child exposure to domestic violence essay

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How Witnessing Domestic Violence Affects Children

Short and Long-Term Effects of Witnessing Domestic Violence as a Child

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Short-Term Effects of Witnessing Domestic Violence as a Child

• Long-Term Consequences

Protecting Children from Domestic Abuse

For victims of domestic violence —the physical attacks, emotional maltreatment, and other abuse endured are certain to take a toll on well-being. 

However, while the horrors of abuse are apparent in primary victims—children who witness the abuse of their mothers, fathers, or other family members, are impacted.

This article will look into the lasting psychological and physical effects of a child’s exposure to domestic violence . To reduce the risk of these effects, it is also important to highlight ways that children can be protected from harm’s way.

If you or a loved one are a victim of domestic violence, contact the National Domestic Violence Hotline at 1-800-799-7233 for confidential assistance from trained advocates.

For more mental health resources, see our National Helpline Database .

As an all-too-common occurrence across the country, domestic violence is an uncomfortable feature of many American homes. An estimated 10 million people are affected by incidents of domestic abuse annually, a number that widens when silent victims, like children, are considered.

In 2010, 1 in 15 children were exposed to cases of intimate partner violence, with a worrying 1 in 3 children also experiencing acts of violence.

The effects of domestic abuse on children may be apparent within a short period of time, while other damages may be noticed in the long run. Some of the immediate effects that children experience after witnessing domestic violence are discussed below.

Children are likely to remain on edge if they are always surrounded by the abuse of one parent by the other. These children will live in bated breath for the next time physical or verbal assault might take place in their home. This can breed a state of perpetual anxiety .

For pre-schoolers who witness this, it isn’t uncommon to revert to the habits of younger children. Thumb sucking, bedwetting , increased crying, and whining may result from observing abuse.

School-aged children can develop anti-social traits and may struggle with guilt over the abuse witnessed. These children typically take on the blame for the abuse their parent deals with, a belief that can strongly bruise their self-esteem .

Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder

One of the most devastating effects of domestic violence is its ability to cause post-traumatic stress disorder in children that are raised around it.

Despite being spared from physical abuse, the trauma of domestic violence is enough to cause dangerous changes in the developing brains of children. These changes may cause nightmares , changes in sleep patterns , anger, irritability, difficulty concentrating, and children may sometimes have the ability to re-enact aspects of the traumatizing abuse observed.

Physical Challenges

Mental health strains are a common result of witnessing the abuse of a parent. However, these consequences may sometimes be apparent in their physical well-being.

School-aged children may report headaches and stomach pains which are traceable to the tense situation back home. In infants, there is a higher risk of experiencing physical injury following the constant stream of abuse on a parent.

Aggressive Behavior

When teenagers witness domestic abuse, they tend to act out in reaction to the situation . They may fight, skip school, engage in risky sexual activities, or dabble in drugs and alcohol. These teenagers are also very likely to get in trouble with the law.

Physical Abuse

In many instances, children that live in abusive households are also likely to fall victim to this treatment themselves.

An abusive partner can very easily become an abusive parent or guardian—physically, verbally, and emotionally harming their children.

Long-Term Effects of Witnessing Domestic Violence as a Child

As helpful as distance might be, simply moving away from domestic violence isn’t enough to undo the damage caused by witnessing it.

Children that grew up watching a parent experience abuse are likely to deal with effects that last well into adulthood. Some of the long-term effects that children experience after witnessing domestic violence are addressed below.

The anxious child raised in a toxic, abusive environment may grow to become a depressed adult . The trauma of routinely witnessing domestic violence places children at a high risk of developing depression, sadness, concentration issues, and other symptoms of depression into adulthood.

Health Problems

A poor diet or environmental risks may not always be the primary causes of conditions like heart disease, obesity, and diabetes in adulthood.

In some cases, these illnesses have direct links to the physical, emotional, and verbal abuse a child witnesses or is subjected to.

Repeating Abusive Patterns

While abusive behavior can be repetitive, it's important to note that abuse does not always occur in a cyclical pattern. In fact, assuming that violence occurs in cycles can lead to victim-blaming. Abuse can be unpredictable and is it never OK.

Feeling the pain and anguish of witnessing violence doesn’t always guarantee that children will toe a different path. In some cases, early exposure to abuse simply sets the stage for children to walk that same line in adulthood.

In these cases, male children might physically abuse their partners after watching their fathers do the same. Likewise, women from homes that witness domestic violence are more likely to be sexually assaulted by their partners in adulthood.  

Knowing that domestic violence can have lasting effects on the physical, mental, and later life of children—it's important to properly shield them from abuse. The following are ways to protect a child from domestic abuse.

Make Safety a Priority

One of the best ways to protect the interest and well-being of a child is for victims to receive the necessary support they need to leave the abusive environment.

By doing this, children are spared further exposure to violence and are given a chance to grow up within healthier structures. 

Teach Children Healthy Relationship Dynamics

With a skewed view about romantic dynamics, talking to children about healthier interactions between partners can help to manage the damage caused after witnessing domestic violence.

Children should be taught healthy ways to resolve disputes in friendships. It's important that they learn wholesome ways that partners can relate with each other, taking care to share why violence has no place in relationships.

Educating Children About Boundaries

An effective way to manage the damage, and prevent a cycle of domestic violence is to teach children healthy boundaries.

Teaching children about autonomy (that no one has a right to touch their bodies or vice-versa) is a step in the right direction. Children should also be taught to always tell a trusted adult if another person is making them uncomfortable in any way.

A Word From Verywell

Domestic violence has the potential to leave lasting marks on direct and indirect victims. With psychological challenges like anxiety and depression likely to develop from domestic violence— receiving appropriate care from a mental health professional can help to manage these effects in children. Therapy can also help with navigating the emotional strain and trauma of living in a toxic environment.

National Coalition Against Domestic Violence. Domestic Violence and Children .

Office on Women’s Health. Effects of Domestic Violence on Children’s Health .

Tsavoussis A, Stawicki SP, Stoicea N, Papadimos TJ. Child-witnessed domestic violence and its adverse effects on brain development: a call for societal self-examination and awareness . Front Public Health . 2014;2:178. Published 2014 Oct 10. doi:10.3389/fpubh.2014.00178

Stiles MM. Witnessing Domestic Violence: The Effect on Children . Am Fam Physician . 2002;66(11):2052-2067.

Moylan CA, Herrenkohl TI, Sousa C, Tajima EA, Herrenkohl RC, Russo MJ. The Effects of Child Abuse and Exposure to Domestic Violence on Adolescent Internalizing and Externalizing Behavior Problems .  J Fam Violence . 2010;25(1):53-63. doi:10.1007/s10896-009-9269-9

Monnat SM, Chandler RF. Long Term Physical Health Consequences of Adverse Childhood Experiences . Sociol Q . 2015;56(4):723-752. doi:10.1111/tsq.12107

By Elizabeth Plumptre Elizabeth is a freelance health and wellness writer. She helps brands craft factual, yet relatable content that resonates with diverse audiences.

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Effects of domestic violence on children

Many children exposed to violence in the home are also victims of physical abuse. 1 Children who witness domestic violence or are victims of abuse themselves are at serious risk for long-term physical and mental health problems. 2 Children who witness violence between parents may also be at greater risk of being violent in their future relationships. If you are a parent who is experiencing abuse, it can be difficult to know how to protect your child.

What are the short-term effects of domestic violence or abuse on children?

Children in homes where one parent is abused may feel fearful and anxious. They may always be on guard, wondering when the next violent event will happen. 3 This can cause them to react in different ways, depending on their age:

• Children in preschool. Young children who witness intimate partner violence may start doing things they used to do when they were younger, such as bed-wetting, thumb-sucking, increased crying, and whining. They may also develop difficulty falling or staying asleep; show signs of terror, such as stuttering or hiding; and show signs of severe separation anxiety.
• School-aged children. Children in this age range may feel guilty about the abuse and blame themselves for it. Domestic violence and abuse hurts children’s self-esteem. They may not participate in school activities or get good grades, have fewer friends than others, and get into trouble more often. They also may have a lot of headaches and stomachaches.
• Teens. Teens who witness abuse may act out in negative ways, such as fighting with family members or skipping school. They may also engage in risky behaviors, such as having unprotected sex and using alcohol or drugs. They may have low self-esteem and have trouble making friends. They may start fights or bully others and are more likely to get in trouble with the law. This type of behavior is more common in teen boys who are abused in childhood than in teen girls. Girls are more likely than boys to be withdrawn and to experience depression. 4

What are the long-term effects of domestic violence or abuse on children?

More than 15 million children in the United States live in homes in which domestic violence has happened at least once. 5 These children are at greater risk for repeating the cycle as adults by entering into abusive relationships or becoming abusers themselves. For example, a boy who sees his mother being abused is 10 times more likely to abuse his female partner as an adult. A girl who grows up in a home where her father abuses her mother is more than six times as likely to be sexually abused as a girl who grows up in a non-abusive home. 6

Children who witness or are victims of emotional, physical, or sexual abuse are at higher risk for health problems as adults. These can include mental health  conditions, such as depression and anxiety . They may also include diabetes , obesity, heart disease , poor self-esteem, and other problems. 7

Can children recover from witnessing or experiencing domestic violence or abuse?

Each child responds differently to abuse and trauma. Some children are more resilient, and some are more sensitive. How successful a child is at recovering from abuse or trauma depends on several things, including having: 8

• A good support system or good relationships with trusted adults
• High self-esteem
• Healthy friendships

Although children will probably never forget what they saw or experienced during the abuse, they can learn healthy ways to deal with their emotions and memories as they mature. The sooner a child gets help, the better his or her chances for becoming a mentally and physically healthy adult.

How can I help my children recover after witnessing or experiencing domestic violence?

You can help your children by:

• Helping them feel safe. Children who witness or experience domestic violence need to feel safe. 9 Consider whether leaving the abusive relationship  might help your child feel safer. Talk to your child about the importance of healthy relationships.
• Talking to them about their fears. Let them know that it’s not their fault or your fault. Learn more about how to listen and talk to your child about domestic violence  (PDF, 229 KB).
• Talking to them about healthy relationships. Help them learn from the abusive experience by talking about what healthy relationships are and are not. This will help them know what is healthy when they start romantic relationships of their own.
• Talking to them about boundaries. Let your child know that no one has the right to touch them or make them feel uncomfortable, including family members, teachers, coaches, or other authority figures. Also, explain to your child that he or she doesn’t have the right to touch another person’s body, and if someone tells them to stop, they should do so right away.
• Helping them find a reliable support system. In addition to a parent, this can be a school counselor, a therapist, or another trusted adult who can provide ongoing support. Know that school counselors are required to report domestic violence or abuse if they suspect it.
• Getting them professional help. Cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) is a type of talk therapy or counseling that may work best for children who have experienced violence or abuse. 10 CBT is especially helpful for children who have anxiety or other mental health problems as a result of the trauma. 11 During CBT, a therapist will work with your child to turn negative thoughts into more positive ones. The therapist can also help your child learn healthy ways to cope with stress. 12

Your doctor can recommend a mental health professional who works with children who have been exposed to violence or abuse. Many shelters and domestic violence organizations also have support groups for kids. 13 These groups can help children by letting them know they are not alone and helping them process their experiences in a nonjudgmental place. 14

Is it better to stay in an abusive relationship rather than raise my children as a single parent?

Children do best in a safe, stable, loving environment, whether that’s with one parent or two. You may think that your kids won’t be negatively affected by the abuse if they never see it happen. But children can also hear abuse, such as screaming and the sounds of hitting. They can also sense tension and fear. Even if your kids don’t see you being abused, they can be negatively affected by the violence they know is happening.

If you decide to leave an abusive relationship, you may be helping your children feel safer and making them less likely to tolerate abuse as they get older. 15 If you decide not to leave, you can still take steps  to protect your children and yourself.

How can I make myself and my children safe right now if I’m not ready to leave an abuser?

Your safety and the safety of your children are the biggest priorities. If you are not yet ready or willing to leave an abusive relationship, you can take steps to help yourself and your children now, including: 16

• Making a safety plan  for you and your child
• Listening and talking to your child and letting them know that abuse is not OK and is not their fault
• Reaching out to a domestic violence support person who can help you learn your options

If you are thinking about leaving an abusive relationship, you may want to keep quiet about it in front of your children. Young children may not be able to keep a secret from an adult in their life. Children may say something about your plan to leave without realizing it. If it would be unsafe for an abusive partner to know ahead of time you’re planning to leave, talk only to trusted adults about your plan. It’s better for you and your children to be physically safe than for your children to know ahead of time that you will be leaving.

Did we answer your question about the effects of domestic violence on children?

