essay on nationalism and patriotism

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Notes on Nationalism

This material remains under copyright in some jurisdictions, including the US, and is reproduced here with the kind permission of  the Orwell Estate . The Orwell Foundation is an independent charity – please consider making a donation or becoming a Friend of the Foundation to help us maintain these resources for readers everywhere. 

Somewhere or other Byron makes use of the French word longueur , and remarks in passing that though in England we happen not to have the word , we have the thing in considerable profusion. In the same way, there is a habit of mind which is now so widespread that it affects our thinking on nearly every subject, but which has not yet been given a name. As the nearest existing equivalent I have chosen the word ‘nationalism’, but it will be seen in a moment that I am not using it in quite the ordinary sense, if only because the emotion I am speaking about does not always attach itself to what is called a nation – that is, a single race or a geographical area. It can attach itself to a church or a class, or it may work in a merely negative sense, against something or other and without the need for any positive object of loyalty.

By ‘nationalism’ I mean first of all the habit of assuming that human beings can be classified like insects and that whole blocks of millions or tens of millions of people can be confidently labelled ‘good’ or ‘bad’. [1] But secondly ­– and this is much more important – I mean the habit of identifying oneself with a single nation or other unit, placing it beyond good and evil and recognizing no other duty than that of advancing its interests. Nationalism is not to be confused with patriotism. Both words are normally used in so vague a way that any definition is liable to be challenged, but one must draw a distinction between them, since two different and even opposing ideas are involved. By ‘patriotism’ I mean devotion to a particular place and a particular way of life, which one believes to be the best in the world but has no wish to force on other people. Patriotism is of its nature defensive, both militarily and culturally. Nationalism, on the other hand, is inseparable from the desire for power. The abiding purpose of every nationalist is to secure more power and more prestige, not for himself but for the nation or other unit in which he has chosen to sink his own individuality.

So long as it is applied merely to the more notorious and identifiable nationalist movements in Germany, Japan, and other countries, all this is obvious enough. Confronted with a phenomenon like Nazism, which we can observe from the outside, nearly all of us would say much the same things about it. But here I must repeat what I said above, that I am only using the word ‘nationalism’ for lack of a better. Nationalism, in the extended sense in which I am using the word, includes such movements and tendencies as Communism, political Catholicism, Zionism, Antisemitism, Trotskyism and Pacifism. It does not necessarily mean loyalty to a government or a country, still less to one’s own country, and it is not even strictly necessary that the units in which it deals should actually exist. To name a few obvious examples, Jewry, Islam, Christendom, the Proletariat and the White Race are all of them objects of passionate nationalistic feeling: but their existence can be seriously questioned, and there is no definition of any one of them that would be universally accepted.

It is also worth emphasizing once again that nationalist feeling can be purely negative. There are, for example, Trotskyists who have become simply enemies of the U.S.S.R. without developing a corresponding loyalty to any other unit. When one grasps the implications of this, the nature of what I mean by nationalism becomes a good deal clearer. A nationalist is one who thinks solely, or mainly, in terms of competitive prestige. He may be a positive or a negative nationalist – that is, he may use his mental energy either in boosting or in denigrating – but at any rate his thoughts always turn on victories, defeats, triumphs and humiliations. He sees history, especially contemporary history, as the endless rise and decline of great power units, and every event that happens seems to him a demonstration that his own side is on the up-grade and some hated rival is on the down-grade. But finally, it is important not to confuse nationalism with mere worship of success. The nationalist does not go on the principle of simply ganging up with the strongest side. On the contrary, having picked his side, he persuades himself that it is the strongest, and is able to stick to his belief even when the facts are overwhelmingly against him. Nationalism is power hunger tempered by self-deception. Every nationalist is capable of the most flagrant dishonesty, but he is also – since he is conscious of serving something bigger than himself – unshakeably certain of being in the right.

Now that I have given this lengthy definition, I think it will be admitted that the habit of mind I am talking about is widespread among the English intelligentsia, and more widespread there than among the mass of the people. For those who feel deeply about contemporary politics, certain topics have become so infected by considerations of prestige that a genuinely rational approach to them is almost impossible. Out of the hundreds of examples that one might choose, take this question: Which of the three great allies, the U.S.S.R., Britain and the U.S.A., has contributed most to the defeat of Germany? In theory it should be possible to give a reasoned and perhaps even a conclusive answer to this question. In practice, however, the necessary calculations cannot be made, because anyone likely to bother his head about such a question would inevitably see it in terms of competitive prestige. He would therefore start by deciding in favour of Russia, Britain or America as the case might be, and only after this would begin searching for arguments that seemed to support his case. And there are whole strings of kindred questions to which you can only get an honest answer from someone who is indifferent to the whole subject involved, and whose opinion on it is probably worthless in any case. Hence, partly, the remarkable failure in our time of political and military prediction. It is curious to reflect that out of all the ‘experts’ of all the schools, there was not a single one who was able to foresee so likely an event as the Russo-German Pact of 1939. [2] And when news of the Pact broke, the most wildly divergent explanations were of it were given, and predictions were made which were falsified almost immediately, being based in nearly every case not on a study of probabilities but on a desire to make the U.S.S.R. seem good or bad, strong or weak. Political or military commentators, like astrologers, can survive almost any mistake, because their more devoted followers do not look to them for an appraisal of the facts but for the stimulation of nationalistic loyalties. [3] And aesthetic judgements, especially literary judgements, are often corrupted in the same way as political ones. It would be difficult for an Indian nationalist to enjoy reading Kipling or for a Conservative to see merit in Mayakovsky, and there is always a temptation to claim that any book whose tendency one disagrees with must be a bad book from a literary point of view. People of strongly nationalistic outlook often perform this sleight of hand without being conscious of dishonesty.

In England, if one simply considers the number of people involved, it is probable that the dominant form of nationalism is old-fashioned British jingoism. It is certain that this is still widespread, and much more so than most observers would have believed a dozen years ago. However, in this essay I am concerned chiefly with the reactions of the intelligentsia, among whom jingoism and even patriotism of the old kind are almost dead, though they now seem to be reviving among a minority. Among the intelligentsia, it hardly needs saying that the dominant form of nationalism is Communism ­– using this word in a very loose sense, to include not merely Communist Party members but ‘fellow-travellers’ and russophiles generally. A Communist, for my purpose here, is one who looks upon the U.S.S.R. as his Fatherland and feels it his duty to justify Russian policy and advance Russian interests at all costs. Obviously such people abound in England today, and their direct and indirect influence is very great. But many other forms of nationalism also flourish, and it is by noticing the points of resemblance between different and even seemingly opposed currents of thought that one can best get the matter into perspective.

Ten or twenty years ago, the form of nationalism most closely corresponding to Communism today was political Catholicism. Its most outstanding exponent – though he was perhaps an extreme case rather than a typical one – was G. K. Chesterton. Chesterton was a writer of considerable talent who chose to suppress both his sensibilities and his intellectual honesty in the cause of Roman Catholic propaganda. During the last twenty years or so of his life, his entire output was in reality an endless repetition of the same thing, under its laboured cleverness as simple and boring as ‘Great is Diana of the Ephesians’. Every book that he wrote, every paragraph, every sentence, every incident in every story, every scrap of dialogue, had to demonstrate beyond possibility of mistake the superiority of the Catholic over the Protestant or the pagan. But Chesterton was not content to think of this superiority as merely intellectual or spiritual: it had to be translated into terms of national prestige and military power, which entailed an ignorant idealization of the Latin countries, especially France. Chesterton had not lived long in France, and his picture of it – as a land of Catholic peasants incessantly singing the Marseillaise over glasses of red wine – had about as much relation to reality as Chu Chin Chow has to everyday life in Baghdad. And with this went not only an enormous over-estimation of French military power (both before and after 1914-18 he maintained that France, by itself, was stronger than Germany), but a silly and vulgar glorification of the actual process of war. Chesterton’s battle poems, such as ‘Lepanto’ or ‘The Ballad of Saint Barbara’, make ‘The Charge of the Light Brigade’ read like a pacifist tract: they are perhaps the most tawdry bits of bombast to be found in our language. The interesting thing is that had the romantic rubbish which he habitually wrote about France and the French army been written by somebody else about Britain and the British army, he would have been the first to jeer. In home politics he was a Little Englander, a true hater of jingoism and imperialism, and according to his lights a true friend of democracy. Yet when he looked outwards into the international field, he could forsake his principles without even noticing he was doing so. Thus, his almost mystical belief in the virtues of democracy did not prevent him from admiring Mussolini. Mussolini had destroyed the representative government and the freedom of the press for which Chesterton had struggled so hard at home, but Mussolini was an Italian and had made Italy strong, and that settled the matter. Nor did Chesterton ever find a word to say about imperialism and the conquest of coloured races when they were practised by Italians or Frenchmen. His hold on reality, his literary taste, and even to some extent his moral sense, were dislocated as soon as his nationalistic loyalties were involved.

Obviously there are considerable resemblances between political Catholicism, as exemplified by Chesterton, and Communism. So there are between either of these and for instance Scottish nationalism, Zionism, Antisemitism or Trotskyism. It would be an oversimplification to say that all forms of nationalism are the same, even in their mental atmosphere, but there are certain rules that hold good in all cases. The following are the principal characteristics of nationalist thought:

Obsession. As nearly as possible, no nationalist ever thinks, talks, or writes about anything except the superiority of his own power unit. It is difficult if not impossible for any nationalist to conceal his allegiance. The smallest slur upon his own unit, or any implied praise of a rival organization, fills him with uneasiness which he can only relieve by making some sharp retort. If the chosen unit is an actual country, such as Ireland or India, he will generally claim superiority for it not only in military power and political virtue, but in art, literature, sport, structure of the language, the physical beauty of the inhabitants, and perhaps even in climate, scenery and cooking. He will show great sensitiveness about such things as the correct display of flags, relative size of headlines and the order in which different countries are named. [4] Nomenclature plays a very important part in nationalist thought. Countries which have won their independence or gone through a nationalist revolution usually change their names, and any country or other unit round which strong feelings revolve is likely to have several names, each of them carrying a different implication. The two sides of the Spanish Civil War had between them nine or ten names expressing different degrees of love and hatred. Some of these names (e.g. ‘Patriots’ for Franco-supporters, or ‘Loyalists’ for Government-supporters) were frankly question-begging, and there was no single one of them which the two rival factions could have agreed to use. All nationalists consider it a duty to spread their own language to the detriment of rival languages, and among English-speakers this struggle reappears in subtler form as a struggle between dialects. Anglophobe Americans will refuse to use a slang phrase if they know it to be of British origin, and the conflict between Latinizers and Germanizers often has nationalist motives behind it. Scottish nationalists insist on the superiority of Lowland Scots, and Socialists whose nationalism takes the form of class hatred tirade against the B.B.C. accent and even the broad A. One could multiply instances. Nationalist thought often gives the impression of being tinged by belief in sympathetic magic – a belief which probably comes out in the widespread custom of burning political enemies in effigy, or using pictures of them as targets in shooting galleries.

Instability. The intensity with which they are held does not prevent nationalist loyalties from being transferable. To begin with, as I have pointed out already, they can be and often are fastened upon some foreign country. One quite commonly finds that great national leaders, or the founders of nationalist movements, do not even belong to the country they have glorified. Sometimes they are outright foreigners, or more often they come from peripheral areas where nationality is doubtful. Examples are Stalin, Hitler, Napoleon, de Valera, Disraeli, Poincaré, Beaverbrook. The Pan-German movement was in part the creation of an Englishman, Houston Chamberlain. For the past fifty or a hundred years, transferred nationalism has been a common phenomenon among literary intellectuals. With Lafcadio Hearne the transference was to Japan, with Carlyle and many others of his time to Germany, and in our own age it is usually to Russia. But the peculiarly interesting fact is that re -transference is also possible. A country or other unit which has been worshipped for years may suddenly become detestable, and some other object of affection may take its place with almost no interval. In the first version of H. G. Wells’s Outline of History , and others of his writings about that time, one finds the United States praised almost as extravagantly as Russia is praised by Communists today: yet within a few years this uncritical admiration had turned into hostility. The bigoted Communist who changes in a space of weeks, or even of days, into an equally bigoted Trotskyist is a common spectacle. In continental Europe Fascist movements were largely recruited from among Communists, and the opposite process may well happen within the next few years. What remains constant in the nationalist is his own state of mind: the object of his feelings is changeable, and may be imaginary.

But for an intellectual, transference has an important function which I have already mentioned shortly in connection with Chesterton. It makes it possible for him to be much more nationalistic – more vulgar, more silly, more malignant, more dishonest – than he could ever be on behalf of his native country, or any unit of which he had real knowledge. When one sees the slavish or boastful rubbish that is written about Stalin, the Red army, etc. by fairly intelligent and sensitive people, one realizes that this is only possible because some kind of dislocation has taken place. In societies such as ours, it is unusual for anyone describable as an intellectual to feel a very deep attachment to his own country. Public opinion – that is, the section of public opinion of which he as an intellectual is aware – will not allow him to do so. Most of the people surrounding him are sceptical and disaffected, and he may adopt the same attitude from imitativeness or sheer cowardice: in that case he will have abandoned the form of nationalism that lies nearest to hand without getting any closer to a genuinely internationalist outlook. He still feels the need for a Fatherland, and it is natural to look for one somewhere abroad. Having found it, he can wallow unrestrainedly in exactly those emotions from which he believes that he has emancipated himself. God, the King, the Empire, the Union Jack – all the overthrown idols can reappear under different names, and because they are not recognized for what they are they can be worshipped with a good conscience. Transferred nationalism, like the use of scapegoats, is a way of attaining salvation without altering one’s conduct.

Indifference to Reality. All nationalists have the power of not seeing resemblances between similar sets of facts. A British Tory will defend self-determination in Europe and oppose it in India with no feeling of inconsistency. Actions are held to be good or bad, not on their own merits, but according to who does them, and there is almost no kind of outrage – torture, the use of hostages, forced labour, mass deportations, imprisonment without trial, forgery, assassination, the bombing of civilians – which does not change its moral colour when it is committed by ‘our’ side. The Liberal News Chronicle published, as an example of shocking barbarity, photographs of Russians hanged by the Germans, and then a year or two later published with warm approval almost exactly similar photographs of Germans hanged by the Russians. [5] It is the same with historical events. History is thought of largely in nationalist terms, and such things as the Inquisition, the tortures of the Star Chamber, the exploits of the English buccaneers (Sir Francis Drake, for instance, who was given to sinking Spanish prisoners alive), the Reign of Terror, the heroes of the Mutiny blowing hundreds of Indians from the guns, or Cromwell’s soldiers slashing Irishwomen’s faces with razors, become morally neutral or even meritorious when it is felt that they were done in the ‘right’ cause. If one looks back over the past quarter of a century, one finds that there was hardly a single year when atrocity stories were not being reported from some part of the world: and yet in not one single case were these atrocities – in Spain, Russia, China, Hungary, Mexico, Amritsar, Smyrna – believed in and disapproved of by the English intelligentsia as a whole. Whether such deeds were reprehensible, or even whether they happened, was always decided according to political predilection.

The nationalist not only does not disapprove of atrocities committed by his own side, but he has a remarkable capacity for not even hearing about them. For quite six years the English admirers of Hitler contrived not to learn of the existence of Dachau and Buchenwald. And those who are loudest in denouncing the German concentration camps are often quite unaware, or only very dimly aware, that there are also concentration camps in Russia. Huge events like the Ukraine famine of 1933, involving the deaths of millions of people, have actually escaped the attention of the majority of English russophiles. Many English people have heard almost nothing about the extermination of German and Polish Jews during the present war. Their own antisemitism has caused this vast crime to bounce off their consciousness. In nationalist thought there are facts which are both true and untrue, known and unknown. A known fact may be so unbearable that it is habitually pushed aside and not allowed to enter into logical processes, or on the other hand it may enter into every calculation and yet never be admitted as a fact, even in one’s own mind.

Every nationalist is haunted by the belief that the past can be altered. He spends part of his time in a fantasy world in which things happen as they should – in which, for example, the Spanish Armada was a success or the Russian Revolution was crushed in 1918 – and he will transfer fragments of this world to the history books whenever possible. Much of the propagandist writing of our time amounts to plain forgery. Material facts are suppressed, dates altered, quotations removed from their context and doctored so as to change their meaning. Events which, it is felt, ought not to have happened are left unmentioned and ultimately denied. [6] In 1927 Chiang Kai-Shek boiled hundreds of Communists alive, and yet within ten years he had become one of the heroes of the Left. The re-alignment of world politics had brought him into the anti-Fascist camp, and so it was felt that the boiling of the Communists ‘didn’t count’, or perhaps had not happened. The primary aim of propaganda is, of course, to influence contemporary opinion, but those who rewrite history do probably believe with part of their minds that they are actually thrusting facts into the past. When one considers the elaborate forgeries that have been committed in order to show that Trotsky did not play a valuable part in the Russian civil war, it is difficult to feel that the people responsible are merely lying. More probably they feel that their own version was what happened in the sight of God, and that one is justified in rearranging the records accordingly.

