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  • Trump’s International Ratings Remain Low, Especially Among Key Allies

Most still want U.S. as top global power, but see China on the rise

Table of contents.

  • 1. America’s international image continues to suffer
  • 2. Faith in the U.S. president remains low
  • 3. China’s power seen as rising more than other major nations
  • 4. Most prefer that U.S., not China, be the world’s leading power
  • 5. International publics divided on China
  • Acknowledgments
  • Methodology
  • Appendix A: Detailed Tables

America’s global image plummeted following the election of President Donald Trump, amid widespread opposition to his administration’s policies and a widely shared lack of confidence in his leadership. Now, as the second anniversary of Trump’s election approaches, a new 25-nation Pew Research Center survey finds that Trump’s international image remains poor, while ratings for the United States are much lower than during Barack Obama’s presidency.

Chart showing America’s international image in 2018

The poll also finds that international publics express significant concerns about America’s role in world affairs. Large majorities say the U.S. doesn’t take into account the interests of countries like theirs when making foreign policy decisions. Many believe the U.S. is doing less to help solve major global challenges than it used to. And there are signs that American soft power is waning as well, including the fact that, while the U.S. maintains its reputation for respecting individual liberty, fewer believe this than a decade ago.

Even though America’s image has declined since Trump’s election, on balance the U.S. still receives positive marks – across the 25 nations polled, a median of 50% have a favorable opinion of the U.S., while 43% offer an unfavorable rating. However, a median of only 27% say they have confidence in President Trump to do the right thing in world affairs; 70% lack confidence in him.

Frustrations with the U.S. in the Trump era are particularly common among some of America’s closest allies and partners. In Germany, where just 10% have confidence in Trump, three-in-four people say the U.S. is doing less these days to address global problems, and the share of the public who believe the U.S. respects personal freedoms is down 35 percentage points since 2008. In France, only 9% have confidence in Trump, while 81% think the U.S. doesn’t consider the interests of countries like France when making foreign policy decisions.

Critical views are also widespread among America’s closest neighbors. Only 25% of Canadians rate Trump positively, more than six-in-ten (63%) say the U.S. is doing less than in the past to address global problems, and 82% think the U.S. ignores Canada’s interests when making policy. Meanwhile, Trump’s lowest ratings on the survey are found in Mexico, where just 6% express confidence in his leadership.

One exception to this pattern is Israel. After a year in which the Trump administration generated international controversy by moving the U.S. Embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, his positive rating jumped to 69%, up from 56% in 2017.

Around the world, publics are divided about the direction of American power: Across the 25 nations surveyed, a median of 31% say the U.S. plays a more important role in the world today than it did ten years ago; 25% say it plays a less important role; and 35% believe the U.S. is as important as it was a decade ago.

In contrast, views about Chinese power are clear: A median of 70% say China’s role on the world stage has grown over the past 10 years. Still, by a slim margin, more people name the U.S. as the world’s leading economic power (a median of 39% say the U.S., 34% say China).

And despite the unease many feel about the U.S. at the moment, the idea of a U.S.-led world order is still attractive to most. When asked which would be better for the world, having China or the U.S. as the top global power, people in nearly every country tend to select the U.S., and this is particularly common among some of China’s Asia-Pacific neighbors, such as Japan, the Philippines, South Korea and Australia.

Chart showing how people see the balance of power between the U.S. and China.

These are among the major findings from a new Pew Research Center survey conducted among 26,112 respondents in 25 countries from May 20 to Aug. 12, 2018. Chapters 3, 4 and 5 use additional data from a Pew Research Center survey of 1,500 U.S. adults conducted from May 14 to June 15, 2018.

U.S. receives some of its most negative ratings in Europe

Although perceptions of the U.S. are on balance positive, they vary considerably among the nations surveyed. Ten of the 25 countries in this year’s survey are European Union member states, and across these EU nations a median of just 43% offer a favorable opinion of the U.S. Meanwhile, half or more in four of the five Asia-Pacific nations polled give the U.S. a positive rating, including 83% in the Philippines, one of the highest ratings in the survey. The U.S. also gets high marks in South Korea, where 80% have a positive view of the U.S. and confidence in President Trump has increased over the past year from 17% to 44%.

