
IJIP Journal
Human behaviour arises from a dynamic interplay between biological, psychological, cultural and social processes. This study will be an attempt to find out the comparison between personality dimensions do delinquent and non delinquent and what are the social and familial factors that contribute to the development of criminal behaviour. Hundred delinquent boy's and Hundred non delinquent boys will be selected through purposive sampling. Independent sample t test, Mann Whitney U test will be employed for analysis. Eysenck personality questionnaire will be administered on them. Why do individuals commit crimes? At the same time, why is crime present in our society? The criminal justice system is very concerned with these questions, and criminologists are attempting to answer them. In actuality, the question of why crime is committed is very difficult to answer. However, for centuries, people have been searching for answers (Jacoby, 2004). It is important to recognize that there are many different explanations as to why individuals commit crime (Conklin, 2007). One of the main explanations is based on psychological theories, which focus on the association among intelligence, personality, learning, and criminal behavior. Thus, in any discussion concerning crime causation, one must contemplate psychological theories. When examining psychological theories of crime, one must be cognizant of the three major theories. The first is psychodynamic theory, which is centered on the notion that an individual's early childhood experience influences his or her likelihood for committing future crimes. The second is behavioral theory. Behavioral theorists have expanded the work of Gabriel Tarde through behavior modeling and social learning. The third is cognitive theory, the major premise of which suggests that an individual's perception and how it is manifested (Jacoby, 2004) affect his or her potential to commit crime. In other words, behavioral theory focuses on how an individual's perception of the world influences his or her behavior.
Janko Medjedovic
The goal of this study was to explore personality-related determinants of recidivism, with recidivism being defined as a) the number of lawful sentences a person had (criminallegal recidivism), and b) the number of prison sentences pronounced (penal recidivism). The study was carried out in two independent samples: a) convicts from the Correctional Institution of Belgrade – Penitentiary of Padinska Skela (N=113), and b) convicts from the Special Prison Hospital in Belgrade (N =112). The variables of the Five-Factor Model of Personality (Neuroticism, Extraversion, Openness, Agreeableness and Conscientiousness) were measured, together with two additional basic personality traits: Disintegration (a broad dimension of psychosis-proneness), and Amorality (three factors representing a disposition to amoral forms of behavior). In addition, psychopathy (Manipulative and Antisocial tendencies) – a psychological entity expected to most successfully predict criminal recidivism – was measured as well. The efficiency of prediction of the two criteria of recidivism was assessed separately in each of those two samples. The results revealed differences in the orchestration of predictors depending on the kind of recidivism as the criterion and the severity of offense. The most important predictors of both forms of recidivism in the sample of convicts with lower intensity of criminal behavior were psychopathic traits. However, in the sample of convicts with higher intensity and variety of criminal behavior, the most important predictors of the number of sentences were Antisociality and Amorality Induced by Frustration, while the most important predictors of the number of prison sanctions were Amorality Induced by Brutality and Disintegration.
Mulenga Nsosombi
Isara solutions
International Res Jour Managt Socio Human
Individual personality characteristics, in addition to social and environmental circumstances, have been shown to be closely associated with maladaptive behavior. As a result, the goal of this essay was to examine the connection between certain personality qualities and criminal behavior in an individual.
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2.1. Inclusion and Exclusion Criteria. Studies that were included in this review are (i) full-text articles; (ii) articles published in Sage, Web of Science, APA PsycNet, Wiley Online Library, and PubMed; (iii) research with at least 20 respondents (to reduce the bias associated with a small sample size; (iv) studies that examine the link between personality traits and criminal behaviour; and ...
personality traits have a lower level of self-regulation, are manipulative, impulsive, and. unable to feel remorse/guilt. Based on the Big Five Model of Personality, scholars have stated that the ...
In the present study, 37 male criminals of district jail of Dhanbad (Jharkhand) and 36 normal controls were included on a purposive sampling basis. Each criminal was given a personal datasheet and Cattel's 16 personality factors (PFs) scale for assessing their sociodemographic variables and different personality traits.
A growing body of research highlights the continuum between dark and bright personality traits impacting individual prosocial or antisocial tendencies. However, the interplay between personality ...
A systematic review was conducted to obtain information regarding the link between individual personality traits with criminal behaviour in the Sage, Web of Science, APA PsycNet, Wiley Online Library, and PubMed databases. The results indicate that individual personality traits that contribute towards criminality are (i) psychopathy; (ii) low ...