For more information about the effects of domestic violence on children, call the OWH Helpline at 1-800-994-9662 or check out the following resources from other organizations:

• About the Issue: What is child abuse?  — Fact sheet from the Joyful Heart Foundation.
• Behind Closed Doors: The Impact of Domestic Violence on Children  (PDF, 1.8 M) — Publication from the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF).
• Child Abuse — Information from KidsHealth.org.
• Childhood Domestic Violence  — Information from the Childhood Domestic Violence Association.
• Help for Families  — Information about Temporary Assistance for Needy Families from the Office of Family Assistance.
• Safety for Parents  — Information from the Rape, Abuse & Incest National Network (RAINN) for parents about getting a child to safety.
• Help for Parents of Children Who Have Been Sexually Abused by Family Members  — Information from RAINN.
• Modi, M.N., Palmer, S., Armstrong, A. (2014). The Role of Violence Against Women Act in Addressing Intimate Partner Violence: A Public Health Issue . Journal of Women’s Health; 23(3): 253-259.
• Gilbert, L.K., Breiding, M.J., Merrick, M.T., Parks, S.E., Thompson, W.W., Dhingra, S.S., Ford, D.C. (2015). Childhood Adversity and Adult Chronic Disease: An update from ten states and the District of Columbia, 2010 . American Journal of Preventive Medicine; 48(3): 345-349.
• Domestic Violence Roundtable. (n.d.). The Effects of Domestic Violence on Children .
• Child Welfare Information Gateway. (2014). Domestic Violence and the Child Welfare System . Washington, DC: Children’s Bureau, Administration for Children and Families, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.
• McDonald, R., Jouriles, E.N., Ramisetty-Mikler, S., Caetano, R., Green, C.E. (2006). ). Estimating the Number of American Children Living in Partner-Violent Families . Journal of Family Psychology; 20(1): 137-142.
• Vargas, L. Cataldo, J., Dickson, S. (2005). Domestic Violence and Children . In G.R. Walz & R.K. Yep (Eds.), VISTAS: Compelling Perspectives on Counseling. Alexandria, VA: American Counseling Association; 67-69.
• Monnat, S.M., Chandler, R.F. (2015),  Long Term Physical Health Consequences of Adverse Childhood Experiences . The Sociologist Quarterly; 56(4): 723-752.
• Child Welfare Information Gateway. (2014). Protective Factors Approaches in Child Welfare . Washington, DC: Children’s Bureau, Administration for Children and Families, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.
• National Child Traumatic Stress Network. (n.d.). Interventions for Children Exposed to Domestic Violence: Core Principles .  
• Caffo, E., Belaise, C. (2003). Psychological aspects of traumatic injury in children and adolescents . Child and Adolescent Psychiatric Clinics of North America; 12(3): 493-535.
• Deblinger, E., Mannarino, A. P., Cohen, J. A., & Steer, R. A. (2006). A follow-up study of a multisite, randomized, controlled trial for children with sexual abuse-related PTSD symptoms. Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry; 45(12): 1474-84. 
• Kidshealth.org. (2013). Taking Your Child to a Therapist .
• National Child Traumatic Stress Network. (n.d.). Interventions for Children Exposed to Domestic Violence: Core Principles .
• Vargas, L., Cataldo, J., Dickson, S. (2005). Domestic Violence and Children . In Walz, G.R., Yep, R.K. (Eds.), VISTAS: Compelling Perspectives on Counseling. Alexandria, VA: American Counseling Association; 67-69.
• Center for Domestic Peace. (2016). Calling the Police .
• Loveisrespect.org (n.d.). I Have Children with My Abuser .
• Kathleen C. Basile, Ph.D., Lead Behavioral Scientist, Division of Violence Prevention, National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC)
• Kathryn Jones, M.S.W., Public Health Advisor, National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC)
• Sharon G. Smith, Ph.D., Behavioral Scientist, National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC)
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153 Domestic Violence Topics & Essay Examples

A domestic violence essay can deal with society, gender, family, and youth. To help you decide which aspect to research, our team provided this list of 153 topics .

📑 Aspects to Cover in a Domestic Violence Essay

🏆 best domestic violence titles & essay examples, ⭐ interesting domestic violence topics for an essay, 🎓 good research topics about domestic violence, ❓ research questions on domestic violence.

Domestic violence is a significant problem and one of the acute topics of today’s society. It affects people of all genders and sexualities.

Domestic violence involves many types of abuse, including sexual and emotional one. Essays on domestic violence can enhance students’ awareness of the issue and its causes. Our tips will be useful for those wanting to write outstanding domestic violence essays.

Start with choosing a topic for your paper. Here are some examples of domestic violence essay titles:

• Causes of domestic violence and the ways to eliminate them
• The consequences of domestic violence
• The importance of public domestic violence speech
• Ways to reduce domestic violence
• The prevalence of domestic violence in the United States (or other countries)
• The link between domestic violence and mental health problems among children

Now that you have selected one of the titles for your essay, you can start working on the paper. We have prepared some tips on the aspects you should cover in your work:

• Start with researching the issue you have selected. Analyze its causes, consequences, and effects. Remember that you should include some of the findings in the paper using in-text citations.
• Develop a domestic violence essay outline. The structure of your paper will depend on the problem you have selected. In general, there should be an introductory and a concluding paragraph, as well as three (or more) body paragraphs. Hint: Keep in mind the purpose of your essay while developing its structure.
• Present your domestic violence essay thesis clearly. The last sentence of your introductory paragraph should be the thesis statement. Here are some examples of a thesis statement:

Domestic violence has a crucial impact on children’s mental health. / Domestic violence affects women more than men.

• Present a definition of domestic violence. What actions does the term involve? Include several possible perspectives on domestic violence.
• Discuss the victims of domestic violence and the impact it has on them too. Provide statistical data, if possible.
• Help your audience to understand the issue better by discussing the consequences of domestic violence, even if it is not the primary purpose of your paper. The essay should show why it is necessary to eliminate this problem.
• You can include some relevant quotes on domestic violence to make your arguments more persuasive. Remember to use citations from relevant sources only. Such sources include peer-reviewed articles and scholarly publications. If you are not sure whether you can use a piece of literature, consult your professor to avoid possible mistakes.
• Support your claims with evidence. Ask your professor in advance about the sources you can use in your paper. Avoid utilizing Wikipedia, as this website is not reliable.
• Stick to a formal language. Although you may want to criticize domestic violence, do not use offensive terms. Your paper should look professional.
• Pay attention to the type of paper you should write. If it is an argumentative essay, discuss opposing views on domestic violence and prove that they are unreliable.
• Remember that you should include a domestic violence essay conclusion in your paper too. This section of the paper should present your main ideas and findings. Remember not to present any new information or citations in the concluding paragraph.

There are some free samples we have prepared for you, too. Check them out!

• Domestic Violence and Conflict Theory in Society The Conflict Theory explains remarkable events in history and the changing patterns of race and gender relations and also emphasizes the struggles to explain the impact of technological development on society and the changes to […]
• Domestic Violence against Women Domestic violence against women refers to “any act of gender-based violence that results in or is likely to result in physical, sexual, and mental harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts as […]
• Domestic Violence and Repeat Victimisation Theory Domestic violence is a crime which often happens because of a bad relationship between a man and woman and usually continues to be repeated until one of the parties leaves the relationship; hence victims of […]
• Ambivalence on Part of the Police in Response to Domestic Violence The police have been accused of ambivalence by their dismissive attitudes and through sexism and empathy towards perpetrators of violence against women.
• Domestic Violence: Qualitative & Quantitative Research This research seeks to determine the impacts of domestic violence orders in reducing the escalating cases of family brutality in most households. N1: There is a significant relationship between domestic violence orders and the occurrence […]
• Break the Silence: Domestic Violence Case The campaign in question aimed to instruct victims of domestic violence on how to cope with the problem and where to address to get assistance.
• Behind Closed Doors: Domestic Violence The term “domestic violence” is used to denote the physical or emotional abuse that occurs in the homes. Therefore, it has contributed to the spread of domestic violence in the country.
• Victimology and Domestic Violence In this situation there are many victims; Anne is a victim of domestic violence and the children are also victims of the same as well as the tragic death of their father.
• Theories of Domestic Violence It is important to point out that women have received the short end of the stick in regards to domestic violence. A third reason why people commit domestic violence according to the Family Violence Theory […]
• Domestic Violence in Australia: Policy Issue In this paper, DV in Australia will be regarded as a problem that requires policy decision-making, and the related terminology and theory will be used to gain insights into the reasons for the persistence of […]
• National Coalition Against Domestic Violence In addition, NCADV hopes to make the public know that the symbol of the purple ribbon represents the mission of the organization, which is to bring peace to all American households.
• Community and Domestic Violence: Elder Abuse In addition, the fact the elderly people cannot defend themselves because of the physical frailty that they encounter, they will experience most of the elderly abuse.
• Domestic Violence Ethical Dilemmas in Criminal Justice Various ethical issues such as the code of silence, the mental status of the offender, and limited evidence play a vital role in challenging the discretion of police officers in arresting the DV perpetrators.
• Domestic Violence and COVID-19: Literature Review The “stay safe, stay at home” mantra used by the governments and public health organizations was the opposite of safety for the victims of domestic violence.
• Violence against Women: Domestic, National, and Global Rape as a weapon for the enemy Majority of cultures in war zones still accept and regard rape to be a weapon of war that an enemy should be punished with.
• Domestic Violence: Reason, Forms and Measures The main aim of this paper is to determine the reason behind the rapid increase of domestic violence, forms of domestic violence and measures that should be taken to reduce its effects.
• Effects of Domestic Violence on Children’s Social and Emotional Development In the case of wife-husband violence, always, one parent will be the offender and the other one the victim; in an ideal situation, a child needs the love of a both parents. When brought up […]
• Affordable, Effective Legal Assistance for Victims of Domestic Violence Legal assistance significantly increases the chances for domestic abuse victims to obtain restraining orders, divorce, and custody of their children. Helping victims of domestic violence with inexpensive legal aid is a critical step in assisting […]
• Domestic Violence: Far-Right Conspiracy Theory in Australia’s Culture Wars The phenomenon of violence is directly related to the violation of human rights and requires legal punishment for the perpetrators and support for the victims.
• Domestic Violence and Black Women’s Experiences Overall, the story’s exploration of the reality of life for an African American married woman in a patriarchal society, and the challenges faced by black women, is relevant to the broader reality of domestic violence […]
• Domestic Violence: Criminal Justice In addition, the usage of illegal substances such as bhang, cocaine, and other drugs contributes to the increasing DV in society.
• Witnessed Domestic Violence and Juvenile Detention Research The primary purpose of this study is to examine the relationship between witnessed domestic violence and juvenile detention. Research has pointed to a relationship between witnessed violence and juvenile delinquency, and this study holds that […]
• Domestic Violence Against Women in Melbourne Thus, it is possible to introduce the hypothesis that unemployment and related financial struggles determined by pandemic restrictions lead to increased rates of domestic violence against women in Melbourne.
• Intersectionality in Domestic Violence Another way an organization that serves racial minorities may address the unique needs of domestic violence victims is to offer additional educational and consultancy activities for women of color.
• Healthcare Testing of a Domestic Violence Victim Accordingly, the negative aspects of this exam include difficulties in identifying and predicting the further outcome of events and the course of side effects.
• Domestic Violence, Child Abuse, or Elder Abuse In every health facility, a nurse who notices the signs of abuse and domestic violence must report them to the relevant authorities.
• Educational Services for Children in Domestic Violence Shelters In order to meet the objectives of the research, Chanmugam et al.needed to reach out to the representatives of emergency domestic violence shelters located in the state of Texas well-aware of the shelters’ and schools’ […]
• The Domestic Violence Arrest Laws According to the National Institute of Justice, mandatory arrest laws are the most prevalent in US states, indicating a widespread agreement on their effectiveness.
• Environmental Scan for Hart City Domestic Violence Resource Center In particular, it identifies the target population, outlines the key resources, and provides an overview of data sources for assessing key factors and trends that may affect the Resource Center in the future.
• Domestic Violence Investigation Procedure If they claim guilty, the case is proceeded to the hearing to estimate the sentencing based on the defendant’s criminal record and the scope of assault. The issue of domestic abuse in households is terrifyingly […]
• Educational Group Session on Domestic Violence This will be the first counseling activity where the counselor assists the women to appreciate the concepts of domestic violence and the ways of identifying the various kinds of violence.
• What Causes Domestic Violence? Domestic abuse, which is also known as domestic violence, is a dominance of one family member over another or the other. As a result, the probability of them becoming abusers later in life is considerably […]
• The Impact of COVID-19 on Domestic Violence in the US Anurudran et al.argue that the new measures taken to fight COVID-19 infections heightened the risk of domestic abuse. The pandemic paradox: The consequences of COVID 19 on domestic violence.
• Rachel Louise Snyder’s Research on Domestic Violence Language and framing play a significant role in manipulating people’s understanding of domestic violence and the nature of the problem. However, it is challenging to gather precise data on the affected people and keep track […]
• Domestic Violence Restraining Orders: Renewals and Legal Recourse Since upon the expiry of a restraining order, a victim can file a renewal petition the current task is to determine whether the original DVRO of our client has expired, the burden of obtaining a […]
• Annotated Bibliography on Domestic Violence Against Women They evaluate 134 studies from various countries that provide enough evidence of the prevalence of domestic violence against women and the adverse effects the vice has had for a decade.
• Alcoholism, Domestic Violence and Drug Abuse Kaur and Ajinkya researched to investigate the “psychological impact of adult alcoholism on spouses and children”. The work of Kaur and Ajinkya, reveals a link between chronic alcoholism and emotional problems on the spouse and […]
• Domestic Violence Counselling Program Evaluation The evaluation will be based upon the mission of the program and the objectives it states for the participants. The counselors arrange treatment for both sides of the conflict: the victims and offenders, and special […]
• Sociological Imagination: Domestic Violence and Suicide Risk Hence, considering these facts, it is necessary to put the notion of suicide risk in perspective when related to the issue of domestic violence.
• The Roles of Domestic Violence Advocates Domestic conflict advocates assist victims in getting the help needed to cope and move forward. Moreover, these advocates help the survivors in communicating to employers, family members, and lawyers.
• Domestic Violence: The Impact of Law Enforcement Home Visits As the study concludes, despite the increase in general awareness concerning domestic violence cases, it is still a significant threat to the victims and their children.
• Domestic Violence: How Is It Adressed? At this stage, when the family members of the battered women do this to them, it becomes the responsibility of the people to do something about this.
• Domestic Violence Factors Among Police Officers The objective of this research is to establish the level of domestic violence among police officers and relative the behavior to stress, divorce, police subculture, and child mistreatment.
• “The Minneapolis Domestic Violence Experiment” by Sherman and Berk The experiment conducted by the authors throws light on the three stages of the research circle. This is one of the arguments that can be advanced.
• Domestic Violence and Drug-Related Offenders in Australia The article is very informative since outlines a couple of the reasons behind the rampant increase in cases of negligence and lack of concern, especially from the government.
• An Investigation on Domestic Violence This particular experiment aimed to evaluate the nature of relationship and the magnitude of domestic violence meted on either of the partners.
• Educational Program on Domestic Violence The reason why I have chosen this as the topic for my educational program is that victims of domestic violence often feel that they do not have any rights and hence are compelled to live […]
• Supporting Female Victims of Domestic Violence and Abuse: NGO Establishment The presence of such a model continues to transform lives and make it easier for more women to support and provide basic education to their children.
• Family and Domestic Violence: Enhancing Protective Factors Current partner Previous partner Percentage of children When children are exposed to violence, they encounter numerous difficulties in their various levels of development.
• Domestic Violence in Women’s Experiences Worldwide Despite the fact the author of the article discusses a controversial problem of domestic violence against women based on the data from recent researches and focusing on such causes for violence as the problematic economic […]
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The Effects of Child Abuse and Exposure to Domestic Violence on Adolescent Internalizing and Externalizing Behavior Problems

Carrie a. moylan.