Indifference to objective truth is encouraged by the sealing-off of one part of the world from another, which makes it harder and harder to discover what is actually happening. There can often be a genuine doubt about the most enormous events. For example, it is impossible to calculate within millions, perhaps even tens of millions, the number of deaths caused by the present war. The calamities that are constantly being reported – battles, massacres, famines, revolutions – tend to inspire in the average person a feeling of unreality. One has no way of verifying the facts, one is not even fully certain that they have happened, and one is always presented with totally different interpretations from different sources. What were the rights and wrongs of the Warsaw rising of August 1944? Is it true about the German gas ovens in Poland? Who was really to blame for the Bengal famine? Probably the truth is discoverable, but the facts will be so dishonestly set forth in almost any newspaper that the ordinary reader can be forgiven either for swallowing lies or failing to form an opinion. The general uncertainty as to what is really happening makes it easier to cling to lunatic beliefs. Since nothing is ever quite proved or disproved, the most unmistakable fact can be impudently denied. Moreover, although endlessly brooding on power, victory, defeat, revenge, the nationalist is often somewhat uninterested in what happens in the real world. What he wants is to feel that his own unit is getting the better of some other unit, and he can more easily do this by scoring off an adversary than by examining the facts to see whether they support him. All nationalist controversy is at the debating-society level. It is always entirely inconclusive, since each contestant invariably believes himself to have won the victory. Some nationalists are not far from schizophrenia, living quite happily amid dreams of power and conquest which have no connexion with the physical world.

I have examined as best as I can the mental habits which are common to all forms of nationalism. The next thing is to classify those forms, but obviously this cannot be done comprehensively. Nationalism is an enormous subject. The world is tormented by innumerable delusions and hatreds which cut across one another in an extremely complex way, and some of the most sinister of them have not yet impinged on the European consciousness. In this essay I am concerned with nationalism as it occurs among the English intelligentsia. In them, much more than in ordinary English people, it is unmixed with patriotism and can therefore can be studied pure. Below are listed the varieties of nationalism now flourishing among English intellectuals, with such comments as seem to be needed. It is convenient to use three headings, Positive, Transferred and Negative, though some varieties will fit into more than one category:

Positive Nationalism

1. Neo-Toryism. Exemplified by such people as Lord Elton, A. P. Herbert, G. M. Young, Professor Pickthorn, by the literature of the Tory Reform Committee, and by such magazines as the New English Review and the Nineteenth Century and After . The real motive force of neo-Toryism, giving it its nationalistic character and differentiating it from ordinary Conservatism, is the desire not to recognize that British power and influence have declined. Even those who are realistic enough to see that Britain’s military position is not what it was, tend to claim that ‘English ideas’ (usually left undefined) must dominate the world. All neo-Tories are anti-Russian, but sometimes the main emphasis is anti-American. The significant thing is that this school of thought seems to be gaining ground among youngish intellectual, sometimes ex-Communists, who have passed through the usual process of disillusionment and become disillusioned with that. The anglophobe who suddenly becomes violently pro-British is a fairly common figure. Writers who illustrate this tendency are F. A. Voigt, Malcolm Muggeridge, Evelyn Waugh, Hugh Kingsmill, and a psychologically similar development can be observed in T. S. Eliot, Wyndham Lewis, and various of their followers.

2. Celtic Nationalism. Welsh, Irish and Scottish nationalism have points of difference but are alike in their anti-English orientation. Members of all three movements have opposed the war while continuing to describe themselves as pro-Russian, and the lunatic fringe has even contrived to be simultaneously pro-Russian and pro-Nazi. But Celtic nationalism is not the same thing as anglophobia. Its motive force is a belief in the past and future greatness of the Celtic peoples, and it has a strong tinge of racialism. The Celt is supposed to be spiritually superior to the Saxon – simpler, more creative, less vulgar, less snobbish, etc. – but the usual power hunger is there under the surface. One symptom of it is the delusion that Eire, Scotland or even Wales could preserve its independence unaided and owes nothing to British protection. Among writers, good examples of this school of thought are Hugh McDiarmid and Sean O’Casey. No modern Irish writer, even of the stature of Yeats or Joyce, is completely free from traces of nationalism.

3. Zionism. This has the unusual characteristics of a nationalist movement, but the American variant of it seems to be more violent and malignant than the British. I classify it under Direct and not Transferred nationalism because it flourishes almost exclusively among the Jews themselves. In England, for several rather incongruous reasons, the intelligentsia are mostly pro-Jew on the Palestine issue, but they do not feel strongly about it. All English people of goodwill are also pro-Jew in the sense of disapproving of Nazi persecution. But any actual nationalistic loyalty, or belief in the innate superiority of Jews, is hardly to be found among Gentiles:

Transferred Nationalism

1. Communism

2. Political Catholicism

3. Colour Feeling. The old-style contemptuous attitude towards ‘natives’ has been much weakened in England, and various pseudo-scientific theories emphasizing the superiority of the white race have been abandoned. [7] Among the intelligentsia, colour feeling only occurs in the transposed form, that is, as a belief in the innate superiority of the coloured races. This is now increasingly common among English intellectuals, probably resulting more often from masochism and sexual frustration than from contact with the Oriental and Negro nationalist movements. Even among those who do not feel strongly on the colour question, snobbery and imitation have a powerful influence. Almost any English intellectual would be scandalized by the claim that the white races are superior to the coloured, whereas the opposite claim would seem to him unexceptionable even if he disagreed with it. Nationalistic attachment to the coloured races is usually mixed up with the belief that their sex lives are superior, and there is a large underground mythology about the sexual prowess of Negroes.

4. Class Feeling. Among upper-class and middle-class intellectuals, only in the transposed form – i.e. as a belief in the superiority of the proletariat. Here again, inside the intelligentsia, the pressure of public opinion is overwhelming. Nationalistic loyalty towards the proletariat, and most vicious theoretical hatred of the bourgeoisie, can and often do co-exist with ordinary snobbishness in everyday life.

5. Pacifism. The majority of pacifists either belong to obscure religious sects or are simply humanitarians who object to the taking of life and prefer not to follow their thoughts beyond that point. But there is a minority of intellectual pacifists whose real though unadmitted motive appears to be hatred of western democracy and admiration of totalitarianism. Pacifist propaganda usually boils down to saying that one side is as bad as the other, but if one looks closely at the writings of younger intellectual pacifists, one finds that they do not by any means express impartial disapproval but are directed almost entirely against Britain and the United States. Moreover they do not as a rule condemn violence as such, but only violence used in defence of the western countries. The Russians, unlike the British, are not blamed for defending themselves by warlike means, and indeed all pacifist propaganda of this type avoids mention of Russia or China. It is not claimed, again, that the Indians should abjure violence in their struggle against the British. Pacifist literature abounds with equivocal remarks which, if they mean anything, appear to mean that statesmen of the type of Hitler are preferable to those of the type of Churchill, and that violence is perhaps excusable if it is violent enough. After the fall of France, the French pacifists, faced by a real choice which their English colleagues have not had to make, mostly went over to the Nazis, and in England there appears to have been some small overlap of membership between the Peace Pledge Union and the Blackshirts. Pacifist writers have written in praise of Carlyle, one of the intellectual fathers of Fascism. All in all it is difficult not to feel that pacifism, as it appears among a section of the intelligentsia, is secretly inspired by an admiration for power and successful cruelty. The mistake was made of pinning this emotion to Hitler, but it could easily be retransferred.

Negative Nationalism

1. Anglophobia. Within the intelligentsia, a derisive and mildly hostile attitude towards Britain is more or less compulsory, but it is an unfaked emotion in many cases. During the war it was manifested in the defeatism of the intelligentsia, which persisted long after it had become clear that the Axis powers could not win. Many people were undisguisedly pleased when Singapore fell or when the British were driven out of Greece, and there was a remarkable unwillingness to believe in good news, e.g. el Alamein, or the number of German planes shot down in the Battle of Britain. English left-wing intellectuals did not, of course, actually want the Germans or Japanese to win the war, but many of them could not help getting a certain kick out of seeing their own country humiliated, and wanted to feel that the final victory would be due to Russia, or perhaps America, and not to Britain. In foreign politics many intellectuals follow the principle that any faction backed by Britain must be in the wrong. As a result, ‘enlightened’ opinion is quite largely a mirror-image of Conservative policy. Anglophobia is always liable to reversal, hence that fairly common spectacle, the pacifist of one war who is a bellicist in the next.

2. Anti-Semitism. There is little evidence about this at present, because the Nazi persecutions have made it necessary for any thinking person to side with the Jews against their oppressors. Anyone educated enough to have heard the word ‘antisemitism’ claims as a matter of course to be free of it, and anti-Jewish remarks are carefully eliminated from all classes of literature. Actually, antisemitism appears to be widespread, even among intellectuals, and the general conspiracy of silence probably helps exacerbate it. People of Left opinions are not immune to it, and their attitude is sometimes affected by the fact that Trotskyists and Anarchists tend to be Jews. But antisemitism comes more naturally to people of Conservative tendency, who suspect Jews of weakening national morale and diluting the national culture. Neo-Tories and political Catholics are always liable to succumb to antisemitism, at least intermittently.

3. Trotskyism. This word is used so loosely as to include Anarchists, democratic Socialists and even Liberals. I use it here to mean a doctrinaire Marxist whose main motive is hostility to the Stalin régime. Trotskyism can be better studied in obscure pamphlets or in papers like the Socialist Appeal than in the works of Trotsky himself, who was by no means a man of one idea. Although in some places, for instance in the United States, Trotskyism is able to attract a fairly large number of adherents and develop into an organized movement with a petty fuehrer of its own, its inspiration is essentially negative. The Trotskyist is against Stalin just as the Communist is for him, and, like the majority of Communists, he wants not so much to alter the external world as to feel that the battle for prestige is going in his own favour. In each case there is the same obsessive fixation on a single subject, the same inability to form a genuinely rational opinion based on probabilities. The fact that Trotskyists are everywhere a persecuted minority, and that the accusation usually made against them, i.e. of collaborating with the Fascists, is absolutely false, creates an impression that Trotskyism is intellectually and morally superior to Communism; but it is doubtful whether there is much difference. The most typical Trotskyists, in any case, are ex-Communists, and no one arrives at Trotskyism except via one of the left-wing movements. No Communist, unless tethered to his party by years of habit, is secure against a sudden lapse into Trotskyism. The opposite process does not seem to happen equally often, though there is no clear reason why it should not.

In the classification I have attempted above, it will seem that I have often exaggerated, oversimplified, made unwarranted assumptions and have left out of account the existence of ordinarily decent motives. This was inevitable, because in this essay I am trying to isolate and identify tendencies which exist in all our minds and pervert our thinking, without necessarily occurring in a pure state or operating continuously. It is important at this point to correct the over-simplified picture which I have been obliged to make. To begin with, one has no right to assume that everyone , or even every intellectual, is infected by nationalism. Secondly, nationalism can be intermittent and limited. An intelligent man may half-succumb to a belief which attracts him but which he knows to be absurd, and he may keep it out of his mind for long periods, only reverting to it in moments of anger or sentimentality, or when he is certain that no important issues are involved. Thirdly, a nationalistic creed may be adopted in good faith from non-nationalistic motives. Fourthly, several kinds of nationalism, even kinds that cancel out, can co-exist in the same person.

All the way through I have said, ‘the nationalist does this’ or ‘the nationalist does that’, using for purposes of illustration the extreme, barely sane type of nationalist who has no neutral areas in his mind and no interest in anything except the struggle for power. Actually such people are fairly common, but they are not worth the powder and shot. In real life Lord Elton, D. N. Pritt, Lady Houston, Ezra Pound, Lord Vanisttart, Father Coughlin and all the rest of their dreary tribe have to be fought against, but their intellectual deficiencies hardly need pointing out. Monomania is not interesting, and the fact that no nationalist of the more bigoted kind can write a book which still seems worth reading after a lapse of years has a certain deodorizing effect. But when one has admitted that nationalism has not triumphed everywhere, that there are still people whose judgements are not at the mercy of their desires, the fact does remain that the pressing problems – India, Poland, Palestine, the Spanish Civil War, the Moscow trials, the American Negroes, the Russo-German Pact or what have you – cannot be, or at least never are, discussed upon a reasonable level. The Eltons and Pritts and Coughlins, each of them simply an enormous mouth bellowing the same lie over and over again, are obviously extreme cases, but we deceive ourselves if we do not realize that we can all resemble them in unguarded moments. Let a certain note be struck, let this or that corn be trodden on – and it may be a corn whose very existence has been unsuspected hitherto — and the most fair-minded and sweet-tempered person may suddenly be transformed into a vicious partisan, anxious only to ‘score’ over his adversary and indifferent as to how many lies he tells or how many logical errors he commits in doing so. When Lloyd George, who was an opponent of the Boer War, announced in the House of Commons that the British communiqués, if one added them together, claimed the killing of more Boers than the whole Boer nation contained, it is recorded that Arthur Balfour rose to his feet and shouted ‘Cad!’ Very few people are proof against lapses of this type. The Negro snubbed by a white woman, the Englishman who hears England ignorantly criticized by an American, the Catholic apologist reminded of the Spanish Armada, will all react in much the same way. One prod to the nerve of nationalism, and the intellectual decencies can vanish, the past can be altered, and the plainest facts can be denied.

If one harbours anywhere in one’s mind a nationalistic loyalty or hatred, certain facts, although in a sense known to be true, are inadmissible. Here are just a few examples. I list below five types of nationalist, and against each I append a fact which it is impossible for that type of nationalist to accept, even in his secret thoughts:

British Tory:  Britain will come out of this war with reduced power and prestige.

Communist:  If she had not been aided by Britain and America, Russia would have been defeated by Germany.

Irish Nationalist:  Eire can only remain independent because of British protection.

Trotskyist:  The Stalin régime is accepted by the Russian masses.

Pacifist:  Those who ‘abjure’ violence can only do so because others are committing violence on their behalf.

All of these facts are grossly obvious if one’s emotions do not happen to be involved: but to the kind of person named in each case they are also intolerable , and so they have to be denied, and false theories constructed upon their denial. I come back to the astonishing failure of military prediction in the present war. It is, I think, true to say that the intelligentsia have been more wrong about the progress of the war than the common people, and that they were more swayed by partisan feelings. The average intellectual of the Left believed, for instance, that the war was lost in 1940, that the Germans were bound to overrun Egypt in 1942, that the Japanese would never be driven out of the lands they had conquered, and that the Anglo-American bombing offensive was making no impression on Germany. He could believe these things because his hatred for the British ruling class forbade him to admit that British plans could succeed. There is no limit to the follies that can be swallowed if one is under the influence of feelings of this kind. I have heard it confidently stated, for instance, that the American troops had been brought to Europe not to fight the Germans but to crush an English revolution. One has to belong to the intelligentsia to believe things like that: no ordinary man could be such a fool. When Hitler invaded Russia, the officials of the M.O.I. issued ‘as background’ a warning that Russia might be expected to collapse in six weeks. On the other hand the Communists regarded every phase of the war as a Russian victory, even when the Russians were driven back almost to the Caspian Sea and had lost several million prisoners. There is no need to multiply instances. The point is that as soon as fear, hatred, jealousy and power worship are involved, the sense of reality becomes unhinged. And, as I have pointed out already, the sense of right and wrong becomes unhinged also. There is no crime, absolutely none, that cannot be condoned when ‘our’ side commits it. Even if one does not deny that the crime has happened, even if one knows that it is exactly the same crime as one has condemned in some other case, even if one admits in an intellectual sense that it is unjustified – still one cannot feel that it is wrong. Loyalty is involved, and so pity ceases to function.

The reason for the rise and spread of nationalism is far too big a question to be raised here. It is enough to say that, in the forms in which it appears among English intellectuals, it is a distorted reflection of the frightful battles actually happening in the external world, and that its worst follies have been made possible by the breakdown of patriotism and religious belief. If one follows up this train of thought, one is in danger of being led into a species of Conservatism, or into political quietism. It can be plausibly argued, for instance – it is even probably true – that patriotism is an inoculation against nationalism, that monarchy is a guard against dictatorship, and that organized religion is a guard against superstition. Or again, it can be argued that no unbiased outlook is possible, that all creeds and causes involve the same lies, follies, and barbarities; and this is often advanced as a reason for keeping out of politics altogether. I do not accept this argument, if only because in the modern world no one describable as an intellectual can keep out of politics in the sense of not caring about them. I think one must engage in politics – using the word in a wide sense – and that one must have preferences: that is, one must recognize that some causes are objectively better than others, even if they are advanced by equally bad means. As for the nationalistic loves and hatreds that I have spoken of, they are part of the make-up of most of us, whether we like it or not. Whether it is possible to get rid of them I do not know, but I do believe that it is possible to struggle against them, and that this is essentially a moral effort. It is a question first of all of discovering what one really is, what one’s own feelings really are, and then of making allowance for the inevitable bias. If you hate and fear Russia, if you are jealous of the wealth and power of America, if you despise Jews, if you have a sentiment of inferiority towards the British ruling class, you cannot get rid of those feelings simply by taking thought. But you can at least recognize that you have them, and prevent them from contaminating your mental processes. The emotional urges which are inescapable, and are perhaps even necessary to political action, should be able to exist side by side with an acceptance of reality. But this, I repeat, needs a moral effort, and contemporary English literature, so far as it is alive at all to the major issues of our time, shows how few of us are prepared to make it.

Author’s Notes

Polemic , GB – London, 1945

This material remains under copyright in some jurisdictions, including the US, and is reproduced here with the kind permission of the Orwell Estate .