A considerable body of research has examined personality stability and change across the life span, as well as the influence of personality traits on important life outcomes, in terms of the Big Five.
In addition to social and environmental factors, individual personality traits have intricately linked with maladaptive behaviour. Thus, the purpose of this article was to review the link between individual personality traits and criminality. A systematic review was conducted to obtain information regarding the link between individual personality traits with criminal behaviour in the Sage, Web ...
We explored the relations between personality traits operationalized by HEXACO-PI-R and criminal behavior measured by self-reports, ratings and biographical data in the sample of male convicts (N ...
The Big Five model is arguably the one that is most consensual in personality psychology because it represents a taxonomy that allows classifying a vast number of primary traits (John et al., 2008; McCrae & Costa, 2008).In this model, Neuroticism refers to individual differences in the propensity to experience negative emotions such as anxiety, fear, depressed mood, and irritability and to ...
Objective: The objective of this study was to examine the relation between personality traits and criminal behavior, and to determine whether such factors are predictive of future recidivism. Results: Results indicated high scores on intelligence, impulsiveness, suspicion, self-sufficient, spontaneity, self-concept control factors, and very low ...
Based on this distinction, it is mainly focused on personality theories on superfactors of criminal behavior. In this context, three personality theories will be discussed that try to explain the major traits of criminal propensity. These are: Megargee's [2] undercontrolled vs. overcontrolled personality traits; (2) Eysenck's [3 ...
This study addresses this gap in the literature by examining whether psychopathic personality traits are associated with the likelihood of being processed by the criminal justice system (i.e., arrest). Our findings reveal that psychopathic personality traits are generally not associated with criminal success. Specifically, individuals with high ...
Results: Four psychological traits: personality trait, low self-control, aggression behaviour, and cognitive distortion were chosen to address such linkages. All these four traits were discussed thoroughly in relation to crime and criminality contexts. Conclusion: It is crucial to understand the role of these traits and in-depth understanding ...
Although human personality is much more complex than a series of trails, they are the personality constructs that have been most studied in relations to CAB. This review focuses on general delinquent and criminal behavior but, whenever relevant, research on different forms of antisocial behavior will be considered.
As highlighted above, we are here treating psychopathic personality as a construct consisting of both personality and behavioural traits (e.g. Cooke & Michie, 2001). However, we exclude overt criminal and antisocial behavior from the construct, because we are interested in psychopathic personality as an explanatory or possibly causal factor.
Personality is a psychological variable that affects all human behavior in personal and social life aspects and can sometimes be problematic for the individual and others due to maladaptive traits. Eysenck believes that the combination of environmental circumstances and neurological factors is the cause of different types of crime.
The recent literature on personality disorder and offending was reviewed, picking out studies that examined the relationship between the two and three articles suggested frameworks for understanding how personality disorder may interact with other factors to contribute to offending. Purpose of review There is a well established association between personality disorder and offending but the ...
Abstract. This essay explores personality theories as they relate to criminal behavior. According to these theories, criminal behavior is linked to the presence of certain personality traits or a ...
Researching personality traits was considered by many as a mere circular blaming exercise, condemning criminals for their own criminal propensities (Glicksohn, 2002). Trait theory was characterized as hypothesizing, "delinquents are delinquent because they have delinquency within them" (Jones, 2008, p. 12).
The criminal mind. On the outside, violent offenders come in all shapes, sizes, colors and ages. But on the inside, research finds that they may share some traits. Here's a look at some of the biological risk factors psychologists and others have linked to violence — and the interventions they're testing to reduce that risk. Miller, A ...
Background Although systematic research on narcissism has been conducted for over 100 years, researchers have only recently started to distinguish between grandiose and vulnerable narcissism in relation to criminal behavior. In addition, there is some evidence suggesting that identity integration and self-control may underlie this association. Therefore, the present study aimed to develop a ...
This new model offered important advances in personality research that are significant to the study of criminal behavior. Studies of personality traits and their influence on criminality provide researchers a way to gain a deeper understanding of why particular individuals choose to commit criminal acts while others do not.
identify the pers onality factors as predictors of criminal behavior. It st udies the impact of personality against the. extended psychological factors which help in the predisposition of youth ...