1 School of Social Work, University of Washington, Seattle, WA

Todd I. Herrenkohl

Cindy sousa, emiko a. tajima, roy c. herrenkohl.

2 Center for Social Research, Lehigh University, Bethlehem, PA

M. Jean Russo

This study examines the effects of child abuse and domestic violence exposure in childhood on adolescent internalizing and externalizing behaviors. Data for this analysis are from the Lehigh Longitudinal Study, a prospective study of 457 youth addressing outcomes of family violence and resilience in individuals and families. Results show that child abuse, domestic violence, and both in combination (i.e., dual exposure) increase a child’s risk for internalizing and externalizing outcomes in adolescence. When accounting for risk factors associated with additional stressors in the family and surrounding environment, only those children with dual exposure had an elevated risk of the tested outcomes compared to non-exposed youth. However, while there were some observable differences in the prediction of outcomes for children with dual exposure compared to those with single exposure (i.e., abuse only or exposure to domestic violence only), these difference were not statistically significant. Analyses showed that the effects of exposure for boys and girls are statistically comparable.

Introduction

Every year an estimated 3.3 million to 10 million children are exposed to domestic violence in their home ( Carlson, 1984 ; Straus, 1992 ). Studies investigating the prevalence of child abuse find that almost 900,000 children are classified as maltreated by parents and other caretakers ( United States Department of Health and Human Services [USDHHS], 2006 ). Furthermore, different forms of family violence often co-occur, suggesting that many children who witness domestic violence have also directly experienced child abuse ( Appel & Holden, 1998 ; Edleson, 2001 ; Tajima, 2004 ). Numerous studies have demonstrated that children exposed to domestic violence and/or child abuse are more likely to experience a wide range of adverse psychosocial and behavioral outcomes ( T. Herrenkohl, Sousa, Tajima, R. Herrenkohl, & Moylan, 2008 ; Sternberg, 2006 ; Wolfe, Crooks, Lee, McIntyre-Smith, & Jaffe, 2003 ). Researchers have posited what they call a “double whammy” or dual exposure effect, in which children exposed to both child abuse and domestic violence fare worse with respect to later outcomes than do those exposed only to one form of violence ( Herrenkohl et al., 2008 ; Hughes, Parkinson, & Vargo, 1989 ). Studies investigating dual exposure have produced mixed results, suggesting the need for further investigation. For example, some studies have found that children doubly exposed to abuse and domestic violence have worse outcomes than others ( Hughes et al., 1989 ; Sternberg, 2006 ), whereas others find no elevated effect of dual exposure ( Sternberg et al., 1993 ).

This investigation aims to strengthen research on the unique and combined effects of exposure to child abuse and domestic violence on psychosocial outcomes in adolescence. The study also seeks to examine whether gender interacts with abuse and domestic violence exposure in the prediction of youth outcomes.

Relation between Child Abuse and Adverse Psychosocial Outcomes

Numerous studies have demonstrated that experiencing child abuse can lead to a range of internalizing and externalizing behavior problems. For example, research has shown that abused children can exhibit a variety of psychological problems, including anxiety and depression ( McLeer, Callaghan, Henry, & Wallen, 1994 ; McLeer et al., 1998 ). The effects of being abused persist into adolescence; teens who were abused as children are more likely to experience depression and other internalizing problems ( Fergusson, Horwood, & Lynskey, 1996 ; Widom, 2000 ; Wolfe, 1999 ; Wolfe, Scott, Wekerle, & Pittman, 2001 ). Teens who were abused as children are also more likely to exhibit externalizing behavior problems, such as delinquency and violence perpetration ( Fergusson et al., 1996 ; Fergusson & Lynskey, 1997 ; Hawkins et al., 1998 ; R. Herrenkohl, Egolf, & E. Herrenkohl, 1997 ; McCabe, Lucchini, Hough, Yeh, & Hazen, 2005 ; Smith & Thornberry, 1995 ; Widom, 2000 ; Wolfe, 1999 ).

Relation Between Domestic Violence Exposure and Adverse Psychosocial Outcomes

Exposure to domestic violence in childhood has been linked to a similar set of outcomes, including low self-esteem, social withdrawal, depression, and anxiety ( Edleson, 1999 ; Fantuzzo, Boruch, Beriama, Atkins, & Marcus, 1997 ; Graham Bermann, 1998 ; Hughes, 1988 ; Lichter & McCloskey, 2004 ; Litrownik, Newton, Hunter, English, & Everson, 2003 ; McCloskey, Figueredo, & Koss, 1995 ; McCloskey & Lichter, 2003 ; Moffitt & Caspi, 2003 ; Sudermann & Jaffe, 1997 ); and aggression, violence, and delinquency ( Herrera & McCloskey, 2001 ; Lichter & McCloskey, 2004 ; Litrownik et al., 2003 ; McCloskey & Lichter, 2003 ; Sudermann & Jaffe, 1997 ). In a recent meta-analysis of studies that examined the relationship between domestic violence exposure in childhood and adolescent internalizing and externalizing behaviors, Evans, Davies, and DiLillo (2008) found significant mean-weighted effect sizes of .48 (SE=.04) for internalizing behaviors and .47 (SE=.05) for externalizing behaviors, indicating moderate associations between exposure and both outcomes.

Evidence of a “Double Whammy” Effect

Several studies have investigated the dual exposure hypothesis. Hughes (1988) found that children who were direct victims of abuse and exposed to domestic violence had higher externalizing and internalizing scores than did those who only witnessed domestic violence (DV). However, Sternberg et al. (1993) report contrasting findings. Theirs was a study of 110 children, 8 to 12 years of age. Analyses compared children who: (a) were direct victims of child abuse only; (b) had been exposed to domestic violence only; and (c) were victims of both abuse and domestic violence exposure. The study also included a no-violence comparison group. Results showed that children in the no-violence comparison group reported lower levels of depression and internalizing and externalizing behaviors than those in any of the three violence exposure groups. However, those who were doubly exposed to child abuse and domestic violence were no more likely than the children in the abuse-only or DV-only groups to experience these outcomes.

Sternberg, Baradaran, Abbot, Lamb, and Guterman (2006) conducted what they describe as a mega-analysis in which they pooled raw data on age, gender, behavior problems, and violence exposure from 15 studies, resulting in a dataset of 1,870 subjects ages 4 to 14 years. They used regression analyses to investigate unique and combined effects of child abuse and domestic violence on externalizing and internalizing behaviors, measured by the Child Behavior Check List ( Achenbach, 1991a ). The authors found that the children who were dually exposed to child abuse and domestic violence were consistently at higher risk for internalizing problems than child abuse victims, domestic violence witnesses, and those who had not been exposed. In fact, they found that abused witnesses were 187% more likely to have internalizing problems than those in a no-violence control group, 117% more likely than child abuse victims, and 38% more likely than witnesses of domestic violence. Children ages 4 and 9 years of age who were doubly exposed to abuse and domestic violence also were at higher risk for externalizing behavior, although this dual exposure effect did not hold for children who were 10 to 14 years of age.

Although these studies provide some evidence of an additive effect on outcomes of abuse and domestic violence exposure, patterns in the data are not uniform and there is a need for longitudinal analyses that extend into later adolescence. Analyses need also to account for other co-existing risk factors.

Gender Differences

Support is mixed with respect to gender differences in effects of witnessing domestic violence, being the direct victim of abuse, or both. Kitzmann, Gaylord, Holt, and Kenny (2003) conducted a meta-analysis using 118 studies of psychosocial outcomes related to domestic violence exposure. The authors found comparable effect sizes for boys and girls, and no evidence of gender-by-outcome interactions. Wolfe et al. (2003) also conducted a meta-analysis using 41 studies on effects of exposure to domestic violence and came to similar conclusions.

However, other studies have found that gender moderates the effects of violence exposure. For example, Evans et al. (2008) reported that effect sizes of externalizing behavior problems were significantly higher for boys exposed to domestic violence than for girls also exposed. Other studies have shown boys to be at higher risk of externalizing problems in adolescence after being abused in childhood ( Graham-Bermann & Hughes, 2003 ; Widom, 1998 ). Another study, however, found that girls exposed to domestic violence were at higher risk than boys for both externalizing and internalizing behaviors, including depression ( Sternberg et al., 1993 ). Heyman and Slep (2002) investigated both fathers and mothers and found an association between childhood exposure to violence and later abuse of their children. For mothers, only exposure to multiple forms of violence during childhood was associated with an increased risk of abuse toward their children.

Given the mixed and sometimes contrasting findings on gender differences in exposure effects, there is a need for more well-designed studies on the issue ( Herrenkohl et al., 2008 ; Widom, 1998 ). We examine gender as a potential moderator in the current study.

Objectives and Rationale

In summary, the current study examines several outcomes in adolescence with known links to child adversity -- a range of internalizing and externalizing behaviors, depression, and delinquency. We hypothesize that: (1) violence exposure will increase a child’s risk for these outcomes, and (2) youth exposed to both child abuse and domestic violence will show an elevated risk for these outcomes over either type of abuse alone. Finally, we explore the role of gender as a possible moderator of childhood exposure on later outcomes in adolescence. The gender-balanced sample and longitudinal design of the current study allow tests of developmental relationships that are not possible in studies with cross-sectional data or in studies with only one gender.

Data are from the Lehigh Longitudinal Study, a prospective study of children and families begun in the 1970s to examine developmental consequences of child maltreatment. Participants were recruited from several settings in a two-county area of Pennsylvania: child welfare abuse and protective service programs, Head Start classrooms, day care programs, and private (middle income) nursery school programs. Three waves of data were collected at key developmental points for children (preschool, school age, and adolescence), and a fourth adult wave of the study is now underway.

An initial assessment of children and their families was completed in 1976-1977, when children were of preschool age. 3 Children then ranged in age from 18 months to 6 years. The second wave of data collection occurred between 1980 and 1982, when the children were between 8 and 11 years of age. The third assessment was completed in 1990-1991, when the children ranged from age 14 to 23 (average age: 18 years). In this assessment, 416 (91%) of the original sample of 457 children were reassessed. The full longitudinal sample includes 457 children from 297 families: 144 children from child welfare abuse programs, 105 from child welfare protective service programs, 70 from Head Start, 64 from day care programs, and 74 from nursery school programs. The present analyses are conducted using data from the 416 individuals assessed across all three waves of data collection.

The full sample contains 248 (54%) males and 209 females. One child was assessed in 52% (n=155) of the families; two children were assessed in 43% (n=128) of the families; three or four children were assessed in 5% (n=14) of the families. The racial breakdown of the full sample is: 80.7% (n=369) White, 11.2% (n=51) more than one race, 5.3% (n=24) Black or African American, 1.3% (n=6) American Indian/Alaska Native, 0.2% (n=1) Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islander, and 1.3% (n=6) unknown. The ethnic composition is: 7.1% (n=33) Hispanic or Latino, 91.5% (n=381) Not Hispanic or Latino, and 1.3% (n=6) unknown. These percentages were consistent with the makeup of the two-county area at the time the original sample was drawn. Eighty-six percent of children were, at the time of initial assessment, from two-parent households. Sixty-three percent of families had incomes below $700 per month in 1976-1977.

Of the 416 participants assessed in adolescence, 229 (55.0%) are males, 81.5% (n=339) are White, 11.7% (n=49) are more than one race, 5.0% (n=21) are Black or African American, 1.4% (n=6) are American Indian/Alaska Native, and 0.2% (n=1) is Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islander. By the time of the adolescent assessment, four participants had died: two children in the child welfare abuse group, one in the child welfare neglect group, and one child in the middle-income group. The percentage lost to attrition varied somewhat across groups: child welfare abuse (13.9%), child welfare neglect (10.5%), Head Start (7.1%), day care (4.7%), and middle income (8.1%), although these percentages overall did not differ significantly (χ2 > .05). Further tests for comparability between attriters and non-attriters found no differences on other key variables, including childhood SES, physically abusive discipline, and exposure to domestic violence.

Data for the preschool and school-age assessments are from interviews with parents. Interviewers collected information about a range of family and child variables, including parents’ interpersonal violence and child disciplining practices. Data for the adolescent assessment are from face-to-face interviews and individually administered questionnaires with parents and youth. The adolescent youth survey provides information on parenting practices, youth behavior, youth psychological functioning, and youth school experiences. All phases of the study were reviewed and approved by the Institutional Review Board at Lehigh University. Consent and assent (for children and adolescents) was obtained from study participants during all waves of data collection.

Violence exposure

The dichotomous child abuse variable used in this analysis consists of information gathered about severe physical disciplining from three different data sources: (a) official records of substantiated abuse cases; (b) mothers’ reports (used prospectively) of their disciplining of their preschool and school-age children; and (c) adolescents’ retrospective reports of those same discipline practices used by mothers ( Herrenkohl, Tajima, Whitney, & Huang, 2005 ). Severe physical disciplining was assessed with self-reports from mothers and adolescents and includes: biting a child; slapping so as to bruise a child; hitting a child with a stick, paddle or other hard object; or hitting a child with a strap, rope, or belt. Those who were disciplined with two or more severe physical discipline practices were considered to have been maltreated. A threshold of two or more incidents was set to eliminate isolated cases of severe physical discipline from an otherwise non-abusive parent. Individuals for whom there was agreement in the prospective parent report and retrospective adolescent report were added to those identified by official records as abuse victims. This procedure allows us to take advantage of the multiple sources of data available in the study. By requiring evidence of abuse on both the prospective and retrospective self-report measures before identifying a child as a victim of abuse, we lessen the potential measurement bias that can be introduced by using a single data source ( Herrenkohl et al., 2005 ; Tajima, Herrenkohl, Huang, & Whitney, 2004 ). In addition, requiring cross-informant agreement increases the likelihood that violence exposure did occur. Although this may underestimate the number of exposed children by excluding cases for which abuse or DV exposure was identified by only one source, we can be more certain that those who are included are not falsely classified. This produced 174 subjects that had experienced child abuse (42% of the sample).