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What Is Patriotism? Definition, Examples, Pros and Cons

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Simply stated, patriotism is the feeling of love for one’s country. Demonstrating patriotism—being “patriotic”—is one of the necessities of being the stereotypical “ good citizen .” However, patriotism, like many well-intentioned things, can be harmful when taken to an extreme .

Key Takeaways

• Patriotism is the feeling and expression of love for one’s home country, along with a feeling of unity with those who share those feelings
• Though it shares patriotism’s love of country, nationalism is the belief that one’s home county is superior to all others
• While considered a necessary attribute of good citizenship, when patriotism becomes politically mandatory, it can cross a line

Patriotism Definition

Along with love, patriotism is the feeling of pride, devotion, and attachment to a homeland, as well as a feeling of attachment to other patriotic citizens. The feelings of attachment may be further bound up in factors like race or ethnicity , culture, religious beliefs, or history.

Historic Perspective

Patriotism originated some 2,000 years before the rise of nationalism in the 19th century. Greek and especially Roman antiquity provide the roots for a philosophy of political patriotism that conceives of loyalty to the “patria,”—the power that the male head of a family exercised over his children—like loyalty to a political conception of the republic. It is associated with the love of law and common liberty, the search for the common good , and the duty to behave justly toward one’s country. The Roman meaning of patria is repeated in the context of the Italian city-states of the 15th century, such as Naples and Venice, as representing the common liberty of the city, which can only be safeguarded by the citizens’ civic spirit.

To Renaissance period Italian diplomat, author, philosopher, and historian Niccolò Machiavelli , the love of common liberty enabled citizens to see their private and particular interests as part of the common good and helped them to resist corruption and tyranny. While this love of the city is typically intermixed with pride in its military strength and cultural superiority, it is the political institutions and way of life of the city that form the distinctive focal point of this kind of patriotic attachment. To love the city is to be willing to sacrifice one’s own good—including one’s life—for the protection of common liberty.

While patriotism is evident throughout history, it was not always considered a civic virtue. In 18th-century Europe, for example, devotion to the state was considered a betrayal of devotion to the church.   

Other 18th-century scholars also found fault with what they considered excessive patriotism. In 1775, Samuel Johnson , whose 1774 essay The Patriot had criticized those who falsely claimed devotion to Britain, famously called patriotism “the last refuge of the scoundrel.”

Arguably, America’s first patriots were its Founding Fathers who had risked their very lives to create a nation that reflected their visions of freedom with equality. They summarized this vision in The Declaration of Independence :

“We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.”

In that single sentence, the Founders dispelled the long-held belief of the ruling British Monarchy that an individual’s pursuit of personal happiness was nothing more than a disloyal act of self-indulgence. Instead, they acknowledged that the right of each citizen to pursue personal fulfillment was essential to the qualities, such as ambition and creativity, that would fuel the nation’s economy. As a result, the pursuit of happiness became and remains the force behind America’s entrepreneurial system of free-market capitalism .  

The Declaration of Independence further states, “That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.” In this phrase, the Founding Fathers rejected the autocratic rule of monarchs and confirmed the revolutionary principle of “government of the people, by the people” as the basis of American democracy and the reason the Preamble to the U.S. Constitution begins with the words “We the People.”

Examples of Patriotism

There are countless ways of showing patriotism. Standing for the National Anthem and reciting the Pledge of Allegiance are obvious ones. Perhaps more importantly, many of the most beneficial acts of patriotism in the U.S. are those that both celebrate the country and make it stronger. A few of these include:

• Participating in the representative democracy by registering to vote and voting in elections .
• Volunteering for community service or running for elected government office.
• Serving on juries.
• Obeying all laws and paying taxes.
• Understanding the rights, freedoms, and responsibilities contained in the U.S. Constitution.

Patriotism vs. Nationalism

While the words patriotism and nationalism were once considered synonyms, they have taken on different connotations. While both are the feelings of love people feel for their country, the values upon which those feelings are based are very different.

Feelings of patriotism are based on the positive values the country embraces—like freedom, justice, and equality. The patriot believes that both the system of government and the people of their country are inherently good and work together for a better quality of life.

In contrast, feelings of nationalism are based on a belief that one’s country is superior to all others. It also carries a connotation of distrust or disapproval of other countries, leading to the assumption that other countries are rivals. While patriots do not automatically denigrate other countries, nationalists do, sometimes to the point of calling for their country’s global dominance. Nationalism, through its protectionist beliefs, is the polar opposite of globalism .

Historically, the effects of nationalism have been both positive and negative. While it has driven independence movements, like the Zionist movement that created modern Israel, it was also a key factor in the rise of the German Nazi Party , and the Holocaust . 

Patriotism versus nationalism arose as a political issue when U.S. President Donald Trump and French President Emmanuel Macron verbally sparred over the meaning of the terms.

At a rally on October 23, 2018, President Trump defended his populist “Make America Great Again” platform and protectionist policies of tariffs on foreign imports, officially declaring himself a “nationalist":

“A globalist is a person that wants the globe to do well, frankly, not caring about our country so much,” he said. “And you know what? We can't have that. You know, they have a word. It sort of became old-fashioned. It's called a nationalist. And I say, really, we’re not supposed to use that word. You know what I am? I’m a nationalist, OK? I’m a nationalist.”

President Macron, speaking at the 100th Armistice Day ceremony in Paris on November 11, 2018, offered a different meaning of nationalism. He defined nationalism as “putting our nation first, and not caring about the others.” By rejecting the interests of other countries, Macon asserted, “we erase what a nation holds dearest, what gives it life, what makes it great and what is essential, its moral values.”

Pros and Cons of Patriotism

Few countries survive and prosper without some degree of patriotic feelings among their people. A love of country and shared pride bring the people together, helping them endure challenges. Without shared patriotic beliefs, colonial Americans may not have chosen to travel the road to independence from England. More recently, patriotism brought the American people together to overcome the Great Depression and achieve victory in World War II .

The potential downside of patriotism is that if it becomes a mandatory political doctrine, it can be used to turn groups of people against each other and can even lead the country to reject its fundamental values.

A few examples from United States history include:

As early as 1798, extreme patriotism, spurred by fears a war with France, led Congress to enact the Alien and Sedition Acts allowing the jailing of certain U.S. immigrants without due process of law and restricting the First Amendment freedoms of speech and the press .

In 1919, early fears of Communism triggered the Palmer raids resulting in the arrest and immediate deportation without trial of more than 10,000 German- and Russian-American immigrants.

After the December 7, 1941, Japanese air raid on Pearl Harbor , the Franklin Roosevelt administration ordered some 127,000 American citizens of Japanese ancestry imprisoned in internment camps for the duration of World War II.

During the Red Scare of the early 1950s, the McCarthy era saw thousands of Americans accused without evidence by the government of being communists or communist sympathizers. After a series of so-called “investigations” conducted by Senator Joseph McCarthy, hundreds of those accused were ostracized and prosecuted for their political beliefs.

• Johnson, Samuel (1774). “ The Patriot .” SamuelJohnson.com
• “ Nationalism .” Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Plato.stanford.edu
• Boswell, James, Hibbert, “The Life of Samuel Johnson.” Penguin Classics, ISBN 0-14-043116-0
• Diamond, Jeremy. “ Trump embraces 'nationalist' title at Texas rally .” CNN (October 23, 2018)
• Liptak. Kevin. “ Macron rebukes nationalism as Trump observes Armistice Day. ” CNN (November 12, 2018)
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What is the difference between nationalism and patriotism?

Assistant Professor, Westminster College

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During his presidency, Donald Trump said, “We’re putting America first … we’re taking care of ourselves for a change,” and then declared, “ I’m a nationalist .” In another speech , he stated that under his watch, the U.S. had “ embrace[d] the doctrine of patriotism .”

Trump is now running for president again. When he announced his candidacy, he stated that he “ need[s] every patriot on board because this is not just a campaign, this is a quest to save our country.”

One week later he dined in Mar-a-Lago with Nick Fuentes , a self-described nationalist who’s been banned from Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, YouTube and other platforms for using racist and antisemitic language .

Afterward, Trump confirmed that meeting but did not denounce Fuentes, despite calls for him to do so .

The words nationalism and patriotism are sometimes used as synonyms, such as when Trump and his supporters describe his America First agenda. But many political scientists , including me , don’t typically see those two terms as equivalent – or even compatible.

There is a difference, and it’s important, not just to scholars but to regular citizens as well.

Devotion to a people

To understand what nationalism is, it’s useful to understand what a nation is – and isn’t.

A nation is a group of people who share a history, culture, language, religion or some combination thereof.

A country , which is sometimes called a state in political science terminology, is an area of land that has its own government.

A nation-state is a homogeneous political entity mostly comprising a single nation. Nation-states are rare , because nearly every country is home to more than one national group. One example of a nation-state would be North Korea , where almost all residents are ethnic Koreans.

The United States is neither a nation nor a nation-state. Rather, it is a country of many different groups of people who have a variety of shared histories, cultures, languages and religions.

Some of those groups are formally recognized by the federal government, such as the Navajo Nation and the Cherokee Nation . Similarly, in Canada, the French-speaking Québécois are recognized as being a distinct “ nation within a united Canada .”

Nationalism is, per one dictionary definition, “ loyalty and devotion to a nation .” It is a person’s strong affinity for those who share the same history, culture, language or religion. Scholars understand nationalism as exclusive , boosting one identity group over – and at times in direct opposition to – others.

The Oath Keepers and Proud Boys – 10 of whom were convicted of seditious conspiracy for their role in the Jan. 6 attack on the U.S. Capitol – are both examples of white nationalist groups, which believe that immigrants and people of color are a threat to their ideals of civilization.

Trump has described the events that took place on Jan. 6, 2021, as having occurred “ Peacefully & Patrioticly ”. He has described those who have been imprisoned as “ great patriots ” and has said that he would pardon “ a large portion of them ” if elected in 2024.

There are many other nationalisms beyond white nationalism. The Nation of Islam , for instance, is an example of a Black nationalist group. The Anti-Defamation League and the Southern Poverty Law Center have both characterized it as a Black supremacist hate group for its anti-white prejudices.

In addition to white and Black racial nationalisms , there are also ethnic and lingustic nationalisms, which typically seek greater autonomy for – and the eventual independence of – certain national groups. Examples include the Bloc Québécois , the Scottish Nationalist Party and Plaid Cymru – the Party of Wales , which are nationalist political parties that respectively advocate for the Québécois of Québéc, the Scots of Scotland and the Welsh of Wales.

Devotion to a place

In contrast to nationalism’s loyalty for or devotion to one’s nation, patriotism is, per the same dictionary, “ love for or devotion to one’s country .” It comes from the word patriot , which itself can be traced back to the Greek word patrios , which means “of one’s father.”

In other words, patriotism has historically meant a love for and devotion to one’s fatherland , or country of origin.

Patriotism encompasses devotion to the country as a whole – including all the people who live within it. Nationalism refers to devotion to only one group of people over all others.

An example of patriotism would be Martin Luther King Jr.’s “ I Have a Dream ” speech, in which he recites the first verse of the patriotic song “ America (My Country ‘Tis of Thee) .” In his “ Letter from Birmingham Jail ,” King describes “nationalist groups” as being “ made up of people who have lost faith in America .”

George Orwell, the author of “ Animal Farm ” and “ Nineteen Eighty-Four ,” describes patriotism as “ devotion to a particular place and a particular way of life.”

He contrasted that with nationalism, which he describes as “the habit of identifying oneself with a single nation or other unit, placing it beyond good and evil and recognizing no other duty than that of advancing its interests.”

Nationalism vs. patriotism

Adolf Hitler’s rise in Germany was accomplished by perverting patriotism and embracing nationalism. According to Charles de Gaulle , who led Free France against Nazi Germany during World War II and later became president of France, “ Patriotism is when love of your own people comes first; nationalism, when hate for people other than your own comes first .”

The tragedy of the Holocaust was rooted in the nationalistic belief that certain groups of people were inferior. While Hitler is a particularly extreme example , in my own research as a human rights scholar , I have found that even in contemporary times, countries with nationalist leaders are more likely to have bad human rights records.

After World War II, President Harry Truman signed the Marshall Plan , which would provide postwar aid to Europe. The intent of the program was to help European countries “ break away from the self-defeating actions of narrow nationalism .”

For Truman, putting America first did not mean exiting the global stage and sowing division at home with nationalist actions and rhetoric . Rather, he viewed the “principal concern of the people of the United States” to be “the creation of conditions of enduring peace throughout the world.” For him, patriotically putting the interests of his country first meant fighting against nationalism.

This view is in line with that of French President Emmanuel Macron , who has stated that “ patriotism is the exact opposite of nationalism .”

“ Nationalism,” he says, “is a betrayal of patriotism .”

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Introduction

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While nationalism is an attachment to the ethnic, cultural, and spiritual homogeneity of a nation, patriotism refers to the love of the republic and the political institutions that sustain it. The language of patriotism avoids the dangers of intolerance inherent in a nationalistic conception of civic virtue by appealing to the non‐exclusive love of common liberty that is nevertheless rooted in the concrete culture and history of a particular people. The project of the book will be to explore the possibilities of political patriotism as an alternative to the rhetoric of nationalism through a historical interpretation of the evolution of patriotism.

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Nationalism vs Patriotism – Differences and Similarities

Chris Drew (PhD)

Dr. Chris Drew is the founder of the Helpful Professor. He holds a PhD in education and has published over 20 articles in scholarly journals. He is the former editor of the Journal of Learning Development in Higher Education. [Image Descriptor: Photo of Chris]

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The key difference between nationalism and patriotism is that nationalism is the belief in an exclusionary and insular nation-state, while patriotism is the non-exclusionary love of your own nation.

Here is a breakdown of the differences:

• Nationalism is a belief that your nation sits that the top of a hierarchy of nations. You believe your nation’s interests are is inherently more important than those of any other country in the world.
• Patriotism , on the other hand, is simply the love of your country and culture. Patriots know that you can love your own nation without thinking it’s objectively better than anyone else’s.

While nationalism and patriotism both represent love of country, patriotism is seen as a positive form of self-expression whereas nationalism is seen as an exclusionary act and assertion of power.

Table of Differences: Nationalism vs Patriotism

What is Nationalism?

Nationalism is an ideological and political movement that promotes the idea of a particular nation as an inherently superior or infallible entity.

The concept of nationalism has also been used to promote the idea of a unified people or culture, and it has sometimes been used to promote xenophobic or imperialist attitudes.

There are at least 14 types of nationalism that sit along a spectrum.

On the softer end of the spectrum, versions of nationalism such as civic nationalism overlap significantly with patriotism. For example, civic and liberal nationalists believe in the rule of law , multiculturalism, and democracy (and see these values as central reasons why their country is ‘great’).

On the other end of the spectrum, ethnonationalism and expansionist nationalism can lead to ethnic cleansing and world wars.

What is Patriotism?

Patriotism is feeling proud of and loyal to one’s country. It can stem from having a soft spot for your culture and neighbors or appreciation of everything the country gave you as you were growing up.

Patriotism can manifest in many ways, including:

• Standing for election to represent your nation
• Supporting your country’s football team
• Playing in your country’s football team
• Celebrating national holidays
• Showing pride in your national identity
• Fighting for your country in the military
• Working to make your country a better place

While the above actions can also be the actions of nationalists, patriots do these things only because they love their country and want the best for it and not because they see their country as being in a contest with other countries to be the objectively “best” group of people in the world.

Nationalism vs Supranationalism

Supranationalism is a term related to nationalism, but it is actually anti- nationalistic. Supranationalism refers to the idea of multiple nations coming together to form a higher authority, such as a supranational organization or government. Nationalism, as we have seen, prioritizes the opposite: nationalism is against ceding sovereignty. While nationalists emphasize national culture, identity, and independence, spranationalists emphasize cooperation, interdependence, and a shared cross-border identity.

Patriotism and nationalism are two sides of the same coin. While both involve love of your country, patriots see their love of their country as a subjective feeling while nationalists think that their country is objectively the greatest nation on earth.

While patriotism is generally seen as a positive trait representing pride in your heritage, nationalism tends to be seen as more extreme. Nationalism has led to significant harm, discrimination, prejudice, and war.

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Patriotism vs. Nationalism: What’s The Difference?

You’ve probably heard of public servants carrying out great acts of patriotism . You’ve probably also heard of concerns of a rising wave of nationalism around the world. Yes, both words involve some form of pride in one’s country, but there is an incredibly important distinction to be made between the two.

Historically, both patriotism and nationalism were used roughly in the same way. But they significantly diverged along the way, and one has a much more positive connotation than the other. Do you know which is which?

In this article, we’ll explain the difference between patriotism and nationalism , the different forms they can take and what they can lead to, as well as how to use them correctly.

What is the difference between patriotism and nationalism ?

The word patriotism is a noun that means “devoted love, support, and defense of one’s country; national loyalty.”

The term often brings to mind people directly involved with the defense of a nation, namely military service members as well as state and local government representatives. For example: The soldiers showed exemplary patriotism defending their country from attack.

Patriotism, however, can take many other forms outside serving in the military and public office. Diplomats , teachers, first responders , and so many more all exemplify patriotism in the many forms of good they do in service of their communities.

There are millions of government employees, as well as millions who volunteer their time in the interest of their country. Individual acts of pride, such as displaying an American flag at one’s home, are also examples of patriotism .