As has largely been the case since Pew Research Center’s first Global Attitudes survey in 2002, attitudes toward the U.S. in sub-Saharan Africa are largely positive, with Kenyans, Nigerians and South Africans expressing mostly favorable opinions in this year’s poll. The three Latin American nations polled offer differing views about the U.S., with Brazilians voicing mostly favorable reviews, while Argentines and Mexicans are mostly negative. And the two Middle Eastern nations in the study – Israel and Tunisia – offer strikingly different assessments.

Map showing that favorable views of U.S. prevail in many countries

The country giving the U.S. its lowest rating in the survey, and the place where the biggest drop in U.S. favorability has taken place over the past year, is Russia. Just 26% of Russians have a favorable opinion of the U.S., compared with 41% in 2017. A 55% majority of Russians say relations have gotten worse in the past year, and the share of the public with a positive view of Trump has dropped from 53% to 19%.

Good reviews for Merkel and Macron, poor marks for Xi, Putin, Trump

Chart showing that Merkel and Macron are viewed with more confidence internationally than Xi, Putin or Trump.

The survey examined attitudes toward five world leaders, and overall Donald Trump receives the most negative ratings among the five. A median of 70% across the 25 nations polled lack confidence in the American leader. Russian President Vladimir Putin and Chinese President Xi Jinping also receive mostly negative reviews.

In contrast, opinions about German Chancellor Angela Merkel and French President Emmanuel Macron are generally positive. Both leaders are mostly popular in the EU, although there are regional divides within Europe, with Merkel and Macron receiving favorable ratings in the Northern European nations surveyed and less stellar reviews in Eastern and Southern Europe.

European attitudes toward Trump are strikingly negative, especially when compared with the ratings his predecessor received while in office. Looking at four European nations Pew Research Center has surveyed consistently since 2003 reveals a clear pattern regarding perceptions of American presidents. George W. Bush, whose foreign policies were broadly unpopular in Europe, got low ratings during his presidency, while the opposite was true for Barack Obama, who enjoyed strong approval in these four nations during his time in office. Following the 2016 election, confidence in the president plunged, with Trump’s ratings resembling what Bush received near the end of his second term (although Trump’s numbers are up slightly in the United Kingdom this year).

Line chart showing that confidence in Trump remains low in key EU countries.

In several European nations, Trump receives higher ratings from supporters of right-wing populist parties. For example, among people in the UK who have a favorable view of the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP), 53% express confidence in Trump, compared with only 21% among those with an unfavorable view of UKIP. Similar divides exist among supporters and detractors of right-wing populist parties in Sweden, France, Italy, the Netherlands and Germany. However, it is worth noting that, other than in the UK, there is no European country in which more than half of right-wing populist party supporters say they have confidence in Trump.

Chart showing that supporters of right-wing populist parties are more likely to have confidence in Trump.

Few think the U.S. takes their interests into account

A common criticism about American foreign policy over the past decade and a half has been that the U.S. only looks after its own interests in world affairs, ignoring the interests of other nations. As Pew Research Center surveys showed, this belief was especially prevalent during George W. Bush’s presidency, when many around the world thought the U.S. was pursuing unilateralist, and unpopular, policies. Strong opposition to the Iraq War and other elements of Bush’s foreign policy led to rising complaints about the U.S. acting alone and ignoring the interests and concerns of other nations.

Opinions shifted following Barack Obama’s election, with more people saying the U.S. considers their country’s interest, although even during the Obama years the prevailing global sentiment was that the U.S. doesn’t necessarily consider other countries. Now, the Trump presidency has brought an increase in the number of people in many nations saying the U.S. essentially doesn’t listen to countries like theirs when making foreign policy.