The dichotomous domestic violence exposure variable used here includes three types of moderately severe domestic violence behaviors by either parent: physical violence (hitting, punching, kicking), threats to do physical harm, and breaking things. The measure of domestic violence exposure combines reports from parents during the preschool assessment and adolescents’ retrospective reports. Again, to take advantage of various data sources and to limit potential measurement error, we required agreement between prospective parent and retrospective adolescent self-reports. In cases where parental reports and adolescent reports differed in their responses about whether domestic violence behaviors had occurred, the case was coded conservatively (i.e., the participants were coded as not having been exposed), except in cases where information about domestic violence was missing in one source, in which case the existing data source was used as the only indicator of DV exposure. These procedures resulted in 197 cases classified as having witnessed domestic violence (47% of the analysis sample).

Using the dichotomous child abuse and domestic violence exposure variables, the sample was then split into four mutually exclusive groups: (a) no violence exposure group (n=134, 32% of sample), (b) child abuse only group (n=73, 18%), (c) domestic violence only group (n=96, 23%), and (d) a dual exposure group comprised of those children who were abused and exposed to domestic violence (n=101, 24%).

Adolescent psychosocial functioning and behavior

To assess adolescent psychosocial functioning and behavior, we used items from the Achenbach Youth Self Report (YSR) ( Achenbach, 1991b ) completed by youth participants in the adolescent wave of the study. Subscales of the internalizing and externalizing composite scales were scored and used in the reported analyses. Withdrawn behavior includes seven items, such as shy/timid, would rather be alone, and secretive (M=4.24, SD=2.42; alpha=.62). Somatic complaints includes 10 items, such as feeling overtired, stomach aches, and aches/pains (M=2.69, SD=2.68; alpha=.74). Anxious/depressed symptoms include 16 items, such as feels unloved, feels worthless, and nervous/tense (M=6.82, SD=5.41; alpha=.87). The delinquent behavior subscale includes 12 items, such as steals at home, sets fires, and lacks guilt (M=5.14, SD=3.07; alpha=.70). Aggressive behavior consists of 20 items, including argues, disobedient at school, and mean to others (M=10.11, SD=5.85; alpha=.85). The total externalizing behavior scale combines the delinquent and aggressive behavior subscales (M=15.25, SD=8.18). Internalizing behavior combines the withdrawn, somatic complaints, and anxious/depressed subscales (M=13.75, SD=9.05).

In addition to the YSR scales, we included two additional outcomes: the first is depressive symptoms measured by the Beck Depression Inventory (BDI) ( Beck, Rush, Shaw, & Emery, 1979 ). The BDI combines scores on 21 items (M=10.65, SD=7.99). The second is a general measure of delinquency. Delinquent acts is a count of the number (out of 39 possible types) of delinquent acts self-reported by adolescents (M=10.84, SD=7.73). This scale was originally developed for the National Youth Survey and is widely used in studies of youth behavior and development ( Elliott, 1987 ). These final two outcomes were added to analyses so as not to rely exclusively on variables derived from a single standardized instrument and to allow cross-validation of results on two key constructs of interest: depression and delinquency.

Gender (0=male, 1=female; 55% of sample are male) was included as a control, and was also examined as a potential moderator of abuse and childhood exposure to domestic violence. To account for other predictors of internalizing and externalizing behaviors in youth, we developed a composite measure of risk factors ( parent personal problems and external constraints) ( Herrenkohl & Herrenkohl, 2007 ). Race and age of youth were also included in the risk scale to capture demographics known to be associated with higher scores on our outcome constructs: Parent personal problems included responses to survey items about current stressors in the family, as reported by parents at the time. These included unfulfilled ambitions, lack of privacy, problems with people outside the family, health problems among family members, and loneliness (range of 0 to 9 with M=2.92, SD=2.11). External constraints , also derived from responses from parents on current stressors, includes items such as crime in the neighborhood, lack of home conveniences, physical remoteness, crowding in the home, and crowding in the neighborhood (range of 0 to 9, with M=1.85, SD=1.71).

As a preliminary step in the analysis, parent personal problems, external constraints, race, and age were entered simultaneously into a logistic regression model with any violence exposure (including domestic violence, child abuse, or both exposures) as the outcome. All four of these variables were found to be significantly predictive of violence exposure. The scores of the regression model then were used to calculate a total predicted probability value for each participant. Using this predicted risk composite score technique for regression adjustment allowed us to control parsimoniously for other variables related to child abuse and domestic violence ( Bauer et al., 2006 ; D’Agostino, 1998 ). The mean of this predicted risk composite was 0.64, with a SD=0.18.

Regression models were conducted using the MPlus structural modeling program ( Muthén & Muthén, 2004 ), which maximizes the case-wise likelihood of the model parameters and allows for nested data in hypothesized model. The violence exposure groups were entered as a set of dummy variables with gender entered simultaneously as a covariate. Models were run first without the risk composite, and then again with that measure added to determine whether relationships between violence exposure and the outcomes persisted after accounting for other known risk factors for the outcomes in question. Models were also run to test whether gender moderated the effect of violence exposure on the outcomes by adding interaction terms for gender and the violence exposure variables. None of the gender interaction terms were statistically significant, indicating that the models should be estimated, and assumed to be comparable, for boys and girls together. However, to account for possible gender differences in levels of the predictors and outcomes, gender was added as a free-standing covariate in the analyses.

Examination of Effect of Violence Exposure on Later Outcomes

Table I shows the distribution of cases across the violence exposure groups (none, child abuse only, domestic violence only, and dual exposure) as well as the gender distribution of cases within the groups. Table II shows the means and standard deviations for each of the outcome variables for the full analyses sample, and for males and females separately.

Number of cases in full sample, violence exposure groups, and gender sub-samples

Mean and standard deviation of outcomes for the violence exposure groups and both genders

As a first step, regression models were conducted to test whether violence exposure, represented by the three exposure groups, predicted the internalizing and externalizing outcome variables after accounting for gender. In these models, non-exposed youth served as the reference category to which those in the abuse, domestic violence, and dual exposure groups were compared ( Table III ).

Regression models accounting for gender, compared to the no violence exposure group

As shown in Table III , gender was significantly predictive ( p < .05) of all the outcomes except for the BDI; although gender was only marginally significant ( p < .10) in the models for withdrawn behavior and aggressive behavior. Coefficients for gender in the models with the internalizing variables show that being female increases the risk for internalizing symptoms. For externalizing behaviors, the opposite appears true: males are at higher risk; although, for adolescent aggression, no gender effect was shown.

Results of Table III also show that each of the violence exposure groups (compared to those not exposed) is predictive of at least some of the outcomes after accounting for child gender. Child abuse only was predictive of higher scores on the withdrawn scale of the YSR, depression measured by the BDI, and delinquency. This variable was also marginally predictive of the YSR total internalizing scale, the anxious/depressed subscale of the YSR, and externalizing. DV exposure is significantly related to YSR withdrawn scores, BDI depression, and delinquency; DV exposure is marginally predictive of total internalizing behaviors and anxious/depressed symptoms. Compared to non-exposure, dual exposure in children is associated with all tested outcomes.

Results of Table IV are for these same outcomes, with the composite risk score added to the models. Again, the objective was to test for exposure effects after accounting for gender and other known risk factors. Results suggest that the risk composite is predictive of YSR withdrawn behavior scores, higher scores on the BDI, and higher delinquency, as measured by the Elliot scale. Gender remained a significant predictor of many tested outcomes. In none of the models, after accounting for risks of the composite measure, was abuse only or DV exposure only predictive of youth outcomes (when no violence exposure served as the reference category). Dual exposure, however, remained significantly predictive of all the externalizing outcomes and some internalizing behaviors: anxious/depressed and BDI depression. Dual exposure was also marginally significantly predictive of somatic complaints.

Regression models accounting for gender and risk composite measure, compared to the no violence exposure group

Evidence for the “Double Whammy” Effect

To examine whether dual exposure increases the risk of outcomes more than individual forms of exposure (Hypothesis 2), models were re-run with the dual exposure group as the reference to which youth in the abused only and domestic violence only groups were compared. Results suggest that only in models for depression (as measured by the BDI) and delinquency (Elliott) was child abuse only or domestic violence only significantly lower on the outcomes compared to dual exposure. Results of these models without and with the risk composite measure are shown in Table V (nonsignificant results are not shown). The results for delinquency show that domestic violence only is significantly lower than dual exposure before, but not after, adding the risk composite measure to the model. For the BDI, dual exposure was significantly more strongly associated than abuse or domestic violence exposure before and after accounting for other risks.

Regression models comparing to the dual exposure group (“double whammy” evidence)

As hypothesized, children exposed to violence (either child abuse, domestic violence, or both) had higher levels of externalizing and internalizing behavior problems in adolescence than those exposed to neither form of violence. Youths who had both witnessed domestic violence and had been direct victims of child abuse (i.e., dual exposure) were more consistently at risk for the entire range of internalizing and externalizing behavior problems investigated than those who experienced only one form of violence exposure. In fact, dual violence exposure was predictive of higher scores on all nine outcomes addressed in this study, while experiencing child abuse alone or domestic violence alone was significantly predictive of only some of the outcomes. A direct comparison of dual and single exposures found that for two outcomes-- delinquency and depression measured by the BDI—scores were higher for those with both abuse and domestic violence exposure. The effect of dual exposure on depression was maintained after accounting for other risks in the family and surrounding environment.

These models accounted for the effect of gender, which itself emerged as a strong main effect predictor of all outcomes except depression. Females scored higher than males on internalizing behaviors, whereas males scored higher on externalizing behaviors. However, gender did not appear to moderate the effects of exposure on the outcomes examined. This finding differs from that of the study by Sternberg et al. (1993) , in which girls were found to be at increased risk for both internalizing and externalizing behavior problems. However, their study utilized a slightly younger sample, had a smaller number of study participants, and used different statistical procedures than those used here, making it difficult to compare results directly. Additionally, Evans et al. (2008) found that that boys exposed to domestic violence were at a higher risk for externalizing behavior problems than were their female counterparts. However, several other reviews and primary research studies documented no evidence of gender moderation for outcomes similar to those we examined ( Kitzmann et al., 2003 ; Sternberg, 2006 ; Wolfe et al., 2003 ). Because our sample contains youth who range in age during adolescence, findings of this study extend those presented earlier on gender differences.

Here, we investigated whether one or both forms of exposure predicted later outcomes after accounting for other risk factors and demographics. Previous studies have shown that children who are abused and exposed to violence between caregivers are often exposed to a variety of other risk factors known to increase internalizing and externalizing behaviors in adolescence ( Herrenkohl et al., 2008 ). However, rarely are these risk factors taken into account when investigating developmental outcomes related to family violence. Evidence from this study suggests that, while correlated risks account partially for the effects of violence exposure on several outcomes, for several internalizing and externalizing behaviors of adolescence, dual exposure (compared to no exposure) predicts higher frequency scores, whereas single forms of exposure (compared to no exposure) are not necessarily statistically distinguishable. For depression, at least, as measured by the BDI, dual exposure is more strongly associated with the outcome than is abuse or DV exposure alone, after taking into account other risks.

While results of our study appear to show some limited evidence of a dual exposure effect (i.e., an elevation in risk associated with exposure to abuse and domestic violence together), our study also showed that for certain--arguably most-- outcomes, single exposure and dual exposure are statistically indistinguishable. That is, while dual exposure appears to increase (from no exposure) the variety and/or frequency of certain adverse behaviors in adolescence, the extent of that increase is not consistently more than for single exposure (to abuse only or domestic violence only). Similar to our results, two studies conducted by Sternberg and colleagues failed to find consistent double whammy or dual exposure effects. In one study, these researchers found no dual exposure effects, even for depression ( Sternberg et al., 1993 ). In another study, dual exposure effects appeared dependent on age and were not particularly evident for adolescents—the focus of our study ( Sternberg, 2006 ). It is possible that as youth progress through the challenging developmental stages of adolescence, those exposed to multiple forms of violence are more likely to experience higher levels of depression. It is also possible that the effect of dual exposure associated with depression in particular would be accounted for by other variables not tested in our regression models. In any case, further research is clearly needed to determine whether a dual exposure effect truly is evident, whether effects change with development, and whether effects are somewhat or not at all dependent on gender.

Potential limitations of our study include a limited measure of domestic violence exposure, based on behaviors of a moderate variety. Our measure included only a small number of domestic violence items for respondents to endorse, and the items measured moderately-severe behaviors such as hitting, pushing, kicking and threatening. However, the items we used are comparable to the way that domestic violence was operationalized in the National Violence Against Women Survey ( Tjaden & Thoennes, 2000 ) and National Family Violence Surveys ( Straus & Gelles, 1990 ). Further, these moderately severe acts have been found to co-occur with more severe acts of violence, including acts that lead to physical injury ( Tajima, 1999 ). We were also limited by our inability to determine precisely how often and over what period of time exposure occurred.

The study may also be limited by the method used to group and study exposure effects (e.g., group classifications with moderate group sizes). Even larger samples and other statistical techniques to account for within-category differences on tested outcomes may be needed to further investigate the complicated interplay of violence exposure and long-term outcomes.

A strength of our study is the combination of prospective parent reports and retrospective reports from adolescents about their experiences growing up. However, our procedure for combining the two data sources provides a conservative estimate of the number of children exposed to one or the other form of violence. Thus, analyses may underestimate the numbers of children in the three exposure groups. Even still, the percentage of children exposed to violence in this study is relatively high and consistent with findings of other studies, particularly those based on high-risk samples ( Herrenkohl et al., 2008 ). Finally, while analyses account for important correlates of family violence, other covariates may exist. Further research may benefit from controlling for additional risk factors and demographic characteristics of children and their families, such as early childhood behavior problems, housing transitions, social support, and socio-economic status.

This study identified different patterns of relationships between violence exposure and internalizing and externalizing behavior outcomes. While all violence-exposed groups showed higher levels of the outcomes compared to the no-violence-exposure group, only those in the dual exposure group were at higher risk after accounting for other risk factors. While not a classic double whammy or dual exposure effect, this finding suggests there may be increased vulnerability for those children exposed to both domestic violence and child abuse. Evidence of a more typical double whammy effect emerged only for youth depression. Thus, perhaps the most important conclusion to be garnered from this study is that the relationship between violence exposure and later adolescent outcomes is more complicated than the literature would suggest. Results underscore the need to disentangle the unique and combined effects of child abuse and domestic violence exposure in children, and to examine these effects in the context of other known risk factors. Failure to account for dual violence exposure may lead researchers to overstate, or understate, the risk of later problems in youth associated with child abuse or domestic violence exposure alone.