The word patriotism is first recorded in the early 1700s. Interestingly, by the 1770s, the word patriot could refer to “a member of a resistance movement, a freedom fighter,” specifically those who fought against the British in the war for independence—associations that persist today.

Patriotism is based on patriot , which is recorded in the 1500s. This word ultimately derives from Greek patriṓtēs , “fellow-countryman or lineage member.” The root of this word, in turn, means “ fatherland .” Paternal , patriarchy , and even English’s own father are related.

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In most contexts today, nationalism is “the policy or doctrine of asserting the interests of one’s own nation viewed as separate from the interests of other nations or the common interests of all nations.” In short, nationalism is a kind of excessive, aggressive patriotism.

Modern nationalism is rooted, in part, in French and American revolutions that fought for the sovereignty of their people over monarchies. This historic nationalism is generally viewed favorably, a cornerstone of Western liberalism and democracy.

However, fascist regimes have merged the fervor of nationalism with the notions of superiority, especially when it comes to ethnicity and religion. In such contexts,  “patriots” can become those who happened to agree with you or look like you, and “traitors” those who do not.

This form of nationalism is what happens when patriotism gets out of hand and morphs into something more exclusionary, isolationist, and … well, chauvinist . For example, The lecturer’s speech on immigration and foreign policy quickly devolved into nationalism , blaming undocumented migrants for the climbing unemployment rate, making much of the audience feel uneasy .

Such nationalism can result in jingoism , which is a form of extreme nationalism promoting vigilant preparedness for war and an aggressive foreign policy. It can also result in  isolationism , or “the policy or doctrine of isolating one’s country from the affairs of other nations by declining to enter into alliances, foreign economic commitments, international agreement.”

Recorded in the early 1800s, nationalism , as you probably guessed, is based on nation , ultimately from a Latin word meaning “birth, tribe.”

How to use patriotism vs. nationalism

When using these words, it’s important to keep context, and connotation , in mind:

Patriotism generally has a positive connotation. It’s used for various positive sentiments, attitudes, and actions involving loving one’s country and serving the great good of all its people.

Nationalism generally has a negative connotation. It’s used for political ideologies and movements that a more extreme and exclusionary love of one’s country—at the expense of foreigners, immigrants, and even people in a country who aren’t believed to belong in some way, often racial and religious grounds.

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Twelve Theses on Nationalism

Subscribe to governance weekly, william a. galston william a. galston ezra k. zilkha chair and senior fellow - governance studies.

August 12, 2019

• 16 min read

This piece was originally published by “ The American Interest. “

B y the end of World War Two, nationalism had been thoroughly discredited. Critics charged that national self-interest had prevented democratic governments from cooperating to end the Great Depression, and that nationalist passions had led not just to war, but also to some of the worst crimes groups of human beings had ever perpetrated on others. The construction of international institutions and norms—in economics, politics, and human rights—as antidotes to nationalist excesses dominated Western diplomacy for decades after 1945, and the global struggle between liberal democracy and communism muted the expression of nationalist sentiments on both sides of the Iron Curtain. The peace and economic growth that characterized this period built public support for this strategy.

As decades passed and new generations emerged, memories of the Great Depression and World War Two lost their hold on the Western imagination. With the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the Soviet Union, the postwar era began giving way to new forces. The European Union, its boosters convinced that their enlightened post-national project represented the future of politics for mankind, sought to move from economic integration to political integration. But public opposition swelled in many member-states. The “captive nations” of eastern and central Europe reemerged as independent actors, and long-submerged nationalist feelings resurfaced. But the feelings were not limited to the east: Growing regional inequalities within countries drove a wedge between left-behind populations and the international elites many citizens held responsible for their plight. The Great Recession of 2008 undermined public confidence in expert managers of the economy, and in the internationalist outlook that had long dominated their thinking. In Europe, concerns over immigration grew as people from lower-wage countries in the EU moved freely to wealthy member-states. These concerns exploded in 2015 after German Chancellor Angela Merkel’s decision to admit more than 1 million refugees from Syria and other countries wracked by conflict and economic stagnation.

All these trends, and others, were at work in the United States. The consequences of China’s entry into the WTO, especially for U.S. manufacturing, stoked concerns about international trade. Five decades of robust immigration transformed America’s demography, a shift celebrated by some but deplored by others. In the wake of the Great Recession and the Iraq war, the costs of America’s global leadership became increasingly controversial, and the belief that other nations were taking advantage of the United States intensified. Postwar internationalism became a new front in the decades-old culture war. In retrospect, it was only a matter of time until someone mounted a frontal challenge to the consensus of elites in both major political parties. When it did, “America First” hit the established order with the force and subtlety of a wrecking-ball.

“Nationalism rightly understood means that no nation is an island, and that in the long run the wellbeing of one’s nation cannot be decoupled from the fate of others.”

The growth of nationalism as a political phenomenon encouraged the emergence of nationalist theoreticians and ideologues. In the United States, a July 2019 conference on “National Conservatism” brought together thinkers who argued—in direct opposition to the leaders of the postwar era—that nationalism offers a more secure and morally preferable basis for both domestic and international policy. Similar convenings have occurred in Europe. Critics of the new nationalism have been quick to weigh in.

As the battle has been joined, the ratio of heat to light has been high. And yet so are the stakes. Our democratic future depends on whether publics come to see nationalism as the solution, the problem, or something in-between. As a contribution to clarifying the debate, I offer twelve theses on nationalism.

Thesis One:   Nationalism and patriotism are not the same.  Patriotism is love of country—as George Orwell puts it, “devotion to a particular place and way of life.” Nationalism means giving pride of place, culturally and politically, to a distinctive ensemble of individuals—the nation.

Thesis Two:   A nation is a community, united by sentiments of loyalty and mutual concern, that shares a cultural heritage and belief in a common destiny.  Some nations additionally invoke common descent, which in nearly all cases is mythical, as it was when John Jay posited it for the nascent United States in Federalist 2. As political theorist Bernard Yack observes in  Nationalism and the Moral Psychology of Community , not all nationalist claims are based on ethnicity. Ethno-nations are distinct, he observes, in that they make descent from previous members “a necessary, rather than merely sufficient, condition of membership.”

Thesis Three:   An individual need not be born into a cultural heritage to (come to) share it.  Entrants into the national community commit themselves not only to learn their nation’s history and customs but also to take on their benefits and burdens as their own, as Ruth did when she pledged to Naomi that “Your people shall be my people, and your God my God.”

Thesis Four:   Nationalism and patriotism can yield conflicting imperatives.  Many Zionists felt patriotic connections to the states in which they lived, even as they labored to create a nation-state of their own. Although many of today’s Kurds in Iraq, Syria, and Turkey harbor patriotic sentiments, their primary loyalty is to the Kurdish nation, and their ultimate aim is national self-determination in their own state.

Thesis Five:   Nationalism poses a challenge to the modern state system.  The familiar term “nation-state” implicitly assumes that the geographical locations of distinct nations coincide with state boundaries. Occasionally this is true (Japan comes close), but mostly it isn’t. Nations can be spread across multiple states (as the Kurds are), and states can contain multiple nations (as Spain does). What some regard as the ideal arrangement—a sovereign state for each nation and only this nation—is still exceedingly rare despite the convulsions of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, and still could not be realized without further massive, bloody disruptions of existing arrangements. Hitler’s determination to unify all ethno-cultural Germans into a single nation would have been a disaster, even if he had harbored no further ambitions. Today’s Hungarians have grounds for objecting to the Treaty of Trianon, which left millions of their co-nationals outside the borders of their shrunken state. Nevertheless, any effort to reunite them under a single flag would mean war in the heart of Europe.

Today’s state system includes international organizations, which many nationalists oppose as abrogating their states’ sovereignty. This stance rests on a failure to distinguish between revocable agreements, which are compatible with maintaining sovereignty, and irrevocable agreements, which are not. In leaving the European Union, Britain is exercising its sovereign rights, which it did not surrender when it entered the EU. By contrast, the states that banded together into the United States of America agreed to replace their several sovereignties into a single sovereign power, with no legal right under the Constitution to reverse this decision. When the southern states tried to secede, a civil war ensued, and its outcome ratified the permanent nature of the Union.

Thesis Six:   It is possible to be a nationalist without believing that every nation has a right to political independence, but it isn’t easy.  The U.S. Declaration of Independence speaks of “the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature’s God entitle them.” Similarly, Israel’s Declaration of Independence invokes the “self-evident right of the Jewish people to be a nation, as all other nations, in its own sovereign state.”

There are often practical reasons to deny some nations political self-determination (see Thesis Five). But doing so in principle rests on the belief that some nations are superior to others and deserve to rule over them. The claimed superiority can be cultural, hence mutable and temporary, or ethno-racial, essentialist, and immutable. The former often includes the responsibility of dominant nations to prepare subordinated nations for independence, as John Stuart Mill’s defense of tutelary colonialism did. The latter implies that subordinate nations are at best means to the well-being of dominant nations; at worst, lesser forms of humanity who exist at the sufferance of superior nations.

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There is no logical connection between the undeniable premise that each nation is distinctive and the conclusion that mine is better than yours. But the psychology of pride in one’s nation can lead even decent, well-meaning people from the former to the latter.

Some contemporary defenders of nationalism claim that it is inherently opposed to imperialism. Nation-states want only to be left alone, they say, to govern themselves in accordance with their own traditions. As Rebecca West once put it, there is not “the smallest reason for confounding nationalism, which is the desire of a people to be itself, with imperialism, which is the desire of a people to prevent other peoples from being themselves.”

She would be right if all nationalism were inwardly focused and guided by the maxim of live and let live. But the history of the 20th century shows that some forms of nationalism are compatible with imperialism and worse. It depends on what a nation thinks that “being itself” entails. The proposition that nationalism and imperialism always stand opposed rests not on historical evidence, but rather on a definition of nationalism at odds with its real-world manifestations.

Thesis Seven:   It is possible to be a nationalist without believing that the interests of one’s nation always trump competing considerations.  Writing in the shadow of World War Two, George Orwell declared that nationalism was “the habit of identifying oneself with a single nation, placing it beyond good and evil and recognizing no other duty than that of advancing its interests.” Although this is an unmatched description of Nazism, it conflates an extreme instance of nationalism with the totality.

In fact, nationalism is compatible with a wide range of ideologies and political programs. It motivated not only Nazi Germany but also Britain’s heroic resistance to fascism. (Churchill’s wartime speeches rallied his countrymen with stirring invocations of British nationalism against its foe.) And because the nation need not be understood as the supreme good, “liberal nationalism” is not an oxymoron.

Giving priority to the interests of one’s nation does not mean ignoring the interests of others, any more than caring most about one’s own children implies indifference to the fate of others’ children. Nations are sometimes called upon to risk their blood and treasure to respond to or prevent harm in other nations. At some point, the imbalance between modest costs to one’s nation and grievous damage to others should compel action. Even though some Americans would have risked their lives to prevent the Rwandan genocide, America’s failure to intervene was a mistake, a proposition that nationalists can accept without contradicting their beliefs.

Thesis Eight:   It is a mistake to finger nationalism as the principal source of oppression and aggression in modern politics.  As we have seen repeatedly, creedal and religion-based states and movements can be just as brutal, and they can pose, in their own way, equally fundamental challenges to the state system. The Reformation triggered a full century of astonishingly bloody strife. More recently, for those who took class identity to be more fundamental than civic identity, “socialist internationalism” became the organizing principle of politics, and similarly if membership in the Muslim  umma  is thought to erase the significance of state boundaries. Those outside the favored class or creed became enemies with whom no permanent peace is possible, and the consequences are as negative for decent politics as any of the evils perpetrated in the name of nationalism.

Thesis Nine:   As a key source of social solidarity, nationalism can support higher-order political goods such as democracy and the welfare state.  Democracy rests on mutual trust, without which the peaceful transfer of power comes to be regarded as risky. The welfare state rests on sympathy and concern for others who are vulnerable, whether or not the more fortunate members of the community see themselves as equally vulnerable. Shared nationality promotes these sentiments, while in the short-to-medium term (at least), increasing national diversity within states weakens them.

This helps explain why many nationalists who are not driven by racial or ethnic bias nonetheless are ambivalent about high numbers of immigrants and refugees. It also points to the most important domestic challenge contemporary nationalists face—reconciling their attachment to their co-nationals with fair treatment for other groups with whom they share a common civic space.

Thesis Ten:   Although we typically think of nations as driving the creation of nation-states, the reverse is also possible.  A generation ago, Eugen Weber showed how, over the decades before World War One, the French state deployed a program of linguistic, cultural, and educational unification to turn “peasants into Frenchmen.” During the past half-century, post-colonial governments have sought, with varying degrees of success, to weaken tribal and sectarian ties in favor of overarching national attachments.

Many historians have discerned similar processes at work in the United States. Prior to the Civil War, lexicographers such as Noah Webster crystallized a non-regional American English, distinct from British English, while historians such as George Bancroft told the story of America’s creation and growth as a narrative that all could share. After the Civil War, as flows of immigrants from Central and Southern Europe accelerated, programs of civic education proliferated—with the aim, one might say, of turning peasants into Americans. Because it was no longer possible to say, as John Jay did in 1787, that Americans were “descended from the same ancestors,” let alone “professing the same religion,” it became all the more important to create a common cultural heritage into which millions of new immigrants could be initiated. The process may have been rough and ready, even coercive, but in the main it succeeded. And today, after a half century of cultural strife and large flows of immigrants from an unprecedented diversity of countries, it may be necessary to recommit ourselves to this task, albeit in less favorable circumstances.

Thesis Eleven:   Although scholars distinguish between creedal nationalism and ethnic or cultural nationalism as ideal types, there are no examples of purely creedal nations.  In the United States, abstract principles and concrete identities have been braided together since the Founding. Our greatest President, who famously described the United States as a nation dedicated to a proposition, also invoked (unsuccessfully) the “mystic chords of memory” and our “bonds of affection” as antidotes for civil strife and advocated transmuting our Constitution and laws into objects of reverence—a “political religion.”

Thesis Twelve:   Although nationalism is a distinctively modern ideology, national identity has pervaded much of human history and is unlikely to disappear as a prominent feature of politics.  As Bernard Yack has persuasively argued, nationalism is unthinkable without the emergence of the principle of popular sovereignty as the source of legitimate political power. Because this theory characterizes the “people” who constitute the sovereign in abstract terms, it does not answer the key practical question: Who or what is the people?

The U.S. Declaration of Independence exemplifies this hiatus. Before we reach its much-quoted second paragraph on the rights of individuals, we encounter the assertion that Americans constitute “one people” asserting its right to “dissolve the political bands that have connected them with another.” Americans are one people, the British another. The governing class of Great Britain had a different view: Americans were subjects of the king, just as residents of the British Isles were, distinguished from them only by location. Even to assert their Lockean right of revolution, of which George III was no great fan, Americans had to make the case that they were a separate and distinct people. It turns out that in the case of the United States and many that followed, national identity offered the most plausible way to meet this challenge, which is why John Jay resorted to it. 19th century nationalists had richer intellectual resources on which to draw, including Herder’s account of distinct cultures, but their strategy was much the same.

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In short, national identity is transmuted into nationalism through its encounter with the doctrine of popular sovereignty. When the people are understood as the nation, popular sovereignty becomes national sovereignty.

Because pre-modern politics lacked the theory of popular sovereignty, it could not develop a doctrine of nationalism. Nonetheless, national identity has pervaded human history, for the simple reason that we are finite beings shaped by unchosen contingencies. Although we are social, cultural, and political beings, we are born helpless and unformed. We are formed first by the ministration of parents and kin or their equivalents, then by the experiences of neighborhood and local community, and eventually by the wider circle of those with whom we share a cultural heritage. To be sure, the encounter with those whose formative influences were different will not leave us untouched. No matter how much our horizons are broadened, we never set aside our origin. We may leave home, but home never quite leaves us, a reality reflected in our language. “Mother tongue,” “fatherland”—the age-old metaphor of our place of origin as nurturing, shaping parent will never lose its power.

N ational identity is an aspect of human experience that no measure of education should seek to expunge—nor could it if it tried. But as we have seen, the modern political expression of national identity is multi-valent. Nationalism can be a force for great evil or great good. It can motivate collective nobility and collective brutality. It can bring us together and drive us apart.

In the face of these realities, the way forward is clear, at least in principle. Acknowledging the permanence of nationalism and its capacity for good, we must do our best to mitigate its negative effects. Nationalism need not mean that a country’s cultural majority oppresses others with whom it shares a state; putting one’s country first need not mean ignoring the interests and concerns of others. On the contrary: To adapt a Tocquevillian locution, nationalism rightly understood means that no nation is an island, that in the long run the wellbeing of one’s nation cannot be decoupled from the fate of others. The American leaders who rebuilt Europe understood that theirs was not an act of charity but rather a means to the long-time best interest of their country. The leaders of the civil rights movement knew that they promoted not only the cause of justice, but also the strength of their country, at home and abroad.

The details may have changed since the days of George Marshall and Martin Luther King, Jr., but the essentials remain the same.

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Essay on Patriotism

Students are often asked to write an essay on Patriotism in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Patriotism

Understanding patriotism.

Patriotism is a strong emotional attachment to one’s country. It’s about loving your homeland, its culture, traditions, and values. It’s not just about waving flags on national holidays, but respecting the nation’s laws and working for its betterment.