This pattern is especially pronounced among some of America’s top allies and partners. For instance, while the share of the French public who believe the U.S. considers their national interest has not been very high at any point over the past decade and a half, it reached a low point near the end of Bush’s second term (11% in 2007), rose somewhat during Obama’s presidency (35% in 2013) and has declined once more under Trump. Today, just 18% in France say the U.S. considers the interests of countries like theirs when making policy.

Fewer, especially in Europe, say U.S. respects individual liberty

America’s reputation as a defender of individual liberty has generally been strong in Pew Research Center surveys since we first started asking about it in 2008. The prevailing view among the publics surveyed has typically been that the U.S. government respects the personal liberties of its people, and that is true again in this year’s poll. However, this opinion has become less common over time, and the decline has been particularly sharp among key U.S. partners in Europe, North America and Asia.

The decline began during the Obama administration following revelations about the National Security Agency’s electronic eavesdropping on communications around the world, and it has continued during the first two years of the Trump presidency. The drop is especially prominent in Western Europe, where the share of the public saying Washington respects personal freedom has declined sharply since 2013.

The same pattern is found among several other U.S. allies as well, including Canada, where the percentage saying the U.S. respects individual freedom has dropped from 75% to 38% since 2013, and Australia, where it has gone from 72% to 45%.

China seen as a rising power

Respondents to the survey were read a list of seven major nations, and for each one, were asked whether they think it is playing a more important, less important, or as important of a role in the world compared with 10 years ago. Among the seven countries tested, China stands apart: A median of 70% across the nations polled say Beijing plays a more important role today than a decade ago. Half or more in 23 of 25 countries express this view.

Many also say this about Russia. A median of 42% believe Moscow’s role on the world stage has grown over the past decade, and majorities hold this view in Greece, Israel, Tunisia and Russia itself. Overall, people are split on whether Germany’s role is greater than it was 10 years ago or about the same, but many in Europe see Germany’s role as more influential. On the other hand, Europeans are particularly likely to think the UK is less important now.

There is no real consensus in views of America’s prominence in world affairs. A median of 35% believe it is as important as it was 10 years ago, while 31% say it is more important and 25% say less. Japan is the only country with a majority saying that Washington plays a less important role. Meanwhile, Israelis, Nigerians and Kenyans are particularly likely to think the U.S. is more important than it used to be.

Most still want U.S., not China, as top power

In addition to being asked about whether major powers are rising, falling or staying about the same, respondents were asked the following question about whether they would prefer the U.S. or China to be the top global power: “Thinking about the future, if you had to choose, which of the following scenarios would be better for the world: the U.S. is the world’s leading power or China is the world’s leading power?” Results show that the U.S. is overwhelmingly the top choice.

The U.S. is named more often than China in every country surveyed except three: Argentina, Tunisia and Russia, although in many nations significant numbers volunteer that it would be good for the world if both or neither were the leading power.

Some of America’s allies in Asia and elsewhere are particularly likely to prefer a future in which the U.S. is the top global power. Two-thirds or more hold this opinion in Japan, the Philippines, Sweden, South Korea, Australia, Canada, the Netherlands, Poland and the UK.

Country spotlights: Germany, Mexico, Canada, Japan, Israel

Findings from Germany, Mexico, Canada, Japan and Israel illustrate key patterns and major differences in how foreign publics view the U.S. in 2018.

Germany: A sharp negative turn in the Trump era

Germany stands out as a country where America’s image is considerably more negative today than during the Barack Obama era. Whereas Obama was extremely popular in Germany (although his ratings did decline somewhat following the NSA scandal), only around one-in-ten Germans have voiced confidence in Trump in each of the past two years, ratings similar to those registered for George W. Bush at the end of his second term. Germany stands out on other measures as well. It is the country with the highest percentage (80%) saying relations with the U.S. have deteriorated over the past year, and it is tied with Sweden for the largest share of the public (75%) saying the U.S. is doing less to confront global problems. Germany is also where the biggest declines have taken place in recent years regarding the belief that the U.S. respects personal freedom and that Washington listens to other countries in international affairs.