3 The middle income nursery school group was added to the sample somewhat later, in 1979-1980, to increase the socioeconomic diversity of participants.

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Prevalence and Effects of Child Exposure to Domestic Violence

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Children Exposed to Violence

Exposure to violence, whether directly or as a bystander, can have far-reaching, negative consequences for children.

The goal of our activities related to children exposed to violence is to increase evidence-based knowledge and ultimately inform the development and enhancement of strategies to reduce the impact of violence on children and youth. Our research agenda takes a broad, public health approach to violence and victimization. It emphasizes the significant negative effects of exposure to violence as well as the positive outcomes associated with the disruption of violence.

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• Participates in expert working groups. Read meeting notes and presentations from the  Children Exposed to Violence Meeting October 20-21, 2015 (pdf, 190 pages)

Why Researching Children’s Exposure to Violence Is Important

Children may experience violence in many settings, including at home, in school, online or in neighborhoods, and in many forms, such as bullying or harassment by peers, domestic violence, child maltreatment and community violence. [1] Exposure to violence can harm a child’s emotional, psychological and even physical development. Children exposed to violence are more likely to have difficulty in school, abuse drugs or alcohol, act aggressively, suffer from depression or other mental health problems and engage in criminal behavior as adults.

Research also shows that disrupting violence is associated with positive outcomes for children and that interventions to improve parent-child relationships can decrease harmful effects and improve a child’s development. NIJ’s research on children exposed to violence informs the development of programs, practices and policies that prevent violence or reduce its impact on children and youth.

NIJ’s Relationship to the Defending Childhood Initiative

The U.S. Department of Justice’s Defending Childhood Initiative aims to prevent children’s exposure to violence, reduce negative outcomes and raise awareness. The department funded eight sites around the country to adopt comprehensive strategies that respond to and prevent children’s exposure to violence. NIJ-supported process and outcome evaluations of six of these sites produced recommendations for sites, funders and technical assistance providers and provided insights into implementing, funding and sustaining programs.

Learn more about the evaluations:

• Read a summary and access the final report of the process evaluation, Protect, Heal, Thrive: Lessons Learned From the Defending Childhood Demonstration Program .
• Read a summary and access the final report of the outcome evaluation, Outcome Evaluation of the Defending Childhood Demonstration Program .
• Read more about the Defending Childhood Initiative .

[note 1] NIJ’s working definition of children exposed to violence excludes exposure to media violence (e.g., television, movies, music, video games).

Cite this Article

Read more about:, related publications.

• Protect, Heal, Thrive: Lessons Learned From the Defending Childhood Demonstration Program
• Outcome Evaluation of the Defending Childhood Demonstration Program

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• Evaluation of the Attorney General's Children Exposed to Violence Demonstration Program: Phase I

Child Exposure to Domestic Violence Essay example

Child Exposure to Domestic Violence Cyndi White CJA/314 January 9, 2012 G. Andrew Smith The policy issues that seem to be a major concern in the United States is about children being exposed to domestic violence in the home. No-one really looks at what the children have to go through when this happens. There could be some major damage done to the children that have been exposed to this happening. Boston police go on an average of about 200 calls a month on domestic violence . The content of the video on “Child exposure to Domestic Violence ” was a personal crime . First we need to understand what the definition of “personal crime” is: “rape, sexual assault, personal robbery, assault, purse snatching and pocket picking. This …show more content…

It seems like the younger the child is they will exhibit a higher level of emotional and psychological distress then what an older child will. People who commit domestic violence against one another with a child or children present never think of the outcome and how it will affect the child or children. If these children continue to see all of this domestic violence especially if it is a young boy, they may result in continuing this same behavior throughout childhood. There were not any future implications that were discussed in the video. Yet, I have some future implications that I would like to talk about. For instance the three year old boy in the video yet again witnessed his father being arrested for the restraining order that was in place. This young boy really does not understand what is happening to his family, meaning what is really happening with his father. A future implication that I think should be in place is one that makes both parents responsible for the actions of domestic violence, but at the same time then we would be hurting the child. The world needs to think about the child and not themselves. There is a lot of content-specific information that is relevant to the video that I selected. There was an article that stated “children who live with domestic violence face increased risks: the risk of exposure to traumatic events, the risk of

Policy Issues Paper

Violence in any form can have a lasting effect on a person. Children who witness violence are permanently scarred because of what they are seeing. Children who witness family or domestic violence are affected in ways similar to children who are physically abused. Children are often unable to establish nurturing bonds with either parent and are at a greater risk for abuse and neglect if he or she lives in a violent home. Statistics show that an estimated 3.3 million children are exposed to violence against their mothers or female caretakers by family members in their home each year (Ackerman & Pickering, 1989). When a spouse, woman or male is abused, and there are

The Pros And Cons Of Contention Of Parental Rights

Believe it or not exposure to violence affects children in many ways. Children are like sponges they absorb everything they see. Children who are exposed to violence in their homes become fearful, anxious, and never feel safe. They are always worried for themselves, their mother, and their siblings. They may even feel worthless and powerless. Many children will keep the abuse a secret and not tell anyone but as time progresses they will think that it’s their fault and that that’s why the violence is occurring. Children exposed to abuse can look normal to the

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The “estimated overlap of domestic violence and child abuse is 30 to 50 percent” of all cases (Henderson 321). As the child grows older and sees the violence in their household there is a possibility that the child will think that it is acceptable.

Children Exposed to Intimate Partner Violence Essay

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After many studies researchers have confirmed that when children are exposed to intimate partner violence (IPV) it significantly effects their social emotional development (Hughes & Chau, 2013; Herman-Smith, 2013). This raises a concern; if IPV was to be measured emotional abuse should children be removed from their families. If we consider that the majority of children that witness IPV are under six and would not be able to fully understand what is happening we can conclude that they would not be able to report their maltreatment (Hughes & Chau, 2013). If either partner also chooses not to report the abuse it may continue and it would impact the child; the child could experience mental and behavioral problems. Therefore programs should be

Harris County Domestic Violence Analysis

For children living in violent and unsafe homes, they are learning that hitting and verbally abusing someone is the proper way of communicating love. According to Holt, Buckley & Whelan (2008), “as they learn a generational cycle begins in which children grow up to be victims and abusers as adults.” The effects that domestic violence has on children are heartbreaking. Some of the major effects are; increased risk of poor health, poor education, isolation, learned helplessness and decreased satisfaction in such family environment.

Intimate Partner Violence Essay

Purpose The purpose of this review article is to examine prior research that analyzes how being exposed to intimate partner violence can affect child development. The article presents research conducted during the infancy through 2 years of age, 3 to 6 years of age, 6 to 12 years of age, and finally 13 to 18 years of age. Through each age category, different areas of health and development are measured. These areas include: physical, social and mental and cognitive development.

The Effects Of Domestic Violence In Oklahoma

A child that is exposed to domestic violence may have long term effects from witnessing the abuse. The effects will start at school when trying to socialize

Domestic Violence Program Proposal

Astounding statistics reported by the Children’s Defense Fund, “An estimated 3 to 4 million women in the United States are battered each year by their partners, In homes where domestic violence occurs, children are seriously abused or neglected at a rate 1500% higher than the national average in the general population, Between 2.3 and 10 million children are witnesses to family violence, Based on an estimate of 2 children per household, in 55% of violent homes, at least 3.3 million children in the U.S. are at risk of witnessing domestic violence each year,” (Retrieved, 10/12/2011, http://cdf.childrensdefense.org).

“the Effects on Children Who Witness Domestic Abuse” Essay

The first five years of a children’s lives are when he or she are most vulnerable to negative developmental effects due to trauma. More than half of the school age children in domestic violence shelters show clinical levels of anxiety or post traumatic stress disorders. (Myers, 2002) “Posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is an emotional illness that usually develops as a result of a terribly frightening, life-threatening, or otherwise highly unsafe experience” (Edwards, 2009). Because children in these early ages have little understanding of the situation, children may interpret the acts of violence as a result of something they have done wrong. Small children will complain of stomachaches. Children may learn unhealthy was of dealing with anger, meaning they might have outburst of anger and rage or may just withdraw. Children may regress to an even younger age crying, whining or sucking their thumb. Children will learn that this violence is acceptable behavior. With out intervention and therapy, negative behaviors can be carried over to adolescence and adulthood (Moore, 2004).

Children 's Witnessing Of Adult Domestic Violence

Children witnessing adult domestic violence can be traumatizing. It places them in a temporary mindset of confusion of what’s actually taking place. Children have the mindset that home is a safe haven and that “Mommy” and “Daddy” are their protectors, their heroes to some. So it becomes strange to them when they see their mother and father involved in hostile disputes that eventually lead to physical violence. That what was once a happy home is now ravishing with domestic violence. According to The United States Department of Justice, domestic violence is defined as “a pattern of abusive behavior in any relationship that is used by one partner to gain or maintain power over another intimate partner.” (Domestic Violence, 2014) Domestic violence can be executed through physical, verbal, mental and emotional abuse.

Child Removal Policy Essay

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Every year children most at risk of being exposed to violence in the home is estimated to be between 3.3 million and 10 million in the United States alone (Bourassa, 2007). With increasing frequency, more research is being carried out regarding the impact merely witnessing domestic abuse has on a child (Edleson, 2011). In 2008, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, in conjunction with the office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention, conducted a comprehensive nationwide survey to ascertain the incidence and prevalence of children’s exposure to violence (Hamby, Finkelhor, Turner, & Ormrod, 2011). This survey is known as the National Survey of Children’s Exposure to Violence or NatSVEC (2011). The information gathered contains the most comprehensive and detailed data collected thus far on the subject (2011). The results have proved equally alarming as the statistics regarding the act of domestic violence itself. It showed, unequivocally, that children are exposed to unacceptable rates of violence in the home. These incidents of violence include, but are not limited to, the ‘willful intimidation, assault, battery sexual assault or other abusive behavior perpetrated by one family member, household member, or intimate partner against another’ (The National Center for Victims of Crime). Over 4500 children and adolescents were interviewed telephonically. Their ages ranged from 17 and younger (Hamby, et al, 2011). They found that, more than

How Does Domestic Violence Affect Children Who Witness It?

• 4 Works Cited

(Brescoll & Graham-Bermann, 2000, p.2). Another mental health problem that children who have witnessed domestic violence experience is adjustment problems. There appears to be a wide spread belief that children who witness violence between their parents are at a greater risk of later adjustment difficulties that may include behavior problems (Fergusson & Horwood, 1998, p.3). Young people reporting high levels of exposure to inter-parental violence had elevated rates of adjustment problems by age eighteen (Fergusson & Horwood, 1998, p.1). It is suggested that there are elevated rates of behavioral, emotional, and other problems in children exposed to inter-parental violence (Fergusson & Horwood, 1998, p.3). There seems little doubt that children reared in homes characterized by inter-parental violence were at greater risk of later adjustment difficulties as young adults (Fergusson & Horwood, 1998, p.11). It is quite apparent that there is a link between the witnessing of domestic violence and the mental health problems of the children who witness it.

Domestic Violence research proposal

When faced with domestic violence these children sometimes carry on violence when they become adults or blame themselves. This article explores theories and situations that show the long term and short term effects of domestic violence. They identified 41 studies that provided relevant and adequate data for inclusion in a meta-analysis. Forty of these studies indicated that children 's exposure to domestic violence was related to emotional and behavioral problems, translating to a small overall effect (Wolfe, Crooks, Lee, McIntyre-Smith, & Jaffe, 2003).

Psychological Theories Of Domestic Violence

In introduction this paper is going discuss, based on psychological theories, what impact and effects witnessing domestic violence can have on children. The purpose of this paper is to further an understanding on explaining its consequences based on a few psychological theories. It will begin with defining what domestic violence in order to get a clear indication on what it actually involves and further presenting a sample papers studying the question, on its impact and effect, it is suggested to have on children, in order to produce a paper with both high validity and reliability. Then moving onto presenting various psychological theories which on could considered relevant to the topic in question. By further engaging in a discussion in attempt to highlight and acknowledge several aspects regarding its consequences.

Domestic Violence Effects On Children Essay

Domestic violence affects 1 in 3 women and 1 in 4 men (NCADV, 2015). Although the devastating effects that domestic violence has on women are well known, there is a population of domestic violence victims that we tend to overlook. These are the children of the women and men who are in domestic violence situations. Children are the invisible victims when it comes to domestic violence. There are many statistics being thrown around when it comes to the number of children who are exposed to domestic violence; they range from as little as 200,000 to even 3-18 million (Sousa et. al., 2011). A 2001 study discovered that in 75% of the cases in their study, children were present in the home during the assaults (Hutchison & Hirschel, 2001).

Related Topics

• Child abuse
• Domestic violence
• Physical abuse
• Psychological abuse

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Child Exposure to Domestic Violence

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A Systematic Review of the Child Exposure to Domestic Violence Scale

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Kristen E Ravi, Betty C Tonui, A Systematic Review of the Child Exposure to Domestic Violence Scale, The British Journal of Social Work , Volume 50, Issue 1, January 2020, Pages 101–118, https://doi.org/10.1093/bjsw/bcz028

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Children’s exposure to parental intimate partner violence (IPV) is recognised as an adverse childhood experience that impacts children’s healthy development. Limitations in measurement have prevented a comprehensive assessment of children’s exposure to parental IPV. The Child Exposure to Domestic Violence (CEDV) Scale was developed to address these limitations. The purpose of this systematic review was to synthesise and summarise the psychometric properties of this measure. A systematic search of domestic and international quantitative studies utilising the CEDV was conducted to assess the reliability and validity of the instrument. From the 264 studies identified, the final sample included thirteen studies. The CEDV was used in various countries and was translated into several languages. The internal consistency remained good when utilising the CEDV with diverse populations. The results indicated that the CEDV demonstrated content, convergent and discriminant validity. Inconsistencies were present regarding the association with internalising problems such as depression. Additional studies are needed to examine these discrepancies. Social workers should consider using the CEDV with children exposed to IPV to assess children’s exposure and inform interventions. Implications for research include employing exploratory factor analysis to examine the factor structure of the measure when it is used with various populations.