Importance of Patriotism

Patriotism is important because it fosters unity and helps in nation-building. It encourages citizens to contribute positively to their country’s prosperity. A patriotic person will always strive for the welfare of their nation.

Patriotism Vs Nationalism

While patriotism is about love for one’s country, nationalism can sometimes lead to a sense of superiority over other nations. It’s important to maintain a balance and respect all nations equally.

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250 Words Essay on Patriotism

Patriotism, often perceived as an intense emotion, is the feeling of love and devotion towards one’s country. It is a bond that connects citizens, transcending their individual differences, and unifying them under a shared identity. However, patriotism is not merely an emotion; it is a value that guides actions and behaviors.

The Essence of Patriotism

At its core, patriotism is about responsibility. It compels individuals to contribute to the well-being of their nation. This could range from voting and obeying laws to serving in the military or volunteering for community service. It fosters a sense of community, encouraging citizens to work for the collective good rather than personal gain.

Patriotism vs Nationalism

While patriotism is a unifying force, it’s crucial to distinguish it from nationalism. Nationalism, when extreme, can lead to xenophobia and intolerance, as it involves placing one’s country’s interests above all others. On the other hand, patriotism is about appreciating one’s country while respecting the sovereignty and value of other nations.

The Role of Patriotism in Democracy

In a democratic society, patriotism plays a vital role. It instills a sense of civic duty, ensuring citizens participate actively in the democratic process. Moreover, it encourages critical thinking, as true patriots question and challenge their government’s actions to ensure they align with the nation’s best interests.

In conclusion, patriotism is a complex and multifaceted concept. It is more than just love for one’s country; it’s about responsibility, respect, and active participation in civic life. It’s a force that, when harnessed correctly, can lead to a stronger, more inclusive society.

500 Words Essay on Patriotism

The concept of patriotism.

Patriotism, in its simplest form, can be defined as the love and devotion one feels for their homeland. However, the concept extends beyond mere emotional attachment and encompasses a broad spectrum of thoughts, actions, and commitments. It’s a complex amalgam of pride, gratitude, and a sense of duty. This essay aims to delve into the multifaceted notion of patriotism and how it shapes our society.

Patriotism and National Identity

Patriotism is intrinsically linked to national identity. It is a force that binds a diverse group of individuals into a cohesive whole, fostering a sense of unity and shared purpose. It is the thread that weaves the social fabric and gives a nation its unique character. Patriotism fuels the collective consciousness of a nation’s people, inspiring them to work towards the common good and uphold the values that define their nationhood.

Critical Patriotism

However, patriotism should not be equated with blind nationalism or jingoism. It must be understood as a nuanced sentiment that balances pride in one’s country with a critical perspective. This approach, often referred to as ‘critical patriotism’, encourages individuals to question and challenge their government’s actions when they seem unjust or contrary to the nation’s values. It underscores the importance of active citizenship and the role of dissent in a democratic society.

Patriotism and Global Responsibility

In the era of globalization, the concept of patriotism has evolved to accommodate a broader, more inclusive perspective. It is no longer limited to one’s loyalty towards their nation but extends to a sense of responsibility towards the global community. This form of ‘global patriotism’ recognizes the interconnectedness of our world and the shared challenges we face, such as climate change, poverty, and inequality. It promotes international cooperation and solidarity, emphasizing that patriotism and cosmopolitanism are not mutually exclusive.

The Role of Education in Nurturing Patriotism

Education plays a crucial role in nurturing patriotism. It is through education that young minds are introduced to their nation’s history, culture, and values. However, the goal of education should not be to instill a narrow, uncritical form of patriotism. Instead, it should aim to foster a form of patriotism that encourages critical thinking, social responsibility, and global awareness. This approach can help create a generation of patriots who are not only proud of their heritage but are also committed to their nation’s progress and the betterment of the global community.

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patriotism , feeling of attachment and commitment to a country , nation, or political community . Patriotism (love of country) and nationalism (loyalty to one’s nation) are often taken to be synonymous, yet patriotism has its origins some 2,000 years prior to the rise of nationalism in the 19th century.

Greek and especially Roman antiquity provide the roots for a political patriotism that conceives of loyalty to the patria as loyalty to a political conception of the republic. It is associated with the love of law and common liberty, the search for the common good , and the duty to behave justly toward one’s country. This classical Roman meaning of patria reemerges in the context of the Italian city republics of the 15th century. Here, patria stands for the common liberty of the city, which can only be safeguarded by the citizens’ civic spirit. For Niccolò Machiavelli , the love of common liberty enabled citizens to see their private and particular interests as part of the common good and helped them to resist corruption and tyranny . While this love of the city is typically intermixed with pride in its military strength and cultural superiority, it is the political institutions and way of life of the city that form the distinctive focal point of this kind of patriotic attachment. To love the city is to be willing to sacrifice one’s own good—including one’s life—for the protection of common liberty.

In contrast to the classical republican conception of patriotism, Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s Considerations on the Government of Poland can be seen as an early example of the link between nationalism and patriotism. While Rousseau advocated the love of the nation and the celebration of national culture , he believed that national culture is valuable primarily because it helps foster loyalty to the political fatherland. Thus, Rousseau’s nationalism stemmed from and served his typically republican emphasis on securing citizens’ loyalty to their political institutions.

A more explicit link between nationalism and patriotism can be found in the work of German philosopher Johann Gottfried von Herder . In Herder’s view, patriotism refers not to a political virtue but to a spiritual attachment to the nation. In this context, fatherland becomes synonymous with the nation and its distinct language and culture, which give it unity and coherence . Thus, instead of linking patriotism to the preservation of political liberty, Herder associates love of one’s country with the preservation of a common culture and the spiritual unity of a people. While in the classical republican tradition, “fatherland” is synonymous with political institutions, for Herder, the nation is prepolitical and love of one’s national culture is a natural inclination that allows a people to express their distinctive character. On this account, patriotism is associated with the exclusive attachment to one’s own culture and thus stands in opposition to cosmopolitanism and cultural assimilation. Freedom is equated not with the fight against political oppression but with the preservation of a unique people and patriotic sacrifice with the desire to secure the long-term survival of the nation.

This association between patriotism and the exclusive attachment to one’s nation has led critics to view the sentiment of patriotic pride as morally dangerous, giving rise to a chauvinism that is incompatible with cosmopolitan aspirations and the recognition of the equal moral worth of all human beings. More sympathetic approaches to patriotism have sought to ground it in new forms of loyalty that are compatible with universal values, respect for human rights , and tolerance of ethnic and national differences. At the heart of this renewed interest in patriotism lies the belief that to be stable, democratic societies require a strong sense of allegiance on the part of their citizens. Not only does the high degree of pluralism that characterizes contemporary societies potentially give rise to tensions and disagreements among citizens that may destabilize the polity, modern democratic states committed to a degree of equality rely on the willingness of citizens to make sacrifices for the common good, be it in terms of the everyday redistribution of income to meet welfare needs or the provision of collective goods and services such as education or health care. Hence, in the eyes of advocates of new forms of patriotism, stable democratic societies require a strong sense of solidarity.

The most prominent example of this search for new forms of solidarity is German philosopher Jürgen Habermas ’s notion of Verfassungspatriotismus (constitutional patriotism), which seeks to ground the loyalty of citizens not in the idea of a prepolitical, homogeneous community but in a commitment to universal liberal principles as enshrined in the constitution of the modern liberal state. To ensure that citizens who subscribe to different cultural, ethnic, and religious forms of life can coexist in and identify with their own country on equal terms, Habermas argues that the modern constitutional state must ensure that its political culture does not favor or discriminate against any particular subculture. To achieve this, it is vital to differentiate the majority culture from a shared political culture grounded in respect for fundamental constitutional principles and basic law . On this account, membership of a nation of citizens no longer rests on an appeal to a shared language or a common ethical and cultural origin but merely reflects a shared political culture based on standard liberal constitutional principles. Habermas’s attempt to ground patriotism in an attachment to universal liberal principles is also associated with what is at times referred to as cosmopolitan patriotism, which seeks to construct a postnational identity based on the recognition of democratic values and human rights as conceptualized within a particular constitutional tradition.

Such cosmopolitan patriotism is said by advocates such as British-born American philosopher Kwame Anthony Appiah to give rise to a rooted cosmopolitanism that couples attachment to one’s homeland and cultural particularities with an appreciation of different places and different people and a robust respect for the equal moral worth of all human beings. Advocates of forms of constitutional patriotism often cite the United States as an example of a nonnational polity held together by an expressly political patriotism. American political theorist John Schaar, for instance, referred to American patriotism as “covenanted patriotism,” a form of patriotic attachment characterized by a commitment to the principles and goals set out in the founding covenant and the duty to carry on the work of the Founding Fathers . Another strand of contemporary thought appeals to the classical republican principles of love of liberty, active citizenship, and self-sacrifice for the common good in their attempt to formulate new forms of solidarity that do not depend on the idea of a prepolitical, ethnically homogeneous nation.

However, critics of such attempts to generate new, nonexclusionary forms of solidarity have expressed doubts about the extent to which patriotic sentiments can be reconciled with a commitment to universal principles. While critics of constitutional patriotism have questioned the feasibility of Habermas’s attempt to decouple the political culture from the wider majority culture, pointing to the extent to which the political culture of even as culturally diverse a society as America draws on national symbols and myths that are laden with prepolitical meanings, commentators such as British philosopher Margaret Canovan have argued that classical republican patriotism was much more illiberal and hostile to outsiders than modern proponents of the republican tradition suggest. According to Canovan, not only is the patriotic virtue celebrated in the classical republican tradition primarily a military virtue, the republican preoccupation with the education and socialization of citizens to systematically instill loyalty and commitment to the state is liable to be seen by many contemporary liberals as an unacceptable form of manipulation and indoctrination. Furthermore, advocates of both constitutional and modern republican patriotism typically presuppose the existence of established political boundaries and common political institutions that have their origins in the rise and consolidation of the nation-state. Thus, the extent to which patriotism can be reconciled with a commitment to universal values, respect for human rights, and tolerance of ethnic and national differences remains contested.

138 Nationalism Essay Topic Ideas & Examples

Are you looking for nationalism essay topics? This is a very complex subject, so you can be misled easily. Read our nationalism essay examples to discover the most fruitful issues.

🏆 Best Nationalism Essay Topics & Examples

👍 good nationalism essay examples, 💡 most interesting nationalism topics to write about, ❓ nationalism essay questions.

In your nationalism essay, you might want to focus on its key features or history. Another idea is to talk about the challenges of nationalism, discussing why it is a working idea or not. One more option is to research the history and formation of nationalism in different countries. Whether you are assigned to write an argumentative essay, research paper, or thesis on this topic, our article will be helpful. Here you’ll find everything you might need to write an A+ paper! Nationalism research questions, prompts, and title ideas are collected below. Best nationalism essay examples are also added to inspire you even more.