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Long-Term Effects of Childhood Exposure to War on Domestic Violence

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• Open access
• Published: 22 August 2024

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• Joseph B. Ajefu 1 , 2 &
• Daniela Casale 3  

This paper highlights the scarring effects of early life exposure to civil war, by examining the impact of exposure to conflict in childhood on the incidence of domestic violence in adulthood among married women. To estimate these effects, we use a difference-in-differences model which exploits variation in exposure to Nigeria’s 30-month-long civil war by year of birth and ethnicity. Our results, based on the 2008 Nigerian Demographic Health Survey, show that women exposed to the war during childhood are more likely to be victims of domestic violence in adulthood compared to those not exposed to the war, with larger effects observed for those exposed at younger ages. Additionally, we explore the mechanisms through which exposure to civil war might affect domestic violence and find some support for both the normalisation of violence and weakened bargaining power hypotheses. Understanding the root causes of domestic violence is important given the high prevalence in developing countries and the deleterious consequences for women and their children.

Ce document met en évidence les effets cicatrisants d'une exposition précoce à la guerre civile, en examinant l'impact de l'exposition au conflit pendant l'enfance sur l'incidence de la violence domestique à l'âge adulte chez les femmes mariées. Pour estimer ces effets, nous utilisons un modèle de différences en différences qui exploite la variation de l'exposition à la guerre civile nigériane de 30 mois en fonction de l'année de naissance et de l'ethnicité. Nos résultats, basés sur l'Enquête démographique de santé nigériane de 2008, montrent que les femmes exposées à la guerre pendant l'enfance sont plus susceptibles d'être victimes de violence domestique à l'âge adulte par rapport à celles qui n'ont pas été exposées à la guerre, avec des effets plus importants observés pour celles exposées à des âges plus jeunes. De plus, nous explorons les mécanismes par lesquels l'exposition à la guerre civile pourrait affecter la violence domestique et trouvons un certain soutien pour les hypothèses de normalisation de la violence et d'affaiblissement du pouvoir de négociation. Comprendre les causes profondes de la violence domestique est important étant donné la prévalence élevée dans les pays en développement et les conséquences délétères pour les femmes et leurs enfants.

Este documento destaca los efectos perjudiciales de la exposición en los primeros años de vida a la guerra civil, examinando el impacto de la exposición al conflicto en la infancia sobre la incidencia de la violencia doméstica en la adultez entre mujeres casadas. Para estimar estos efectos, utilizamos un modelo de diferencias en diferencias que explota la variación en la exposición a la guerra civil de Nigeria de 30 meses de duración por año de nacimiento y etnia. Nuestros resultados, basados en la Encuesta de Salud Demográfica de Nigeria 2008, muestran que las mujeres expuestas a la guerra durante la infancia tienen más probabilidades de ser víctimas de violencia doméstica en la adultez en comparación con aquellas que no estuvieron expuestas a la guerra, con efectos mayores observados para aquellas expuestas a edades más tempranas. Además, exploramos los mecanismos a través de los cuales la exposición a la guerra civil podría afectar la violencia doméstica y encontramos cierto apoyo tanto para las hipótesis de normalización de la violencia como para el debilitamiento del poder de negociación. Comprender las causas fundamentales de la violencia doméstica es importante dado su alta prevalencia en los países en desarrollo y las consecuencias perjudiciales para las mujeres y sus hijos.

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Introduction

Since World War II, almost one-third of all countries have experienced civil war, and the incidence of armed conflict has been on the rise (Gleditsch et al. 2002 ). In Sub-Saharan Africa specifically, nearly three-fourths of countries in the region have experienced civil war (Gleditsch et al. 2002 ). These conflicts have often led to considerable loss of lives, deterioration of physical and human capital, erosion of institutional capacity, and reduced economic growth (Akbulut-Yuksel and Yuksel 2017 ). It has been estimated, for instance, that between 2012 and 2017, the global economic costs of conflict increased from $12.62 trillion to $14.76 trillion, with many of the conflict-torn countries trapped in a perpetual cycle of violence (World Development Report 2011 ; World Humanitarian Data and Trends Report 2017 ; Institute for Economics and Peace 2018 ).

While the macroeconomic costs of war have long been studied in economics, literature on the microeconomic impacts of civil war, particularly in developing countries, has grown in the last 20 years especially, perhaps as more data have become available (Verwimp et al 2019 ). Studies have shown that exposure to conflict is negatively associated with educational attainment (Singh and Shemyakina 2016 ; Chamarbagwala and Moran 2011 ; Shemyakina 2011 ; Swee 2015 ), health outcomes (Akresh et al. 2012a , 2012b ; Grimard and Laszlo 2014 ; Weldeegzie; 2017 ), social trust (Kijewski and Freitag 2018 ), and labour market outcomes (Galdo 2013 ; Islam et al. 2016 ).

In this paper, we add to this literature by exploring how exposure to conflict in childhood affects experiences of domestic violence among women in adulthood, using the case of the Nigerian civil war. Recent work suggests that exposure to war increases women’s likelihood of experiencing intimate partner violence across a range of contexts. La Mattina ( 2017 ) finds that exposure to the genocide in Rwanda increased the incidence of domestic violence among women who married after 1994 compared to those who married before the genocide occurred, with a larger effect for women in areas with high genocide intensity. Kelly et al ( 2018 ) match district-level information on conflict-related fatalities during the civil war in Liberia from 1999 to 2003 to data on post-conflict intimate partner violence from the 2007 Demographic Health Survey (DHS). They find a strong effect of fatalities on the incidence of intimate partner violence, with 4–5 years of cumulative exposure having the strongest effect. In a similar vein, Østby et al ( 2019 ) analyse the experiences of women in Peru during and after the civil war from 1980 to 2000 and find that those living in areas with higher exposure to conflict-related violence are at increased risk of violence in the home. Svallfors ( 2023 ) analyses DHS data from 2005 to 2015 for Columbia and shows that local-level exposure to armed conflict events in the previous year especially, increased women’s likelihood of experiencing intimate partner violence.

In all these studies, the focus has been on the association between conflict exposure and domestic violence in adulthood, or on temporally proximate relationships. In our reading of the literature, we could find only one very recent published paper by Torrisi ( 2023 ) which tries to uncover whether the timing of exposure matters, and particularly whether exposure to armed conflict during childhood has long-lasting consequences for domestic violence in adulthood. Torrisi ( 2023 ) combines DHS data with geo-referenced information on the armed conflicts that occurred in four ex-Soviet countries (Armenia, Azerbaijan, Moldova, and Tajikistan) soon after the break-up of the USSR. She finds that women who were exposed to conflict by age 19 were more likely to experience domestic violence than those never exposed or not exposed by age 19, and that this effect is driven largely by exposure in the sensitive childhood period from 0 to 10 years of age (with no significant effect for those exposed at ages 11 to 15 or 16 to 19).

We also found two working papers that explore the relationship between childhood exposure and domestic violence in adulthood (Gutierrez and Gallegos 2016 ; La Mattina and Shemyakina 2017 ). Gutierrez and Gallegos ( 2016 ) use DHS data from Peru coupled with information on geographical variation in exposure to violent conflict to show that both women who were exposed at ages 0 to 8 and 9 to 16 experienced a higher incidence of domestic violence in adulthood compared to those not exposed. La Mattina and Shemyakina ( 2017 ) use the DHS data on selected Sub-Saharan African countries and exploit both temporal and geographical variation in conflict intensity between 1946 and 2006 across sub-national regions. Their results suggest that women who live in a region where there was an armed conflict when they were 6 to 10 years old are more likely to experience domestic violence than individuals not exposed to conflict by age 20, but they do not observe similar effects for individuals who were exposed to conflict at ages 0 to 5 or 11 to 20.

There is a common methodological thread that runs throughout all these studies: they use geo-referenced data on conflict-related violence combined with post-conflict data on domestic violence from the DHS surveys. In addition to imperfect matching at the sub-national or district level due to differences in levels of geographical disaggregation or demarcation between the two sources of data, a key concern with this approach is endogenous migration. The DHS only has information on the individual’s current place of residence and not on their residence in childhood or at the time of conflict. There is therefore no guarantee that the women who are currently living in a previously conflict-exposed area were also living there during childhood when the conflict took place. Indeed, endogenous migration is likely to be more of a concern during times of conflict, and the direction of the effect is difficult to predict. It is possible that the most vulnerable women (and men) may be displaced or forced to flee with their families during times of conflict, but it is also possible that the least vulnerable, those with better economic resources and social networks, are the ones who can more easily relocate to places of safety. To try and address this problem, many of the studies listed above restrict their samples to those who had never moved since birth or who had not moved in the previous five years, depending on the data available in the DHS. In doing so, however, they tend to lose 50 percent or more of their initial sample (Gutierrez and Gallegos 2016 ; La Mattina and Shemyakina 2017 ; Torrisi 2023 ), likely leading to biassed results.

Our paper makes a useful methodological contribution to this growing literature on the long-term effects of war exposure by using what we consider to be a more robust method of identifying exposure than the commonly used geographical approach. We use ethnicity and birth cohort to identify exposure to conflict in childhood during the Nigerian civil war (following the approach adopted in Akresh et al 2012a , 2023 ). We are able to adopt this approach because of the very specific nature of the Nigerian civil war, which occurred from 6 July 1967 to 15 January 1970, and which was restricted to the south-eastern region of Nigeria inhabited by the Igbos and other minority ethnic groups (which we will describe in more detail below). This strategy mitigates the problem of selective migration associated with the use of geography-based variables to identify exposure, a problem which is likely to be more pronounced during times of conflict.

In addition, we examine exposure in early childhood using more granular age ranges than have currently been explored, namely those exposed in utero, between the ages of 0 to 4, 5 to 8, and 9 to 12. In doing so, we add to the growing body of literature in economics which recognises that there are long-run implications of early life shocks and that adverse circumstances during the sensitive early period of childhood can impact a range of later life outcomes (Case et al. 2005 ; Cunha and Heckman 2007 ; Almond and Currie 2011 ; Currie 2020 ). This includes increasing evidence that in utero exposure to shocks such as war, disease, and famine have long-term negative consequences on physical and mental health, educational attainment, earnings, and other socio-economic outcomes (Almond 2006 ; Camacho 2009 ; Almond and Currie 2011 ; Comfort 2016 ; Almond et al. 2018 ).

Finally, we try to unpack the mechanisms through which early life exposure to conflict affects experiences of domestic violence in adulthood, using the rich data available in the Nigerian Demographic Health Survey. We explore two possible channels. The first, the normalisation of violence hypothesis, relies on the well-known finding that children who witness violence at home are more likely to become a victim or perpetrator of domestic violence themselves in adulthood (Schwab-Stone et al. 1995 ; Gage 2005 ; Yount and Li 2009 ; Cesur and Sabia 2016 ; Jin et al. 2017 ). If war results in more intimate partner violence among married couples, as the evidence presented earlier suggests, we would expect children growing up during war to witness more violence among their parents than observably similar children. Even if children do not witness violence within their own homes, one might expect that children exposed to community-level violence through war during their formative years might also be more likely to view violence as a justifiable response to certain problems (Barnett et al. 2005 ; Fowler et al. 2009 ; Gutierrez and Galegos 2016 ). To examine whether exposure to violence in childhood might have affected the formation of beliefs during the critical early years, we use data in the DHS on whether war-exposed women witnessed domestic violence in their homes as children and on women’s and men’s attitudes towards wife-beating in adulthood (Huber 2023 ).

The second hypothesis we explore is reduced bargaining power in the household, which would affect women’s options outside of the marriage and in turn increase their likelihood of being victims of domestic violence (Bhattacharyya et al. 2011 ; Heath 2014 ; La Mattina 2017 ). There are a number of reasons why women exposed to war may have fewer outside options. For instance, a number of studies in a range of countries have found evidence that civil conflict results in poorer educational outcomes (Akresh and Walque 2008 ; Leon 2012 ; Shemyakina 2011 ; Chamarbagwala and Moran 2011 ; and Dabalen and Paul 2014 ), and there is some evidence that exposure to conflict negatively affects girls more than boys (Singh and Shemyakina 2016 ). Women with lower education have fewer out-of-marriage options given their weaker labour market outcomes and increased financial dependence on their husbands, raising the likelihood of domestic violence (Lundberg and Pollak 1996 ; Farmer and Tiefenthaler 1997 ; Aizer 2010 ; Bhattacharyya et al. 2011 ; Eswaran and Malhotra 2011 ; Galdo 2013 ; Heath 2014 ). Moreover, war exposure can affect marriage, reproductive and health outcomes, which would have consequences for women’s intra-household bargaining power (Verwimp and van Bavel 2005 ; Aizer 2011 ; Akresh 2012a ; Islam et al 2016 ; Cetorelli and Khawaja 2017 ; La Mattina 2017 ). To measure women’s bargaining power in adulthood, we use the information in the DHS on women’s decision-making power in the household across a number of domains (Ajefu and Casale 2021 ).

Our main findings are as follows. We find that women exposed to the Nigerian civil war during childhood are more likely to be victims of domestic violence in adulthood compared to women not exposed to the civil war. Specifically, we find that exposure to the civil war is associated with an increase in the likelihood of being a victim of domestic violence of 1.2 percentage points compared to non-exposed cohorts (or 6% given the sample mean incidence of 19.7%). These effects appear to be more pronounced the earlier on one is exposed in childhood, with particularly large effects for those exposed in utero. While it is far more difficult to identify the channels through which exposure to the civil war affects domestic violence (particularly across the cohorts), in our exploratory work, we find some evidence to support both the normalisation of violence and bargaining power hypotheses.

The rest of the paper is structured as follows. Section 2 provides background information on the Nigerian civil war. Section 3 discusses the data and the empirical identification strategy, and presents some descriptive statistics. Section 4 presents the estimation results, and Sect. 5 concludes.

Background on the Nigerian Civil War

Under British colonial rule, Nigeria comprised three regions, namely the northern, western, and eastern regions. Footnote 1 Each of these regions had a predominant ethnic group, with the Hausa in the North, the Yoruba in the West, and the Igbo in the East. Like many countries in Africa, political and social conflict in Nigeria bore both ethnic and regional dimensions (Simpson 2014 ). In less than seven years after becoming an independent nation (on 1 October 1960), some of these long-standing tensions between the different groups intensified and the country was plunged into a civil war, also known as the Biafran War.

While the underlying geo-political causes of the war are too complex to explain here, some of the immediate causes of the Nigerian Civil War were the military coup on 15 January 1966, organised by primarily Igbo army officers, the counter-coup of 28 July 1966, and the subsequent persecution and killing of the Igbos in the Northern part of the country (Kirk-Greene 1971 ; Nafziger 1972 ). In response to this, there was a massive return migration of Igbos seeking refuge (estimated to involve around 1.5 million people) to their homeland in the south-eastern region (Aall 1970 ; Akresh et al 2012a ). On 30 May 1967, the south-eastern region declared itself the Republic of Biafra and this led to a full-blown civil war that began on 6 July 1967 (see Fig.  1 ).

Map of Nigeria indicating the south-east states. The civil war was restricted to the south-east region that declared itself the Biafra republic

Nigeria’s Federal Military Government fiercely resisted the breakaway republic for two and a half years, using both their military might and their ability to impose a blockade of the landlocked territory (preventing the inflow of food, medicine, and other essential supplies). It has been estimated that between 1 and 3 million people died from the violence and mass starvation that ensued, in what was considered one of the bloodiest wars in sub-Saharan Africa (Akresh et al. 2012a ; Simpson 2014 ). The war ended on 15 January 1970 after the Republic of Biafra surrendered to the Nigerian troops.

Two key features of this devastating conflict are salient to our empirical strategy. First, because of the military blockade (which prevented movement of both people and supplies), the war was fought in the south-eastern region with direct civilian exposure largely restricted to this area (Akresh et al. 2012a ). Second, at the time of the war, most Igbos were living in their native states in the south-east, and many of those living outside the area returned there before the war to seek refuge in the mass migration that occurred just before secession was declared (Aall 1970 ). We can therefore use ethnicity and birth cohort to identify exposure to the civil war. This identification strategy is similar to that used by Akresh et al ( 2012a ) in their study on the impact of exposure to the Nigerian civil war on women’s stature in adulthood. This strategy is preferred to using current geographical demarcation, as is the case in other studies exploring the relationship between war exposure and domestic violence, as it circumvents the problem of selective migration (ethnicity is invariant to migration).

To investigate the impact of the Nigerian civil war on women’s experience of domestic violence in adulthood, we use the 2008 Nigerian Demographic Health Survey (DHS). The DHS is a large nationally representative cross-sectional survey conducted in a number of developing countries. It provides information on women between the ages of 15 and 49 years on a large number of demographic and socio-economic factors. The 2008 Nigerian DHS covered 34,070 households and 33,385 women. Footnote 2 We use the 2008 survey in this study for two main reasons: it is the first wave of the Nigerian DHS to collect information on the incidence of domestic violence among women; and given the timing of the war, this particular survey covers the largest sample of war-exposed women, allowing us to explore the effects of exposure in utero through to exposure at 12 years of age. Footnote 3

The information on domestic violence was collected through a specially designed questionnaire that was administered to one randomly selected woman in each household. Footnote 4 Women who were (or had been) married or cohabiting were asked in private about incidents of domestic violence as follows: “(Does/did) your (last) husband ever do any of the following things to you: (a) slap you? (b) twist your arm or pull your hair? (c) push you, shake you, or throw something at you? (d) punch you with his fist or with something that could hurt you? (e) kick you, drag you or beat you up? (f) try to choke you or burn you on purpose? (g) threaten or attack you with a knife, gun, or any other weapon? (h) physically force you to have sexual intercourse with him even when you did not want to? (i) force you to perform any sexual acts you did not want to?” We measure domestic violence using a binary variable that takes the value of 1 if a woman suffered any of the above-mentioned aggressive behaviours from her husband or partner and 0 otherwise.

Empirical Identification Strategy

To estimate the causal impact of exposure to the civil war in childhood on experiences of domestic violence in adulthood, we adopt a difference-in-differences strategy. As described above, our identification strategy exploits variation in exposure to the civil war by birth cohort and ethnicity. This estimation strategy minimises the problem of selective migration associated with the use of geographical variation in conflict exposure and helps to circumvent one of the limitations of the Nigerian DHS, namely, that it only has information on the current residence of respondents but no information on their place of birth or their place of residence during the war.

We define the treatment or war-exposed group as those Igbo and other minority ethnic groups (who would have been in the south-eastern region when the war was fought) born between 1958 and October 1970. These women were between 0 and 12 years old (including in utero) when the war took place between July 1967 and January 1970, and are aged 38 to 49 years in 2008 when we observe their experiences of domestic violence.

We present two distinct control groups: i) one across time, i.e. women from the war-exposed ethnicities but born in the six-year period following the war, namely from November 1970 to December 1976 (and aged 32 to 38 years in 2008), Footnote 5 and ii) one across ethnicity, i.e. the same birth cohorts (1958–1976) but from the non-war-exposed ethnicities (predominant in the other regions of Nigeria). Table 1 summarises birth cohorts for the war-exposed and non-exposed groups, respectively.

We estimate Eq. ( 1 ) below:

where \({\text{Y}}_{\text{ijt}}\) is equal to one (zero otherwise) if individual i belonging to ethnicity j and born in year t was a victim of domestic violence in adulthood. \(wa{r}_{ethnicity}\) denotes Igbo or other minority ethnic groups in the south-east region and \({Cohort}_{it}\) includes four cohorts, namely those exposed to war in utero (born between February and October 1970), those exposed between 0 and 4 years (born 1966–1970), those exposed between 5 and 8 years (born 1962–1965), and those exposed between 9 and 12 years (born 1958–1961), where the omitted category is those born between November 1970 (i.e. nine months after the war) and December 1976. The interactions of war ethnicity with each of the four cohorts are the variables of interest and capture the effect of an individual’s exposure to the civil war on the incidence of domestic violence. \({X}_{ij}\) is a vector of individual and household characteristics, which includes age at first marriage, religion, education, urban residence, and household wealth; \({\delta }_{r}\) is a state fixed effect; and \({\varepsilon }_{ijt}\) is a random, idiosyncratic error term. We estimate the regressions using ordinary least squares (OLS) (although the results are robust to using probit regressions), and standard errors are clustered at the ethnicity level to account for serial correlation (Bertrand et al. 2004 ).

Summary Statistics

Table 2 reports the summary statistics for our sample of married/cohabiting women from whom domestic violence data were collected. The average age of women in this sample was 39 years, the average age at first marriage was 19 years, around 47% of women in the sample had completed at least primary education, and 32% were resident in urban areas. Among the women who were surveyed, 20% said they had experienced at least one type of domestic violence from their partner.

To explore the normalisation of violence and bargaining power hypotheses as potential mechanisms through which exposure to conflict affects the incidence of domestic violence, we also examine data on attitudes towards domestic violence, domestic violence among parents, and decision-making in the household. The summary statistics for these variables are also shown in Table  2 . On average, 34% of the women in the sample responded that domestic violence is justified if the woman goes out without informing the husband/partner, 32% felt it was justified if a woman neglects the children, 29% felt it was justified if a woman argues with her husband/partner, 26% felt it was justified if a woman refuses to have sex with her husband/partner, and 17% justified violence if a woman burns the food. Nearly 13% percent of women reported witnessing domestic violence among their own parents. In terms of household decision-making, 12% of women reported having the final say on own health care, 7% reported having the final say on large household purchases, 20% reported having the final say on household purchases for daily needs, and 14% reported having the final say on visits to family or relatives.

Table 3 shows that are large and significant differences in these variables by war exposure. Just under 18% of the non-exposed group reported being victims of domestic violence, compared to 27% of the war-exposed group. Moreover, 11% of the non-exposed group witnessed domestic violence among their parents, compared to 19% of the war-exposed group. There are also statistically significant differences in attitudes towards domestic violence, with war-exposed women more likely to report that wife-beating was justified in certain circumstances. For example, 15% of the non-exposed group justified wife-beating if a woman refuses to have sex with her partner compared to 30% of the war-exposed group. In terms of household decision-making, statistically significant differences are observed in three out of the four domains, with war-exposed women less likely to report having the final say on own health care, purchases for daily needs and visits to family and friends.

Figure  2 presents a box plot of our main variable of interest, the incidence of domestic violence, across the cohorts. Within each birth cohort, the incidence of domestic violence is clearly higher for the war-exposed ethnic groups compared to the non-exposed ethnic groups, and the difference between the two appears larger for those exposed at younger ages. However, these are unconditional estimates, and it remains to be seen whether these effects will hold in the multivariate difference-in-differences analysis, which we present in the next section.

Box plot showing the incidence of domestic violence across the cohorts for the exposed and non-exposed ethnicities

Exposure to Civil War and Domestic Violence

Table 4 presents the results from a series of equations which estimate the effect of exposure to the civil war in childhood (in utero to age 12) on the incidence of domestic violence in adulthood, without disaggregating by birth cohort. The coefficients on the interaction term suggest a positive and significant effect of war exposure in childhood on the incidence of domestic violence among women in adulthood. The size of the coefficient tends to fall as an increasing number of controls are added between columns 1 and 4. The regression in column 4 includes controls for individual and household characteristics and fixed effects for state, ethnicity, and cohort, and is our preferred specification. The coefficient from this regression suggests that exposure to the civil war increases the likelihood of being a victim of domestic violence by 1.2 percentage points (or 6% given the sample mean incidence of 19.7%). Footnote 6

In Table  5 , we disaggregate exposure to the civil war by birth cohort to test whether the effects of civil war exposure on domestic violence vary by the age at which the women were exposed to the war in childhood. The categories represent those exposed in utero (born between February 1970 and October 1970), those exposed between the ages of 0–4 (born 1966–1970), those exposed between the ages of 5–8 (born 1962–1965), and those exposed between the ages of 9–12 (born 1958–1961). From the estimates, we find that the effects are largest for those exposed at younger ages. Specifically, exposure to the civil war in utero increases the probability of experiencing domestic violence in adulthood by 7.4 percentage points, and exposure to the civil war between 0 and 4 years increases the probability of experiencing domestic violence by 1.7 percentage points (specification 4).

These results are consistent with the increasing evidence described earlier that there are long-run implications of early life shocks and that adverse circumstances during the sensitive early period of childhood impact later life outcomes (Case et al. 2005 ; Cunha and Heckman 2007 ; Currie 2020 ). This includes a growing body of literature showing that in utero exposure to shocks such as war, drought, and famine have long-term negative consequences.

This literature draws on the ‘fetal origins’ hypothesis, which proposes that conditions in utero, particularly nutrition, ‘program’ the foetus with particular metabolic features that can result in disease later on in life (Barker; 1990 , 1995 ). Studies have found evidence to link events or circumstances in utero to birth weight, adult height, disability, heart disease, and obesity, suggesting latent and long-lasting consequences on health outcomes (Ravelli et al 1976 ; Dunn 2007 ; Camacho 2009 ; Almond and Currie 2011 ; Comfort 2016 ). In addition, there is evidence to suggest negative effects on mental health and cognitive function as well as on education, employment, and adult earnings, implying potential neurological involvement (Hoek et al 1998 ; Almond 2006 ; Almond et al. 2018 ).

Almond et al ( 2018 ) summarise a number of ‘biological’ or direct mechanisms through which foetal-origin effects can be generated, including nutritional insults, infectious disease, maternal stress, and alcohol and tobacco use, all of which would likely be more prevalent during times of war. In addition to the direct biological mechanisms, there may be social and economic factors at play that reinforce the negative outcomes. However, as Almond and Currie ( 2011 ) and Almond et al ( 2018 ) point out in their extensive reviews of this wide-ranging literature, more work is needed to disentangle the biological from the more indirect socio-economic mechanisms. Some of examples of these during war could include lack of access to health and policing services, disruption of markets and other key institutions, disturbance of family life, established norms and social networks, and changes to parenting behaviour. We reflect on some of these issues further below when looking at the mechanisms through which exposure to war might affect domestic violence in adulthood.

Robustness Checks

To test the robustness of our difference-in-differences strategy which assumes parallel trends, we estimate two placebo regressions (using similar methods to for e.g. Akresh et al. 2012a ; Gutierrez and Gallegos 2016 and Weldeegzie 2017 ). In the first test (column 1 of Table  6 ), we exclude the main war-exposed ethnicities (Igbo and other ethnic minorities) and placebo-treat the ethnic groups in the northern part of the country (Kanuri, Hausa, and Fulani), with the remaining ethnicities used as the control group. We choose the northern part of the country given the geographical distance from the area where the war was fought. In the second test (column 2), we placebo-treat the cohort born immediately after the civil war (from 1971 to 1976), with the cohort born from 1977 to 1980 used as the control group. Footnote 7 We would not expect an effect for women born after the civil war. Neither of the coefficients on the placebo-treated interaction term in Table  6 is statistically significant, providing support in favour of our identification strategy. Footnote 8

Although we chose to use the DHS 2008 for this study, as it provides the largest sample of women exposed to the war in childhood (from in utero to age 12), we also check whether our main results hold using the later round of the DHS from 2013. Column 1 of Table  7 shows the estimated effect of war exposure in childhood (without disaggregating across the cohorts) when only the 2013 sample is used, and column 2 of Table  7 shows the estimated effect when the 2008 and 2013 samples are pooled. The results remain robust, with the effect even larger at 5.4 percentage points in column 1 and 4.7 percentage points in column 2 (compared to the 1.2 percentage points estimated in column 4, Table  4 , using the same specification).

In column 3 of Table  7 , we disaggregate the war-exposed women into the four birth cohorts using the pooled sample from 2008 and 2013. Footnote 9 Again, we find the strongest effect from exposure in utero of 5.1 percentage points (compared to 7.4 percentage points in column 4 of Table  5 , using the same specification). However, in the pooled sample, we also find a significant effect of exposure by those exposed between 8 and 12 years. On the whole, though, our robustness checks support our main findings, namely that war exposure in childhood results in a higher incidence of domestic violence among women in adulthood, and that exposure in utero appears to have the strongest effect.