• Nationalism as a Problem by Partha Chatterjee The second chapter named ‘The Thematic and the problematic’ tries to distinguish between the thematic and the problematic levels of nationalist thought.
• Nationalism Versus Capitalism: Compare & Contrast According to Marxist philosopher, Herbert Marcuse, the main disadvantage of capitalism is prosperity that seduces workers with the items of comfort and makes them forget their primarily aim of overthrowing the capitalism.
• Nationalism in the Postcolonial Viewpoint As such, the school of thought also challenges the notion that Western nationalism is the sole form of the phenomenon. This essay will discuss the dangers of nationalism, as seen from the postcolonial perspective, as […]
• Features of Nationalism: Types and Stereotypes At the base of nationalism is the idea of nation as the supreme authority, which substitutes all other possible sources and guarantors of the highest value.
• Nationalism in the Modern-Day World He says that in the developed countries of Europe, Asia and the United States of America industrialization and a strong economic base has in particular led to rise of nationalism in them.
• Shinto Religion and Japanese Nationalism The kami was the first leader of the Japanese people who contributed to the creation of Japan as a state. They note that the style of dressing and the performance of rituals show that Shinto […]
• Linguistic Nationalism in Korea Under Japanese Occupation The present paper focuses on the review of studies dedicated to the Korean language’s status during Japan’s colonization and discusses how Koreans tried to defend their language and nation’s rights.
• The Representation of Irish Nationalism In contrast, Joyce’s “The Dead” criticizes the cultural imperialism that threatens the harmony of the Irish and the revival of the Irish language and culture.
• Football and Nationalism in Argentina Among the most popular sports in Argentina is football with Boca Juniors and River Plate as some of the best-performing clubs hailing from the country. Despite political turmoil, Boca Juniors and River Plate transformed the […]
• German Nationalism and Its Effects There has been an extensive account of a favorite cultural model in Germany, even prior to the augmentation of the National Socialists and their capitalization on the initiative of the Volksgemeinschaft in the 1930s and […]
• Nationalism in World War II Another critical “nation-statehood making” is the break of the Soviet Union and the end of cold war between Soviet Union republic and the United States.
• Ethnic Nationalism in the Modern World Therefore, it still remains that ethnonationalism is a major cause of the plight of minority groups and the increase of refugees in the world today. It was this ethnic mixing that led to the idea […]
• The Concept and History of Liberal Nationalism It can be argued that it is only in the “Age of Renaissance where one can find the emergence of this particular idea, the idea that a group of people came together to form an […]
• Nationalism in International Relations Given this interplay of international relations and nationalism, this paper examines the view that nationalism has been and continues to be the most significant force in international relations.
• Nationalism in the Ottoman Empire The battle of Nicopolis also saw the empire expand into other regions of the European continent but later, other conquests such as the battle of Ankara, the conquest of Constantinople and the invasion of Otranto […]
• Nationalism in Austria, Germany and Italy Italy and Germany were able to become the major political powers only through unification under a robust national idea, with the domination of the Austrian Empire serving as the catalyst of this process.
• Nineteenth Century Musical Nationalism: Important Milestones A great hero of Italian music and opera, Verdi is put in the front reference when it comes to music discussion, nineteenth century Italy and nationalism.
• Proto-Nationalism in Premodern Korea and Since 1780 Hobsbawm discusses the reasons and the ways of the concept of “national patriotism” becoming a powerful political force within a short time.
• Nationalism and Its Negative Effects in the Modern World This is the difference between a nationalism of a nation that interferes with the rights of other nations as it strives to uphold its own objectives and a nationalism that is sensitive to the rights […]
• Nationalism as a Political Occurrence Anthony Smith recognized five ways of using nationalism: the entire procedure of developing and preserving a nation; a source of sense of belonging and patriotism to the nation; symbolization to the nation; a political orientation […]
• Impact of Migration on Nationalism During the 19th Century In the 19th century, migration influenced nationalism since increased interactions led to the unity of purpose among citizens in various states. For instance, the migration of Europeans to African countries made the locals doubt the […]
• Revolutions, Nationalism, and Exploitation in the Modern World Many meaningful changes occurred between 1789 and 2001, including the French Revolution in the 1780s, German nationalism in the 1800s, and the Gulag repressions in the 1900s.
• The Nationalism Role During the French Revolution One of the most developed variants of this concept is the nationalism of the era of the French Revolution. In 1789, with the outbreak of the French Revolution, the idea of nationalism spread throughout France, […]
• Quebec Separation: Nationalism, History, and Benefits The French government did not want to invest in the colony, and it granted the development of the settlement to a trading company, which was given a monopoly on the fur trade and was to […]
• White Nationalism as a Growing Problem in Society The group seeks to protect the survival and domination of the white race and the traditional cultures of the historically white communities.
• Nationalism in the Context of Globalization It is important to understand the idea of nationalism through the relationship between the concepts of state and nation. In other words, the crisis of citizenship is rooted in the notion of the disappearance of […]
• Chinese and Taiwanese Nationalism However, if Taiwan succeeds in creating a shared feeling of nationhood uniting the Taiwanese and mainland newcomers, it may pose yet another challenge to China’s pursuit of unification in not only ethnic but national terms.
• Martial Arts Cinema and Nationalism The Chinese have mastered the uniqueness of their martial arts, thereby relying on them as one of the best and most powerful tools for promoting a sense of pride and nationalism.
• Nationalism in Europe Before WWI This movement was the result of effective propaganda and an aggressive policy aimed at the redistribution of territories and the seizure of power.
• A Critical Review of Nancy Ward: American Patriot or Cherokee Nationalist The article states that Nancy Ward’s actions come from her understanding of changes that Cherokee had to face, and her will to adapt to the changes rather than commit to American Patriotism or Cherokee nationalism.
• Imperialism, Colonialism, and Nationalism The concepts of imperialism, colonialism, and nationalism were particularly prominent and essential in the 19th and 20th centuries. In conclusion, imperialism, colonialism, and nationalism played a key role in the course of the 19th and […]
• Feminism and Nationalism: The Western World In this case, we find that feminism has been a different that all the time and therefore, it is impossible to predict the trend of feminism in future.
• Political Economy: Relationship Between Poverty, Inequality, and Nationalism The prevalence of nationalism leads to changes in the education system, as the government tries to justify the superiority of the country by altering the curriculum.
• African Nationalism as Colonial Legacy The oppression of rural areas and production and the prioritization of the urban population has become the main reason for the spread of poverty among the African population.
• Imperialism and Nationalism in Middle Eastern Politics Thus, in order to understand the political situation in the region, one needs proper knowledge of its history and the driving forces that led to the emergence of its contemporary countries.
• Nationalism and Identity Among Middle East Immigrants to Australia The common myth about the Muslim immigrants especially those from the middles east is that they have formed a unitary cultural identity.
• Architecture: Nationalism to Regionalism in Australia From the above description of the architecture, it is clear that it is a unique way of showing identities that vary from one civilization to the other, one ethnicity to the other, and from one […]
• Nietzsche’s Nihilism and the Rise of Ethnic Nationalism It was connected to the attempts of the philosopher to find a way out of the political and cultural crisis in Europe.
• Stokely Carmichael’s Contribution to Black Nationalism The purpose of the Meredith March was to create equal rights for black voters to remove the fear of many black people to cross Mississippi and to fight against racism.
• China’s Nationalism: Main Aspects The moral fabric of the Chinese people has become jeopardized by the beliefs of the masses and the support of the government.
• Nationalism in the Arab Literature The novel is focused on the events of the 1919 revolution in Egypt and the role of Arabian youth in it.
• Nationalism in the Context of the Japanese Nationalism in the context of the Japanese entails a very wide range of ideologies and sentiments that have been adopted by the Japanese people for the past two centuries concerning their native nation, the culture, […]
• Serbian Nationalism Rise Main Factors The rising of nationalism at the time when the period of the late 1700s was coming to a close is associated with the multiplication of the thought of well-liked independence.
• Arab Masculinity and Nationalism, on the Example of Two Novels The novels Season of Migration to the North by Tayeb Salih and Beer in the Snooker Club by Waguih Ghali brightly reveal the story of two male heroes who are in constant search of a […]
• Nationalism of Southeast Asian Nations They authors portray the struggles of average people who strive to prove to themselves and to the rest of the world that they must not be treated as inferior or subhuman.
• Pan Asianism, Nationalism and Transnationalism Pan Asianism was the sole fuel to this war as Japan wanted to expand its interest in Asia in opposition of the western states.
• Nationalism Definition & Meaning There is no permission to target civilians in a war and all possible efforts must be made to avoid the killing of noncombatants.
• Why Nationalism Is a Gendered Realm While the man remains the central figure, the woman, as McClintock puts it, is the ‘boundary’ of what constitutes the nation; women are the mortar that holds the bricks together in the wall, important but […]
• Nationalism: Theories and Classification Expansionist nationalism; this is a form of nationalism that promotes the theory of expansion of a nation’s territories in an attempt to acquire more space or land to accommodate its people
• The History of Canadian Cultural Nationalism and Anti-Americanism This paper analyses the movements and the efforts taken to protect the cultural nationalism in Canada, and providing the idea that the reasons for such actions were not limited to opposing the Americanization, or specifically […]
• Nationalism and 19th Century Music It was in the wake of the nationalist revolts that rose out of 1848: the intention to demand freedom from the shackles of the Austrian Empire.
• The Relation of Music to Nationalism in the Work of Bedrich Smetana Composer This paper discusses and explores the following; the meaning and background of nationalism as a political and cultural force in the nineteenth century particularly in Europe, and the relation of music to nationalism exploring the […]
• China’s Rising Nationalism The supremacy of pride in Confucianism civilization is present in the nationalists in China. In Chinese nationalism nowadays, Intellectuals contribute significantly and they have become a major dividing force in the politics and ideology of […]
• German National Consciousness Much was needed to instill a sense of German identity and common political ambition, a feeling of belonging together as one nation, into the populations of the central European states, Protestant and Catholic alike, the […]
• Proto-Nationalism in Korea and Other Nations Since 1780 The reading also touches upon the topic of language and the role it plays in the evolution of proto-nationalism and the promotion of its ideas across the globe. What is the role of proto-nationalism in […]
• Asian Studies. Christianity, Nationalism, and Chineseness The Christianization of Japan was a prerogative of the crown of Portugal, which aimed at establishing a profitable trade and at preaching the Christian faith to the native people.
• Nationalist Ideologies’ Rise in the 19th Century The growing popularity of nationalist ideologies in the 19th century was as a result of the following factors. Many people were exposed to political knowledge as a result of the spread of nationalist ideologies.
• New States and Nationalism in International Arena Globalization and the current international arena are hostile to all new states and that makes their entrance a nightmare that they wish to overcome.
• Ethnicity and Nationalism In the chapter, the author lists a number of different approaches to studying the position of women in society. This is a very interesting application and extension of the ideas expressed in Peggy Macintosh’s article […]
• American Culture and U.S. Nationalism I am convinced that the American culture is one of the best cultures in the world. This has seen my appreciation of the American culture.
• Conservatism, Nationalism, Socialism as Ideologies From the time of its establishment, the term has been used in the description of a broad range of views about political science.
• Sports Role in the Imperialism and Nationalism Development In that case, it is an indication of certain developments within the nation’s country that promote the ideas of inequality and superiority, such as the ideas of imperialism and nationalism.
• The Concept of Nationalism: Theory, Ideology, and History Instances of nationalism provided in the annals of history are the rise of Nazi Germany or the Arab nationalism. Nationalism and national identity is created through this common sense of the nation.
• Korean Nationalism: Yi Hangno and Ch’oe Ikhyŏn In fact, they are quite sharp in their writings; for example, Ch’oe Ikhy n refers to the Japanese as people who “have the face of human beings but the mind of beasts” and repeatedly refers […]
• Piano Music, Baroque and Nationalism Influences The keyboard music of the Baroque period has exhibited the features characteristic of the other forms of art of the period: the increasingly complex and ornate patterns and the virtuosic and exquisite nature of the […]
• The Ideology of Nationalism: People’s Common Identity This is by his sentiment that the study of ethnicity and nationality is in large part the study of politically induced cultural change.
• Anglo-American Relations, Freedom and Nationalism Thus, in his reflection on the nature of the interrelations between two powerful empires, which arose at the end of the 19th century, the writer argues that the striving of the British Empire and the […]
• Nationalism and Colonialism in Arab Literature In brief, the narrative mainly starts as a “love and romance story” that portrays the life of Muhsin, his love with Saniya and state of jealous in his family.
• Middle Eastern Nationalism in 1914-1950 Western countries were interested in having the control over the countries in the region as they wanted to have access to their resources and wanted to make sure that the governments will be loyal to […]
• Role of Nationalism in Developed Democracies Some analysts are of the view that the people include the entire population of the world while others observe that homogeneity is always considered when talking about the people.
• Asian Studies: Vietnamese Nationalism The decline of the colonial rule in Vietnam gave rise to the development of the nationalist movement in this country. In particular, one should focus on the views of Phan Chu Trinh, Ho Chi Minh, […]
• Is It Possible to Imagine Nationalism Without the Nation? The historical development of the notion of nationalism streams from the ancient politics that witnessed the dramatic emergence of the French Revolution of 1789 that marked the formation of the first ‘nation-state’.
• The Nationalism and Islam in the Middle East Region The discovery of crude oil in the region during the 20th century has changed the fortunes of the region. The issue of the Jewish resettlement in the Middle East has been viewed as central to […]
• Nationalism and Its 19th Century History Although the majority of nations in Europe were established during the 20th century, it is worth to note that the events leading to the creation of these states took place during the 19th century.
• Nationalism and Its 19th Century History From a Moral and Functional Perspective France used nationalism to unite the state against its enemies, and this showed the morality of nationalism. The paper first describes the nature and history of nationalism.
• Nationalism and Identity Among Middle East Immigrants in Australia The enumerators are given required training and sent to the field with specific questions to guide them on the type of information to be collected. The researcher visited libraries and the internet to obtain critical […]
• Battle of Verdun: Nationalism and Pride Based on the account of Horne and the opinions presented in this paper, it can be stated that the entire battle of Verdun was complete was of human life and shows how nationalism and pride […]
• Ethnic Nationalism Among People The researcher also notes that the conflicts are inevitable in the contemporary globalized world as people witness the differences between the cultures.
• When the War Comes to an End: Expansion, Panic and Surge of Nationalism Leading to a numerous alterations in the sphere of the international relationships between the United States and the rest of the world, the 1812 war heralded a new era in the development of the USA […]
• Nationalism Does Not Form a Single Fraternal Community Now that a description of the Argentinean historical and political discourse has been given, it is crucial to link this to the divergent occurrence of nationalism in the country.
• Australian Nationalism and Middle East Immigrants The objective of this essay is to provide an overview of the what Australian nationalism and identity means to the Middle East immigrants in Australia Nationalism and Identity among Middle East Immigrants to Australia According […]
• International Entrepreneurship: Competing Models of Nationalism Ralston Saul, the author of ‘The Collapse of Globalism and the Reinvention of the World’, as well as Ronkainen Czinkota, Sutton-Brady, and Beal, the authors of ‘International Marketing: Asia Pacific Edition’ come in handy to […]
• Nationalist State in Southern Africa The country is ranked as the biggest economy in Africa and is the 28th largest economy in the world. In 1820s, the Dutch and the British acquired land in the north and east of South […]
• The Role of Nationalism and National Identities in the Uae According to Patrick the UAE has yet to develop the concept of a nation as manifested by the increase in the public debate approaches to guard the national identity through amicably defining who is a […]
• History of Black Nationalism The black movement passed a message of thinking about the racial identity and the empowerment of the free blacks in the United States.
• Restoration and Nationalism The main objective of restoration and nationalism was to liberate people from foreign rule and also to create cohesiveness among members of certain ethnic groups. This increased extensive force of nationalism and the empires were […]
• Nationalism in Korean Cinema In the course of his duty as a police officer, he arrest citizens and in the process tortures one by the name Myongsik in attempt to maintain order in the society that is marred with […]
• Nationalism and Changing Roles Nationalism has various effects to the people involved and this paper looks into the effects of nationalism on the roles of the working class, women, and minorities in an effort to achieve political power through […]
• History of Nationalist Ideologies The dominance of global politics and values by nationalist ideologies can be traced back to the ninetieth century, from the Romantic concept, “cultural diversity” and the liberal’s argument that political legitimacy is only achieved from […]
• Reformation and Rise of Nationalism The country was then an already operational state was being ruled by monarchy.”The political and constitutional changes that came in the wake of the French Revolution led to the transfer of sovereignty from the monarchy […]
• Has Nationalism Been a Unifying or Divisive Force During the 19th and 20th Centuries? It can therefore be said that colonial rule gave rise to the two forces of unifying nationalism and divisive tribalism and that the appropriate and legitimate framework for decolonization was nationalism, which emanated from the […]
• New Nationalism: Origins and Effects The movement concentrated on issues relating to history of man and the intrigues of civilization. This brought a new dimension to understanding of social situations and the required procedure for diffusing upheavals in society.
• Rise and Development of Nationalism in East Asia Even though much of the concerns about the alteration of the dressing to have the capacity to erode the culture of the Chinese people concerned what women wore in the ninetieth century, the link between […]
• Nationalism’s Opposing Meanings In this publication, Anderson referred to the constructed nature of culture and the role of print capitalism in nationalism. The Revolution attracted the National Guard, the militia, and a section of the army.
• GCC Countries: National Identity or Radical Nationalism Still going on, the conflict which was further referred to as the ‘Saudi national debate’ has transcended the boundaries of critiquing the political issues in the state and has become the voice of the national […]
• Marx’s Anticipation of the Nationalism and Imperialism of the Second Half of the 19th Century The process of civilization is nothing other than a typical and complete adoption or duplication of the injurious culture of the west.
• Religious Hypocrisy in Dublin and Nationalism As Benstock argues, the priest is in near state of mind breakdown as he is in the verge of losing the faith that he proclaimed in the church.
• Influence of Nationalism and Communism on the Non-Western World In countries like Japan, class mantra was the order of the day in the areas that were controlled by communists, the CCP which was the main political party was against agrarian radicalism and hence abandoned […]
• Adolf Hitler and Nationalism The war would also bring the downfall of the old European culture of kings and noblemen and their codes of honor”.[2] However, neither the number of casualties at the battlefields could reflect the actual devastation […]
• Anarchy, Black Nationalism and Feminism The site acknowledges that anarchism has been associated with violence and therefore the site is meant to enlighten both anarchists and the public on this misconception.
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Home — Essay Samples — Government & Politics — Political Systems & Ideologies — Patriotism

Essays on Patriotism

When it comes to writing an essay on patriotism, the topic you choose can make a big difference. Patriotism is a broad and complex subject that encompasses a wide range of ideas, emotions, and actions. Choosing the right topic is essential for crafting a compelling and engaging essay that captures the essence of patriotism. In this guide, we will discuss the importance of the topic, provide advice on choosing a topic, and offer a detailed list of recommended essay topics, divided by category.

Patriotism is a concept that holds different meanings for different people. It is not only about love for one's country, but also about the values and principles that one believes in. Writing an essay on patriotism allows you to explore and express your thoughts on these important ideas. The topic you choose will shape the direction of your essay and influence the way your audience perceives your perspective on patriotism.

When choosing a topic for your patriotism essay, it's important to consider your own interests and beliefs. Think about what aspects of patriotism are meaningful to you and what you want to communicate to your audience. Consider topics that are relevant and timely, as well as those that offer opportunities for in-depth exploration and analysis. Additionally, make sure to choose a topic that is manageable within the scope of your assignment and that allows you to present a compelling argument or narrative.

Recommended Patriotism Essay Topics

When writing an essay about patriotism, it's important to choose a topic that is both interesting and relevant. Here is a list of patriotism essay topics categorized by different themes:

Historical Perspectives

• The role of patriotism in the American Revolution
• Patriotic symbolism in the Civil War
• Patriotism in World War I and II
• The impact of patriotism on the founding of a nation

Modern Perspectives

• The relationship between patriotism and nationalism
• Patriotism in the context of globalization
• The influence of patriotism on contemporary politics
• The role of social media in shaping patriotic sentiment

Cultural Perspectives

• Patriotism in literature and the arts
• Patriotic traditions and celebrations around the world
• Patriotism in popular culture and media
• Immigrant perspectives on patriotism

Ethical and Philosophical Considerations

• The ethics of patriotism and its implications
• Patriotism vs. cosmopolitanism: a philosophical debate
• The role of patriotism in shaping moral values
• Patriotism and the concept of duty

Personal Reflections

• My personal journey with patriotism
• Family traditions and patriotism
• Patriotism and identity: a personal exploration
• How my perspective on patriotism has evolved over time

Global Perspectives

• Comparative analysis of patriotism across different cultures
• The role of patriotism in international relations
• Patriotism and global citizenship
• Patriotism and the challenges of multiculturalism

Social and Political Implications

• The impact of patriotism on social cohesion
• Patriotism and protest movements
• The role of patriotism in promoting social change
• The intersection of patriotism and social justice

Education and Patriotism

• The role of patriotism in the school curriculum
• Patriotism and civic education
• Teaching patriotism in a diverse classroom
• Patriotism and the challenge of historical accuracy

Psychological Perspectives

• The psychology of patriotism
• Patriotism and identity formation
• The impact of patriotism on mental health
• Patriotism and group dynamics

Environmental Considerations

• Patriotism and environmental conservation
• The role of patriotism in sustainable development
• Patriotism and climate change activism
• The intersection of patriotism and ecological ethics

These recommended essay topics cover a wide range of perspectives on patriotism, offering ample opportunities for exploration and analysis. Whether you are interested in historical, cultural, philosophical, or personal reflections on patriotism, there is a topic that will suit your interests and allow you to craft a compelling and thought-provoking essay.

Remember to choose a topic that resonates with you personally and provides a platform for expressing your thoughts and ideas in a meaningful way. With the right topic, your patriotism essay has the potential to spark important conversations and inspire critical thinking about the concept of patriotism in today's world.

What Does Patriotism Mean to Me

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Nation-building Process

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Patriotism is the feeling of love, devotion, and sense of attachment to one's country. This attachment can be a combination of many different feelings, language relating to one's own homeland, including ethnic, cultural, political or historical aspects.

Niccolò Machiavelli, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Jürgen Habermas, Johann Gottfried von Herder, etc.

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Feeding Mind, Pursuing Truth

Orwell on the difference between patriotism and nationalism.

• December 14, 2016

A prominent intellectual at a recent private meeting was asked the difference between nationalism and patriotism. His response was similar to the explanation Justice Potter Stewart once offered on the difference between “obscene speech” (i.e. porn) and “protected speech”: “I know it when I see it.”

George Orwell, in his essay Notes on Nationalism , offered a much better answer.

Nationalism is not to be confused with patriotism. Both words are normally used in so vague a way that any definition is liable to be challenged, but one must draw a distinction between them, since two different and even opposing ideas are involved. By ‘patriotism’ I mean devotion to a particular place and a particular way of life, which one believes to be the best in the world but has no wish to force on other people. Patriotism is of its nature defensive, both militarily and culturally. Nationalism, on the other hand, is inseparable from the desire for power. The abiding purpose of every nationalist is to secure more power and more prestige, not for himself but for the nation or other unit in which he has chosen to sink his own individuality.

It’s a clear and simple distinction. Patriotism is primarily a feeling, Orwell implies, hence its defensive nature. Nationalism seeks something. It is desirous of power. Prestige.

Orwell notes that the World War II-era nations of Germany and Japan are the most obvious and notorious examples of nationalism. However, in the essay he complains more than once that the word “nationalism” fails to fully capture the meaning of the emotion he’s attempting to describe. (“I am only using the word ‘nationalism for lack of a better,” he writes.)

He explains shortly thereafter what he means.