Potential Mechanisms Through Which Civil War Affects Domestic Violence

Normalisation of violence.

This section explores two potential mechanisms through which exposure to civil war during childhood may affect the incidence of domestic violence in adulthood. The first is the normalisation of violence hypothesis, which has also been referred to as the intergenerational transmission of violence hypothesis or the model of social learning. Exposure to violence at home during a child’s formative years is known to result in a greater likelihood of being a victim or perpetrator of domestic violence in adulthood (Schwab-Stone et al. 1995 ; Gage 2005 ; Mihalic and Elliott 2007; Yount and Li 2009 ; Cesur and Sabia 2016 ; Jin et al. 2017 ). Along the same lines, one might expect that children exposed to community-level violence during war might also be more likely to view violence as a justifiable response to certain problems (Barnett et al. 2005 ; Fowler et al. 2009 ). In Table  8 , we estimate the effect of women’s exposure to the civil war on the justification of domestic violence to test whether women who were exposed to the conflict in childhood have different attitudes towards domestic violence in adulthood.

Most of the coefficients are positive, many are statistically significant, and some are quite large. In general, the results suggest that, across the birth cohorts, women exposed to the war in childhood are more likely to justify the use of wife-beating than non-exposed women, particularly if the woman argues with her husband, refuses to have sex with him, or burns the food. For example (from row 1), women exposed to war in utero were 2.4 percentage points more likely to justify wife-beating if the woman argues with her husband and 6 percentage points more likely to justify wife-beating if she burns the food, compared to the non-exposed group. The effects are similarly large (and in some cases larger) among those exposed between the ages of 0–4, 5–8, and 9–12, depending on the question asked.

In Table  9 , we use the matched couple’s recode data from the DHS Footnote 10 to investigate the effect of husbands’ exposure to the civil war on the justification of domestic violence in adulthood. This recognises that domestic violence involves both a perpetrator and a victim. Given the high degree of assortative mating by ethnicity in Nigeria, the majority of women who were exposed to the civil war are married to men who were also exposed to the civil war. Indeed, the DHS data indicate that 93.4% of war-exposed women were married to war-exposed men (with only 6.3% of non-exposed women married to war-exposed men). Footnote 11 Because the DHS interviews men aged 15–59, we can disaggregate exposure into in utero, between the ages of 0–4 (born 1966–1970), between the ages of 5–8 (born 1962–1965), between the ages of 9–12 (born 1958–1961), and between the ages of 13–22 (born 1948–1957). The results suggest that compared to non-exposed men, war-exposed men are more likely to justify the use of wife-beating. Although the pattern is not entirely consistent across the five columns, the effect is largest for cohorts of men exposed in utero and between the ages of 9–12 and 13–22.

In addition to being exposed to more community-level violence growing up during war, and marrying men similarly exposed as children, the women exposed to war in childhood may also have been witness to more domestic violence in their own childhood homes or more violent forms of parenting. This could be the case if the stresses and violence of war and the disruption to social norms and family life in turn led to more violence among the parents. The literature summarised in the introduction certainly suggests that intimate partner violence rises during times of war and conflict among married or partnered couples (La Mattina 2017 ; Kelly et al. 2018 ; Østby et al 2019 ; Svallfors 2023 ). The questionnaire asks women if they were aware of domestic violence among their parents, specifically whether the father ever ‘beat’ the mother. We find that 11 percent of women not exposed to the war in childhood were aware of domestic violence among their parents, compared to 19 percent of war-exposed women. This is a substantial and significant difference.

We include this variable as an explanatory variable in the regression and we also interact this variable with the war exposure variables to test whether the effect is stronger for those growing up in the midst of the war. Indeed, in Table  10 , we find a strong positive effect of witnessing domestic violence among one’s parents on the likelihood of becoming a victim oneself in adulthood, and particularly for those exposed to the war in utero. This is a striking result and could suggest that the levels of violence in those war-exposed families where the mother was pregnant were particularly severe, as the combined stresses of war and having another child on the way took their toll. It is also possible that the final months of the war (when these exposed women would have been in utero) were particularly intense, and so the effect on family life more substantial. Finally, disruptions during war to the resources that would ordinarily help mitigate the negative effects of intimate partner violence, such as health and policing services and established social networks, might have exacerbated the experiences of pregnant mothers in particular.

Bargaining Power Hypothesis

The second mechanism we explore is the intra-household bargaining power hypothesis. Women with limited resources tend to have fewer outside options which can result in an increased likelihood that they will be victims of domestic violence (Gelles 1976 ; Aizer 2010 ). The literature on the effects of conflict provides a number of reasons why women exposed to war may have fewer outside options. Civil conflict results in poorer educational outcomes (Akresh and Walque 2008 ; Leon 2012 ; Shemyakina 2011 ; Chamarbagwala and Moran 2011 ; and Dabalen and Paul 2014 ), and there is evidence that exposure to conflict negatively affects girls more than boys in terms of educational outcomes (Singh and Shemyakina 2016 ). Women with lower education have fewer out-of-marriage options given their weaker labour market outcomes and increased financial dependence on their husbands (Lundberg and Pollak 1996 ; Farmer and Tiefenthaler 1997 ; Aizer 2010 ; Bhattacharyya et al. 2011 ; Eswaran and Malhotra 2011 ; Galdo 2013 ; Heath 2014 ). Furthermore, war exposure can affect marriage, reproductive and health outcomes, which would have consequences for women’s intra-household bargaining power and experiences of domestic violence (Verwimp and van Bavel 2005 ; Akresh 2012a; Grimard and Laszlo 2014 ; Islam et al 2016 ; Cetorelli and Khawaja 2017 ; La Mattina 2017 ).

We test whether war-exposed women have lower bargaining power compared to non-exposed women using the information on decision-making in the household as a proxy. Specifically, we examine whether war-exposed women are less likely to have the final say on certain key decisions in the household compared to non-exposed women. The results in Table  11 show that while most of the coefficients are negative, as predicted, not all are significant. The strongest results are for those exposed in utero; exposure to the civil war decreases the probability of these women having a final say on their own health care by 5.4 percentage points, and on household purchases of daily needs by 8 percentage points. There are also some significant effects, ranging between 3.6 and 5.6 percentage points, for those exposed to the war between the ages of 5–8 and 9–12 for a number of the outcomes.

Conclusions and Policy Implications

In this paper, we examine the impact of exposure to war during childhood on women’s experience of domestic violence in adulthood. Unlike other studies that use current geography-based variables to identify exposure to conflict, we are able to use ethnicity and birth cohort given the nature of the Nigerian civil war, thereby mitigating concerns of selective migration. Our results indicate that exposure to the Nigerian civil war during childhood increases the likelihood of women being victims of domestic violence in adulthood, with larger effects for those exposed at younger ages, and particularly large effects for those exposed in utero. This is consistent with evidence to suggest that the early childhood period, including the time in utero, is particularly important for later life outcomes and that shocks during this period can have long-lasting effects.

Understanding the mechanisms through which civil war affects domestic violence is equally as important as identifying the effect itself, especially if effective post-war policies are to be designed to mitigate the deleterious consequences of conflict in developing countries. However, identifying the mechanisms is a much more difficult task with the data available, and therefore, our results can only be interpreted as suggestive.

First, we find that both the women in our sample and their husbands who were exposed to the war during childhood are more likely to perceive domestic violence to be an acceptable behaviour in adulthood than those not exposed to the war. This is in line with the normalisation of violence hypothesis that predicts that those exposed to violence in childhood are more likely to become either perpetrators or victims of domestic violence in adulthood. In addition, we find war-exposed women were more likely to witness domestic violence in their own childhood homes than non-exposed women, and that witnessing domestic violence among their parents is positively correlated with experiencing domestic violence themselves in adulthood particularly among those exposed in utero. It is possible that the combined stresses of war and having another child on the way led to more violent behaviour in the home, or that the final months of war (when these exposed women would have been in utero) were particularly intense, and so the effect on family life more marked. Footnote 12

Second, our findings suggest that women who were exposed to the war in childhood also have lower intra-household bargaining power compared to non-exposed women, which would make them more vulnerable to incidents of domestic violence. Relative to the non-exposed group, we found women who were exposed to the conflict in childhood have less decision-making power in their households in adulthood, and again the effect appears stronger among those in utero (although there is evidence also for the other cohorts). This might be the case if war exposure affected women’s educational, health, and reproductive outcomes in ways that placed them in a more precarious position relative to men in the marriage market.

However, this is a subject for further study given the complexity of the potential pathways and mechanisms. The large effects measured for children who were exposed to the war in utero in particular warrant further investigation. These results are consistent with the evidence from a large literature showing that conditions and events in utero can have long-lasting consequences for the individual’s physical and mental health as well as their education, employment, and earnings outcomes (Ravelli et al 1976 ; Hoek et al 1998 ; Almond 2006 ; Dunn 2007 ; Camacho 2009 ; Almond and Currie 2011 ; Comfort 2016 ). However, much more work is needed to disentangle the biological from the social mechanisms in order to better understand both the direct and more indirect channels through which foetal-origin effects are generated (Almond and Currie 2011 ; Almond et al. 2018 ).

The relevance of our study and the need for further work in this area is underscored by the pervasiveness of domestic violence. A recent study estimated the global prevalence of intimate partner violence to be around 30%, and for the sub-Saharan African region specifically, closer to 37% (WHO 2017 ). Moreover, the consequences of domestic violence, both human and economic, are substantial. Domestic violence results in direct physical and mental harm to women, with research pointing to poorer health outcomes and a greater likelihood of depressive symptoms and substance abuse among victims (Coker et al. 2002 ; Silverman et al. 2006 ; Ackerson et al. 2008 ; Ellsberg et al. 2008 ; Meekers et al. 2013 ). Domestic violence can also result in substantial economic costs related to policing, health expenditure, and reduced economic productivity (Walby 2004 ). Lastly, children of women who experience domestic violence have worse outcomes, such as lower birth weight, lower IQ scores, a greater likelihood of emotional and behavioural problems, and a higher probability of acquiring HIV (Sternberg et al. 1993 ; Koenen et al. 2003 ; Aizer 2011 ; WHO 2013 ; Rawlings and Siddique 2014 , 2018 ; Currie et al 2022 ). Understanding both the causes and longer-term implications of domestic violence is imperative to designing appropriate policy responses and support mechanisms.

Data availability

The dataset used to obtain the results for this paper can be made available upon request.

These three main regions were subsequently demarcated into six geopolitical regions, namely the northeast, northwest, north-central, south-south, south-east, and south-west, the latter being the region where the civil war was fought (Alapiki 2005 ). These six regions are further divided into 36 states.

The 2008 Nigerian Demographic Health survey also interviewed men aged 15 to 59 to provide information on health and other related issues, but it did not collect information on their experiences of domestic violence.

We were unable to analyse exposure after age 12 (or among cohorts born pre-1958) because the DHS contains information only on women aged 15 to 49 years old. In the 2008 DHS wave, the oldest woman in the sample (aged 49) therefore was born in 1958. If we use later waves of the DHS, we can only analyse a smaller sample of war-exposed women. Specifically, if we used the 2013 DHS, we would only be able to estimate the effect for those exposed in utero to age 7, and if we used the 2018 DHS, we would only be able to estimate the effect for those exposed in utero to age 2.

The DHS captures information on experiences of domestic violence using the World Health Organization’s ethical and safety guidelines (Kishor and Kiersten 2004 ). Interviewers are trained to deal with the sensitive nature of the questions and there are strict protocols to ensure privacy during the interview. To try to minimise under-reporting of domestic violence, the DHS domestic violence questionnaire uses a modified version of the Conflict Tactics Scale (CTS). Women are asked a number of separate questions on different types of violence which reduces confusion as to what constitutes domestic violence, and gives women multiple opportunities to reveal their experiences (Kishor 2005 ).

We limit our control group to the six-year period following the war, as too broad a window of comparison increases potential confounding effects (Akresh et al 2012a ). Moreover, our results are consistent when, following Akresh et al ( 2012a ), we use an even shorter control period, namely 1970 (Nov) to 1974.

If the immediate post-war environment in the south-eastern region did not experience a full recovery, then these impacts of war exposure would be underestimated, and our findings would represent a lower-bound effect.

To validate the placebo result, we conducted further robustness checks using equal intervals of years for the treatment and control groups (1971–1974 and 1975–1978). We find statistically insignificant effects of exposure to civil war on domestic violence in these additional checks.

Akresh et al ( 2012a ) run slightly different placebo tests on ethnic group and cohort but similarly find no significant effects. They also use estimated ethnic mortality during the war instead of ethnicity itself in their regressions to test for the validity of the identification strategy and find remarkably similar results. This leads them to conclude that the strategy to use ethnicity to identify exposure “while simple, is accurate and powerful” (Akresh et al. 2012a : 275).

Because the DHS only interviews women aged 15 to 49, the oldest women included in the 2013 survey would have been born in 1964, and therefore, we can only capture war exposure from in utero through to age 7. To estimate the exposure by birth cohort, we therefore only show the results using the pooled 2008 and 2013 datasets. We did not attempt to include the 2018 DHS in the robustness checks, as the sample of war-exposed women would have shrunk even further to those women who were exposed in utero through to 2 years of age.

The DHS couple’s recode data contain information on the husbands/partners (aged 15–59) for the sample of women who were married/cohabiting and living with their partners during the interview.

The high level of intra-ethnic marriage is consistent with low levels of migration across states, with most migration in Nigeria occurring within states from rural to urban areas (Federal Office of Statistics 1999 ; 2000).

Unfortunately, we are unable to test more formally for a relationship between the intensity of conflict and domestic violence. To do so would require data on the variation in the number of deaths caused by the civil war across districts and time, and to the best of our knowledge, no such data exist (there are only estimates of the total number of deaths caused by the war).

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Department of Peace Studies and International Development, Faculty of Management, Law, and Social Sciences, University of Bradford, Bradford, UK

Joseph B. Ajefu

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Ajefu, J.B., Casale, D. Long-Term Effects of Childhood Exposure to War on Domestic Violence. Eur J Dev Res (2024). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41287-024-00659-4

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