A nationalist is one who thinks solely, or mainly, in terms of competitive prestige. He may be a positive or a negative nationalist — that is, he may use his mental energy either in boosting or in denigrating — but at any rate his thoughts always turn on victories, defeats, triumphs and humiliations. He sees history, especially contemporary history, as the endless rise and decline of great power units, and every event that happens seems to him a demonstration that his own side is on the upgrade and some hated rival is on the downgrade.

Nationhood, Orwell makes clear, has nothing to do with nation-states. At its heart is political fanaticism, or, more acutely, deep-seated tribalism.

The nationalist does not go on the principle of simply ganging up with the strongest side. On the contrary, having picked his side, he persuades himself that it is the strongest, and is able to stick to his belief even when the facts are overwhelmingly against him. Nationalism is power-hunger tempered by self-deception . Every nationalist is capable of the most flagrant dishonesty, but he is also — since he is conscious of serving something bigger than himself — unshakeably certain of being in the right.

Forgive me for saying so, but this last part seemed to hit rather close to home. By home, I mean modern America. (And I’m not talking about the spike in usage of the phrase “post-truth .”)

The idea that modern Americans “live in echo chambers” is a concept so worn one hesitates to use the phrase, lest they lose points for reciting a cliché. But that seems to be precisely the idea Orwell was getting at.  

He states that his definition of nationalism includes “such movements and tendencies as Communism, political Catholicism, Zionism, Antisemitism, Trotskyism and Pacifism.”

There’s little doubt Orwell, were he alive today, would add Transgenderism, Trumpism and many other isms to this list.

In fact, according to Orwell’s definition of the term, one could look at modern America and ask: Are we all nationalists now ?

My hunch is that most people would answer, without a sense of irony, “I’m not; but they are.”

Jon Miltimore is senior editor of Intellectual Takeout. Follow him on Facebook .

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Essay on Patriotism for Students and Children

500+ words essay on patriotism.

Essay on Patriotism: Patriotism refers to the passionate love one has for their country. This virtue pushes to citizens of a country to work for their country selflessly and make it better. A truly developed country is made up of true patriots. In other words, patriotism means keeping the country’s interest first and then thinking about oneself. Patriotism can be specifically seen during times of war. Moreover, it helps in building the nation stronger. There are other significances of patriotism as well.

Significance of Patriotism

Usually, we refer to our country as our motherland. This further proves that we must have the same love for our country as we have for our mother. After all, our country is no less than a mother; it nurtures us and helps us grow. Everyone must possess the virtue of patriotism as it makes it better.

In addition, it also enhances the life quality of the citizens . It does that by making people work for the collective interest of the country. When everyone works for the betterment of the country, there would be no conflict of interest. Thus, a happier environment will prevail.

After that, peace and harmony will be maintained through patriotism. When the citizens have the spirit of brotherhood, they will support one another. Hence, it will make the country more harmonious.

In short, patriotism does have great importance in developing the country. It eliminates any selfish and harmful motives which in turn lessens corruption. Similarly, when the government becomes free of corruption , the country will develop faster.

Get the huge list of more than 500 Essay Topics and Ideas

Great Patriots of India

India has had a fair share of patriots from the very beginning. The struggle for independence gave birth to various patriots. These patriots have made a lot of sacrifices for the county to flourish and prosper. Their names have gone down in history and are still taken with respect and admiration. Some of the greatest patriots of India were Rani Lakshmi Bai, Shaheed Bhagat Singh, and Maulana Azad.

Rani Lakshmi Bai was one of the most famous patriots of the country. Her courage and bravery are still talked about. Her name always comes up in the revolt of 1857. She revolted against the British rule and to fight for independence. She gave her life fighting on the battlefield for our country.

Shaheed Bhagat Singh is another name that is synonymous with patriotism. He was determined to free India from the clutches of the British rule. He was a part of several freedom struggles. Similarly, he also started a revolution for the same. He dedicated his life to this mission and died as a martyr for the love of his country.

Maulana Azad was a true patriot. The first education minister of India played a great role in the freedom struggle. He traveled through cities and created awareness of the injustices by the British. He united people through his activism and led India to freedom.

In conclusion, these are just a few who were patriots of the country. They lived for their country and did not hesitate before devoting their lives to it. These names are shining examples for the generations to come. We must possess patriotism and work for our motherland to see it succeed.

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Essay on Patriotism

Patriotism is more than just a word; it's a feeling that resides deep within the hearts of individuals who share a common bond with their country. In simple terms, patriotism is the love and devotion one has for their homeland. This essay explores the essence of patriotism, its significance in our daily lives, and how it contributes to the overall growth and prosperity of a nation.

Defining Patriotism

At its core, patriotism is about love and loyalty to one's country. It's the recognition of the values, culture, and shared history that bind people together. This sentiment is not limited to grand gestures or extraordinary acts; it often finds expression in simple, everyday actions that collectively contribute to the betterment of society.

Love for the Land

Patriotism begins with a genuine love for the land one calls home. It's about appreciating the natural beauty, diverse landscapes, and resources that make a country unique. Whether it's the rolling hills, expansive plains, or the sparkling waters that surround us, patriotism involves recognizing and cherishing the inherent beauty of our homeland.

Cultural Identity

A strong sense of patriotism is closely tied to cultural identity. It's the pride in the traditions, languages, and customs that have been passed down through generations. Embracing and celebrating cultural diversity fosters a sense of unity, enriching the fabric of the nation with a tapestry of different backgrounds and experiences.

Shared History

Patriotism is also rooted in a shared history that forms the foundation of a nation. Understanding the struggles, triumphs, and challenges faced by previous generations fosters a sense of continuity and responsibility. By acknowledging the sacrifices made by those who came before us, we honor their legacy and contribute to the ongoing narrative of our country.

Individual Responsibility and Civic Duty

One of the essential aspects of patriotism is the recognition of individual responsibility and civic duty. It's not just about enjoying the benefits of living in a particular country; it's about actively participating in its growth and development. This can range from voting in elections to volunteering in local communities, each act contributing to the collective well-being of the nation.

Patriotism in Daily Life

While grand displays of patriotism, such as national celebrations and parades, are noteworthy, it is in the small, everyday actions that the true essence of patriotism is often found. Acts of kindness, respect for fellow citizens, and a commitment to upholding shared values are all expressions of patriotism in daily life.

Respecting Differences

A patriotic individual understands the importance of unity in diversity. Respecting the differences among fellow citizens, whether they be cultural, religious, or ideological, is a testament to a mature and inclusive patriotism. It involves fostering an environment where everyone feels valued and accepted, contributing to a stronger and more harmonious society.

Environmental Stewardship

Caring for the environment is another manifestation of patriotism. Recognizing that the health of the land directly impacts the well-being of its inhabitants, a patriotic person takes measures to protect and preserve natural resources. This can involve sustainable practices, conservation efforts, and a commitment to reducing one's ecological footprint.

Education and Knowledge

Promoting education and knowledge is a patriotic act that invests in the future of a nation. By valuing learning, supporting educational initiatives, and encouraging intellectual curiosity, individuals contribute to the development of a knowledgeable and skilled population. A well-educated society is better equipped to face challenges and drive innovation, ensuring the continued progress of the nation.

Economic Contribution

Contributing to the economic prosperity of the country is an integral part of patriotism. This involves not only being a responsible consumer but also actively participating in the workforce. Whether through entrepreneurship, hard work, or innovation, individuals play a crucial role in building a robust and thriving economy that benefits everyone.

National Pride and Unity

Patriotism fosters a sense of national pride and unity. This pride extends beyond individual accomplishments to a collective celebration of the achievements of the entire nation. It's about recognizing and highlighting what makes the country unique and exceptional, fostering a shared sense of identity that transcends individual differences.

Challenges and Criticisms

While patriotism is generally seen as a positive force, it is essential to acknowledge that blind nationalism and exclusionary practices can emerge if taken to extremes. A healthy patriotism embraces diversity and encourages open dialogue, recognizing that different perspectives contribute to the strength and resilience of a nation.

Patriotism: A Historical Perspective

An essay on patriotism seems incomplete without delving into the historical context, particularly the role of freedom fighters. They are the heroes of times when the quest for freedom ignited the spirits of individuals who sought independence in economic, social, political, and cultural aspects.

India's Patriots

The history of India’s freedom struggle shines through the immortal courage of heroic personalities like Veer Damodar Savarkar, Mahatma Gandhi, Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru, Bhagat Singh, Chandra Shekhar Azad, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, and many more. These great patriots fought for the country and against the atrocities perpetrated on the countrymen.

Singing slogans of ‘Vande Mataram’, ‘Bharat Mata ki Jai’, ‘Jay Hind’, these patriots went to the cross for the country with a smile on their faces and pride in their hearts. A very inspiring quote by Swami Vivekanand, says, “Do you love the country? Then, come, let us struggle for higher and better things; look not back, no, not even if you see the dearest and nearest cry. Look no back, but forward!”

The gist of Swami Vivekanand’s thought is that when you have started your journey on the path of the country’s welfare, then there must not be any looking back. All you need is to create a list of the priority things that you want to do for your country. Once you accomplish one thing just move ahead with the next one. The slogans like Jai Hind or Bharat Mata ki Jai work as your motivation on the path of doing something for the country. So, are you prepared to do something special for the nation?

Patriotism in Different Roles

People express their patriotism in different ways and in different roles. Soldiers, scientists, doctors, politicians, and other citizens express their patriotism through their hard work in their profession.

Indian soldiers are role models for the youth of India. Highly scrupulous, positively secular, completely apolitical, with an ethos of working hard, simple needs and frugal habits, a soldier is the epitome of courage and unflinching devotion to the country.

Mangalyaan or Mars Orbiter Mission is one of the best examples of scientists' devotion toward the country. In the pandemic situation, the hardship of doctors and nurses proves their devotion towards their country.

Patriotism does not always mean that you have to sacrifice your life for your country; contributing good service towards the country and its people is also equivalent to your sacrifice.

Mathunny Mathews has set a great example of patriotism. Mathews was an Indian, a resident in Kuwait, and was one of the people credited with the safe airlift evacuation of about 1, 70,000 Indians from Kuwait during the 1990 invasion of Kuwait. Only celebrating the flag hoisting ceremony on 15th August and 26th January, posing for photos with the flag, and posting on social media doesn’t imply that you are a true patriot. A real patriot is a person who has a true love for his country. He fights against the atrocities upon his countrymen by insiders or outsiders of the country.

Patriotism by Freedom Fighters

An essay on patriotism seems incomplete without the mention of freedom fighters. They are the heroes of the times when we all wanted to get freedom. We all need freedom in economic, social, political, and cultural aspects. These were the people who did not give a second thought before offering complete sacrifice to stay in a free country.

Patriotism is a simple yet profound celebration of love for our country. It encompasses a range of sentiments, from appreciation of the land and culture to a commitment to individual responsibility and civic duty. Patriotism is not a static concept; it evolves as societies grow and change. By embodying the principles of patriotism in our daily lives, we contribute to the collective well-being of our nation, ensuring a brighter future for generations to come. In the end, patriotism is about recognizing the beauty in our shared journey and working together to build a stronger, more united society. Explore the meaning of patriotism, its significance, and the diverse ways in which people express their love for their country. Learn about the role of patriotism in the lives of individuals, from freedom fighters to modern-day citizens, and understand how it contributes to the development of a nation.

FAQs on Patriotism Essay

1. How is patriotism important for a country?

Patriotism helps in promoting brotherhood and belongingness among the citizens of a country. Corruption takes a back seat when the feeling of fraternity exists among the citizens. Also, the love for one’s country creates a feeling of responsibility towards the countrymen and brings forth the best of their services, in various fields.

For example, when an IAS officer is a true patriot at heart, he will ensure that there is no corruption in his immediate system and best efforts are being delivered by his team. Similarly, doctors, soldiers, scientists, and people from every walk of life put their best efforts into serving their countrymen, when they have patriotism deep down in their hearts.

2. What are the important points to be written in an essay on patriotism?

The following outlines will help you write an essay on patriotism in your own words.

What is the meaning of patriotism in simple words?

How is patriotism different from nationalism?

Who were the great patriots of India?

Role of patriotic personalities in India’s freedom struggle.

Showcasing patriotism on Independence Day and Republic Day through social media posts is not always a sign of true patriotism.

How does patriotism play a role in the development of a nation?

These are the basic points for this essay topic, and you may add more examples of patriotic personalities and emphasize the role of patriotism in safeguarding the interests of a nation, in your essay, depending upon the required word count.

3. How can I express my patriotism?

There are many ways to express your patriotism. Some common examples include:

Participating in civic duties, such as voting and volunteering.

Obeying the law and respecting the national symbols.

Educating yourself about your country's history and culture.

Supporting your country's athletes and teams in international competitions.

Contributing to social causes and community development efforts.

4. Is patriotism the same as nationalism?

No, patriotism and nationalism are not the same. Patriotism is a positive feeling of love and pride for one's country, while nationalism can be a more extreme and exclusionary ideology that emphasizes the superiority of one's own nation over others.

5. Can patriotism be dangerous?

Yes, patriotism can be dangerous if it is used to justify harmful actions, such as discrimination against other countries or groups of people. It is important to remember that patriotism should be combined with other values, such as tolerance, respect for human rights, and a commitment to international cooperation.

6. What are some good examples of patriotism in history?

There are many examples of people who have expressed patriotism in positive ways throughout history. Some famous examples include:

Martin Luther King Jr.'s fight for civil rights in the United States.

Mahatma Gandhi's nonviolent resistance to British rule in India.

Nelson Mandela's fight against apartheid in South Africa.

The volunteers who helped rebuild communities after natural disasters.

7. What are some common arguments against patriotism?

Some people argue that patriotism is outdated, irrelevant, or even harmful. Some common arguments against patriotism include:

It can be used to justify war and violence.

It can lead to blind obedience and a lack of critical thinking.

It can be used to exclude and discriminate against minority groups.

It can be a form of tribalism that creates divisions between people.

• IAS Preparation
• Difference Between Articles

Difference between Nationalism and Patriotism

Difference between Nationalism and Patriotism is explained here in detail. The difference between nationalism and patriotism is that the patriot is proud of his country for what it does, and the nationalist is proud of his country no matter what it does.The difference between Nationalism vs Patriotism given here can help the UPSC Civil Service exam aspirants to understand the basics better and know their comparisons thoroughly.

Aspirants would find this article very helpful while preparing for the IAS Exam .

Difference between Nationalism and Patriotism – UPSC Notes:- Download PDF Here

The differences between Nationalism and Patriotism are:

These are the main differences between Nationalism and Patriotism.The differences given in the above table can help the UPSC Civil Service Exam aspirants to answer any related questions easily in the exams.

After learning about the Nationalism and Patriotism difference, it is better to know the details of Political Science and International Relations syllabus, optional books and the strategies for UPSC Civil Service Exam. Visit the below-given links to learn about Causes of Indian National Movement, Moderate phase of Indian National Movement, Extremist Period of Indian National Movement in detail, along with other information. Also refer the links given below, for NCERT Notes on Modern Indian History, Medieval Indian History and Ancient Indian History. Also refer to the links of Sociology syllabus for UPSC Civil Service Exam and understand the differences between Political Science and Sociology.

• Political Science and International Relations Optional – Syllabus for UPSC Mains Exam
• Political Science and International Relations – Strategy, Book List etc
• NCERT Notes: Moderate Phase of Indian National Movement
• NCERT Notes: Causes of Indian National Movement
• NCERT Notes: Indian National Movement – Extremist Period
• NCERT Notes: Revolutionary Movement in Indian Freedom Struggle
• NCERT Notes – Modern Indian History
• NCERT Notes – Ancient Indian History
• NCERT Notes – Medieval Indian History
• Sociology Syllabus for UPSC Exam
• Difference between Sociology and Political Science
• Complete List of Difference between Articles – History, Polity, Economics, Geography and more

The above details would help candidates prepare for  UPSC 2024 .

Frequently Asked Questions on Difference between Nationalism and Patriotism

Q 1. what is the main difference between nationalism and patriotism, q 2. are patriotism and nationalism synonyms.

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The Difference Between 'Patriotism' and 'Nationalism'

One of the many difficulties inherent in creating a dictionary that accurately reflects the language of any large group of people is that these people may not all view certain words and values as equal. Nationalism and patriotism present us with an appropriately problematic pair with which to illustrate this. Are these words synonymous? Is one an insult, and the other not? Can either of them mean different things to different people?

How does the speaker or writer define them?

Let’s take a few minutes to go over the respective histories of these two words to see where and when they shared meaning and in what senses they have drifted apart.

Patriotism is the older of the two words, with published written evidence dating back to the middle of the 17th century. Patriotism came from adding the suffix of - ism to the existing word patriot , which itself came into English from the French patriote , and may be traced back further to the Greek word patrios (“of one’s father”).

There is hardly any judicious man but knoweth, that it was neither learning, piety, nor  patriotism that perswaded any of that Nation to Presbytery…. —C.N., Reasons Why the Supreme Authority of the Three Nations (for the time) is not in the Parliament , 1653 There hath been in London, and repairing to it, for these many yeers together, a knot of Scotish bankers, collybists, or coinecoursers, of traffickers in Merchandise to and againe, and of men of other professions, who…hug all unto themselves; that, for no respect of vertue, honor, kinred,  patriotism, or whatever else…whereof those quomodocunquizing clusterfists and rapacious varlets have given of late such cannibal-like proofs, by their inhumanity and obdurate carriage towards some (whose shoos-strings they are not worthy to unty) that were it not that a more able pen then mine, will assuredly not faile to jerk them on all sides…. —Thomas Urquhart, Ekskybalauron , 1652

(Quick side note: the Urquhart citation above serves two purposes, being both our earliest written evidence of the word patriotism and a fine excuse for drawing the reader’s attention to the beautifully splenetic turn of phrase “quomodocunquizing clusterfists.” These two words are archaic enough to only be defined in the Oxford English Dictionary, which informs us that the former is “that makes money in any possible way,” and the latter is “a ‘close-fisted’ or grasping fellow.” Should you ever find yourself in need of an insult that is not hackneyed and stale we wholeheartedly recommend quomodocunquizing clusterfist . End of side note.)

We do not have any evidence of nationalism occurring until just before the 19th century, almost a hundred and fifty years after patriotism . And in its early use, from the end of the 18th century onward for a number of decades, nationalism appears to have been largely interchangeable with patriotism , with both words primarily being used to refer to a general love of one’s country.

Nationalism must involve the consecrated devotion of a responsive citizenship, sound policies must have universal faith and unsound vagaries must have universal condemnation. — The Marion County News (Hamilton, AL), 1 Jan. 1820 Modern France, instead of diminishing, has, if possible, encreased this nationalism . Removed from his oppression and atrocities, they see nothing but the magnificence, the success and the splendor of Bonaparte, and I assure you that every poor, ignorant, stupid Creole, when he hears of an achievement of this their Demi God, evinces a lively interest, an exultation as if some choice unlooked for gift of heaven had blessed his family. — Poulson’s American Daily Advertiser (Philadelphia, PA), 11 Oct. 1811 If there be not Conservatism, and Nationalism, and Patriotism enough in the North to rise up and overwhelm with numbers the spirit that points to the the election of anybody but Fremont (or of Fremont) as the prelude to civil war, we had better seek to save as much fratricidal blood as possible in a peaceable line of immediate separation. — New York Daily News , 1 Jul. 1856

These two words may have shared a distinct sense in the 19th century, but they appear to have grown apart since. Or rather, it would be more accurate to say that only nationalism has grown apart, since the meaning of patriotism has remained largely unchanged. There are still obvious areas of overlap: we define patriotism as “love for or devotion to one’s country” and nationalism in part as “loyalty and devotion to a nation.” But the definition of nationalism also includes “exalting one nation above all others and placing primary emphasis on promotion of its culture and interests as opposed to those of other nations or supranational groups.” This exclusionary aspect is not shared by patriotism .

A somewhat subtler difference between the two words may be found in their modifiers and the ideas to which each is connected. When we examine large bodies of recent text we see that patriotism is more often used in a general sense, often in conjunction with such words as bravery , valor , duty , and devotion . Nationalism , however, tends to find itself modified by specific movements, most frequently of a political bent.

In one respect, the insanities of 1947 are reverberating now with growing Hindu nationalism in a professedly secular India. – Kashmir Monitor , 14 Aug. 2017 Today, more than two decades into a democratic South Africa, Afrikaner nationalism has been severely diminished and along with it the standing of Afrikaans in the public sector. — The New Age (Johannesburg, South Africa), 2 May 2017 Canadian Nationalism emerged 150 years ago, and has always been defended and protected not only by the spoken word but also, if required, by a dedicated military. —Rosie Sanchez, Prairie Post East (Swift Current, Sask.), 7 Jul 2017 Founded in 2014—two years after Burma experienced religiously motivated riots largely targeting the Muslim minority—and now with sub-chapters across the country, Ma Ba Tha has become virtually synonymous with Buddhist nationalism. — Asia News Monitor (Bangkok), 7 Jul. 2017 Over the last few years, however, a strong contender in the form of Tamil nationalism has emerged because Tamil Nadu got into river water disputes with all the neighbouring states and the neighbours did not seem to care much for Dravidian niceties although Telugus, Kannadigas and Malayalis are putatively Dravidian. — The Times of India (New Delhi), 4 Mar. 2017 His defeat by Plaid Cymru’s Gwynfor Evans at Carmarthen in 1966 stemmed not from any upsurge in Welsh nationalism, but rather a sudden deterioration in the fortunes of Harold Wilson’s government. — The Telegraph (London, UK), 5 Apr. 2017

So now that we’ve briefly looked over the history of patriotism and nationalism can we draw any firm conclusions about whether one or the other is pejorative? The answer is: it depends. It seems certain that, at least with nationalism , it may mean different things to different people. Of the six different kinds of X nationalism cited just above, it is likely that most people would find some politically questionable, and others not. Patriotism is rarely used in these contexts.

In U.S. usage nationalism is now perhaps most frequently associated with white nationalism , and has considerably negative connotations.

Some of us imagined that we dented the nationalism, hatred and racism that roiled the world in the first half of the 20th century. —Jeanette Friedman-Sieradski (letter to editor), The Times-Tribune (Scranton, PA), 12 Mar. 2017 And while coded appeals to racism or nationalism aren’t new—two words: Southern strategy—overt calls to temporarily bar Muslims from entry to the United States or questioning a federal judge’s impartiality based on his Mexican heritage are new. —Jim Rutenberg, The New York Times , 8 Aug. 2016

As a dictionary, we must weigh all matters of semantic and regional difference. Therefore we can offer no firm guidance as to whether or not nationalism qualifies as an insult across the board. We can, however, advocate for the revival of the tradition of insult with precision.

May we again recommend quomodocunquizing clusterfist ?

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Tim Walz’s communal patriotism is a striking contrast to Trump's individualism

“We’re all here tonight for one beautiful, simple reason — we love this country,” Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz said at the beginning of his convention speech Wednesday night . He clearly means it — it turns out you can be a skilled politician carrying out a strategy to win an election and also be sincere. In his speech, Walz showed why he offers Democrats an opportunity to reclaim patriotism, and perhaps help redefine it along the way. 

It turns out you can be a skilled politician carrying out a strategy to win an election and also be sincere.

For as long as I’ve been writing about politics, I’ve argued against the idea that some of us are “real” Americans and the rest of us are something else, or that some American places are more American than others. Those are pernicious ideas in a country as large and varied as ours, and one built on its ability to constantly remake and renew itself. But let’s be honest: If we put a thousand voters in a mind-reading machine and asked them to picture a “patriotic American,” certain kinds of people would come to mind. They’d look more like Walz than Vice President Kamala Harris: rural rather than urban, from the country’s middle rather than the coasts, male rather than female, and yes, probably white. 

Problematic as it might be, the fact that Walz “codes” as the kind of person you just know has a flag flying from their porch means that when he talks about patriotism, he might be able to convince some people who haven’t been too open to Democrats to listen. Which is why Walz’s framing of patriotism as community is so important. 

The Harris campaign has put the word “freedom” at the heart of its campaign, and Walz even sometimes describes the campaign ethos as “ mind your own damn business .” But he also talks frequently about the nation as a web of commitments and obligations of care. “The family down the road — they may not think like you do, they may not pray like you do, they may not love like you do, but they’re your neighbors. And you look out for them, just like they do for you,” he said in his speech. “Everybody belongs, and everybody has a responsibility to contribute.”

It’s a striking contrast with the Republican ticket, whose understanding of patriotism doesn’t have much to do with neighborliness. Walz’s counterpart, Ohio Sen. JD Vance, said in his convention speech that “the source of American greatness” can be found where his family is from in Kentucky, not because it represents American ideals, but because it “is our homeland. People will not fight for abstractions, but they will fight for their home.” But Vance doesn’t have much to say about what it means to live in that home.

The contrast is even more stark when we consider what Donald Trump has to say about patriotism. He has a schtick he does in which he literally hugs and kisses an American flag, which always gets a laugh from the MAGA faithful. It’s supposed to communicate that he loves his country but his brand of patriotism is utterly hollow. America is our team, we hate all the other teams, and that’s about as deep as it goes. Trump substitutes nationalism for patriotism, insisting that love for America is found in fear and animosity toward the rest of the world.  

Think about it this way: What exactly is it about America that Donald Trump loves? Have we ever heard him speak about the extraordinary diversity of our places and people, or our amazing achievements in science and culture, or the majesty of our national parks? Of course not. If you asked him why it is that people across the world dream of coming here, his only answer would be that we have to keep them out. 

And when he isn’t in power, he can’t help but describe the country in ways that drip with contempt. As far as Trump’s concerned, this is a land of mayhem and misery, full of losers and suckers who are worthy of nothing but scorn. And he has a particular affection for those who committed treason against America so they could keep other Americans enslaved.

That Trump can say the things he does and still claim to be patriotic only reminds liberals of how long they have been targeted with accusations of insufficient patriotism.

That Trump can say the things he does and still claim to be patriotic only reminds liberals of how long they have been targeted with accusations of insufficient patriotism. It was particularly acute in the years following the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, and into the Iraq War, when anyone who raised questions about the unfolding disaster of American foreign policy was liable to be told they hated America and were siding with “the terrorists.” 

Which makes it all the more heartening to see an all-American guy like Tim Walz make a plea for a different kind of patriotism. At the end of his speech, Walz implored Democrats to work hard in the remaining time before the election. “That’s how we make America a place where no child is left hungry,” he said. “Where no community is left behind. Where nobody gets told they don’t belong.” If he and Harris keep emphasizing that this vision of inclusiveness, care and common fate is at the heart of patriotism, they might just convince a few people that it’s about more than whether you hug a flag.

Paul Waldman is a journalist and author whose writing has appeared in dozens of publications. He writes  The Cross Section , a newsletter about politics and culture, and co-hosts the "Boundary Issues" podcast. His latest book is "White Rural Rage: The Threat to American Democracy."

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The newly appointed Communist Party chief has the potential to become a dictator.

Vietnamese President To Lam meets with US Secretary of State Antony Blinken, not pictured, at the Presidential Palace in Hanoi, Vietnam, Saturday July 27, 2024.

On November 9, 1799 – the 18th of Brumaire, according to the French Republican Calendar – Napoleon Bonaparte seized power in Paris, declaring himself the nation’s first consul and signaling the end of the French Revolution. Karl Marx later immortalized this event in his renowned essay, “The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon,” which popularized the oft-quoted refrain about history repeating itself, “first as tragedy, then as farce.” Since then, revolutionaries have feared the moment when a dictator emerges from within, and the revolution devours itself.

Had a coup occurred in Hanoi recently, it would presumably have not escaped our notice. The death of Nguyen Phu Trong, the Communist Party of Vietnam’s general secretary from 2011 until his passing last month, was mourned throughout Vietnam and reported widely. According to some observers, the swift appointment of President To Lam, a former Minister of Public Security, as Trong’s successor reflected a desire for continuity. The New York Times informed us this month that “there has long been a consensus about the need for stability through a power-sharing system that might prevent the rise of a single all-powerful leader.”

Such confidence is misplaced. Mere days after Trong’s death, Lam, the chief enforcer of Trong’s signature anti-corruption campaign, was quickly made the acting party chief before formally assuming the role on August 3. He will also continue to serve as state president, a position he acquired this year after ousting his predecessors.

Using Trong’s signature anti-corruption campaign, Lam and his allies have been systematically eliminating their rivals. Six members of the Politburo have been purged since early 2023. Lam loyalists, as well as generals from the police and military, have taken their place. For Bill Hayton, Vietnam is now a “literal police state.” Nguyen Khac Giang contends that there are now just two technocrats – National Assembly Chair Tran Thanh Man and Dinh Tien Dung, Hanoi’s party secretary – on the rejigged 16-member Politburo.

As Trong’s health deteriorated, Lam’s purge intensified. In March, then-President Vo Van Thuong, a possible successor to Trong, was forced to “resign.” (The following month, another Trong acolyte, Vuong Dinh Hue, was removed from his post as National Assembly chairman). The party convened in April to discuss Thuong’s replacement, with Lam positioning himself as the frontrunner. He officially assumed the role on May 18.

However, this left a vacancy in the Public Security Ministry, arguably the most powerful nowadays. Reports suggest there was significant infighting as some party members sought to appoint a new minister with no ties to Lam. Yet, he emerged victorious. On June 6, Lam’s deputy and childhood friend, Luong Tam Quang – his father reportedly served as the personal bodyguard of Lam’s father during the Vietnam War – was appointed to the position. Lam also secured the appointment of another ally from his home province, Nguyen Duy Ngoc, as head of the Central Committee Office, responsible for organizing party meetings.

There were rumors that Gen. Luong Cuong, the top political commissar of Vietnam’s armed forces, would take over the state presidency if Lam assumed the role of Communist Party chief. However, Lam quashed these plans, as well, and will now occupy two of the “four pillars” of Vietnamese politics. This concentration of power was prohibited by the party in the 1980s but was overturned by Trong in 2018 when he held both posts concurrently following the death of an incumbent president. At that time, concerns arose over whether Trong was becoming an all-powerful leader – a “paramount ruler,” which the Communist Party has historically tried to avoid. “Trong is the next Xi,” some began to speculate, referring to China’s supreme leader.

Yet, Trong was no dictator. Practically, he couldn’t have been. He relied on men like Lam, who knew where every other senior party leader stood and had the ability to bring them down, to carry out his directives. Institutionally, Trong did not control the Public Security Ministry, the police, or the military. He was more of a figurehead – an inspirational leader rather than a bureaucrat with knowledge of where bodies were buried or how to manipulate the system. To use a communist analogy, he was more Lenin than Stalin. Lam, however, has the potential to become the latter.

Moreover, for Trong, the anti-corruption campaign was not a cynical exercise in power accumulation. His family did not enrich themselves; his children did not become “princelings.” His funeral, solemnly held on July 26, was understated, with Trong carried in a plain wooden coffin. His vision was somewhat idealistic, rooted in a bygone era of Ho Chi Minh-style moralism and socialist principles. By 2016, when his “blazing furnace” campaign began, the party had become divided, corrupt, and individualistic.

However, as I recently wrote, Trong’s vision created the conditions for a dictatorial figure to succeed him. He eroded each of the checks the party had imposed to prevent a supreme leader figure from rising to the top, from a separation of powers between the top four jobs to retirement ages and term limits. Trong was the first general secretary since Le Duan to hold the post for three terms, creating a precedent To Lam will need. Moreover, to achieve his anti-corruption goals, Trong had to centralize power within the central party apparatus, weakening provincial party offices and government institutions. That is the only way to clean up an uncleanable organization, in which power flows up and discipline is enforced from above, in which “internal supervision” is the only possibility since there is no free press or popularly-elected leaders.

For Lam and others who fed the “blazing furnace” with sacrificial officials, anti-corruption was a means of self-advancement. Although he was Trong’s enforcer, Lam is no ideologue or moralist. Trong spent much of his life editing the party’s theoretical journal or chairing the Hanoi party committee and the National Assembly. To Lam, by contrast, has never stepped outside the national security apparatus – until now.

The party is now in the hands of “securocrats” from the police and military for the first time in decades. The ideological faction loyal to Trong has passed with him. The technocratic faction, which sees leadership as the duty of intellectuals, is terrified and cajoled. The “rent-seekers,” who saw corruption as a way of binding a disparate party together, have been utterly purged. The central party apparatus now holds more power than it has since the Đổi Mới reforms of 1986. Lam is busily installing his allies in provincial offices. While Vietnam is becoming a police state, the Communist Party is becoming a garrison institution.

Lam still has rivals, however. One is Prime Minister Pham Minh Chinh, but he has been weakened. One of Chinh’s deputy prime ministers has been ousted from the Central Committee, and another, Tran Hong Ha, may soon face the same fate. Chinh’s position is precarious as prosecutors investigate the corruption case involving the Advanced International Joint Stock Company and its fugitive chairwoman, Nguyen Thi Thanh Nhan, with whom Chinh allegedly has ties. If Chinh falls, Lam’s power will be nearly absolute.

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How Kamala Harris Is Preparing for the Biggest Speech of Her Life

Her convention address on Thursday will tell the story of her middle-class upbringing, cast the 2024 race as the future versus the past and appeal to patriotism.

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By Shane Goldmacher

Reporting from the Democratic National Convention in Chicago

• Aug. 22, 2024

Kamala Harris often leans on a favored phrase to focus her team before beginning an important project: “What business are we trying to accomplish here?”

In deciding what to say in the most important speech of her life on Thursday, the vice president’s answer has been threefold, aides said: tell her life story, frame her contest with Donald J. Trump as one pitting the future against the past and reclaim the banner of patriotism for the Democratic ticket.

Ms. Harris has been taking her convention address so seriously that she has held rehearsals complete with teleprompters in three different time zones.

Soon after she became a presidential candidate one month ago, she told advisers that she saw this speech and any fall debates as the most pivotal moments of the abbreviated race, according to three people familiar with her thinking. But in reality, she saw this speech as crucial for even longer than that. The earliest draft of her convention remarks had first circulated back when Ms. Harris was still just a vice president seeking a second term as President Biden’s No. 2.

Now, the reworked address will represent Ms. Harris’s biggest turn on the national stage since her sudden ascent to the top of the Democratic Party as she prepares to take on Mr. Trump in an election just 75 days away.

The preparations over both her message and her delivery have been intensive. Adam Frankel, a former speechwriter for former President Barack Obama and now an adviser to Ms. Harris, is the lead writer of the address, taking input and suggestions from a wide variety of others. But the vice president herself has workshopped the speech nearly line by line, two people familiar with the preparations say.

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