Mexico: Strong opposition to Trump

Mexico is where Trump gets his lowest ratings on the survey: Just 6% in the United States’ southern neighbor have confidence in him. Last year, more than nine-in-ten Mexicans opposed Trump’s plan to build a wall on the U.S.-Mexico border. This year, 66% in Mexico say relations have gotten worse over the past 12 months.

Canada: U.S. favorability hits a low point

Just 39% of Canadians express a favorable opinion of the U.S. in 2018, the lowest percentage since Pew Research Center began polling in Canada in 2002. Only 25% have confidence in Trump, although he gets more positive ratings among those who feel closest to the Conservative Party (44%) than among those who identify with the New Democratic Party (17%) or the ruling Liberal Party (10%). Fully 82% say the U.S. ignores Canada’s interests when making foreign policy.

Japan: Low ratings for Trump, but overall assessment of U.S. recovers

Japanese trust in the U.S. president has also suffered under Donald Trump, but America’s overall image has not. In 2018, just three-in-ten Japanese say they have confidence in Trump’s handling of world affairs, a slight improvement over their view in 2017, but significantly lower than their views of the U.S. president throughout the Obama administration. Opinion of Trump is comparable to sentiment about George W. Bush during his time in office. Fully 67% of Japanese, however, have a favorable view of the U.S., up 10 percentage points from last year. Despite the high ratings for the U.S., there are concerns in Japan about the trajectory of American power – it is the only country where a majority (55%) believes the U.S. is less powerful than 10 years ago.

Israel: Trump’s ratings improved

Confidence in President Trump has increased significantly in Israel since 2017. Trump also receives substantially higher ratings than Obama got near the end of his second term, although they are very similar to the high ratings for Obama in 2014, before tensions rose between his administration and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu over the Iran nuclear deal. As has been the case in recent years, around eight-in-ten Israelis express a favorable opinion about the U.S. At 52%, Israelis are more likely than any other public surveyed to say the U.S. is doing more to address global problems than a few years ago. Israel also tops the list in terms of the share of the public (79%) saying that relations with the U.S. have improved in the past year.

The rest of the report delves into these and other findings in more detail. Chapter 1 explores overall attitudes toward the U.S., America’s approach to foreign policy, whether the U.S. government respects individual liberty, and relations between survey countries and the U.S. Chapter 2 examines ratings for President Trump and other world leaders. Chapter 3 looks at opinions regarding whether specific major nations are playing a more or less important role in world affairs than in the past. Chapter 4 explores views about the balance of power between the U.S. and China, while Chapter 5 examines China’s global image.

CORRECTION (December 2018): The data in this report and the accompanying topline have been corrected to reflect a revised weight for Australia in 2018. The changes due to this adjustment are very minor and do not materially change the analysis of the report.

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Amid Doubts About Biden’s Mental Sharpness, Trump Leads Presidential Race

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Machine learning methods in weather and climate applications: a survey.

a research center poll showed that 81

1. Introduction

  • Limited Scope: Existing surveys predominantly focus either on short-term weather forecasting or medium-to-long-term climate predictions. There is a notable absence of comprehensive surveys that endeavour to bridge these two-time scales. In addition, current investigations tend to focus narrowly on specific methods, such as simple neural networks, thereby neglecting some combination of methods.
  • Lack of model details: Many extisting studies offer only generalized viewpoints and lack a systematic analysis of the specific model employed in weather and climate prediction. This absence creates a barrier for researchers aiming to understand the intricacies and efficacy of individual methods.
  • Neglect of Recent Advances: Despite rapid developments in machine learning and computational techniques, existing surveys have not kept pace with these advancements. The paucity of information on cutting-edge technologies stymies the progression of research in this interdisciplinary field.
  • Comprehensive scope: Unlike research endeavors that restrict their inquiry to a singular temporal scale, our survey provides a comprehensive analysis that amalgamates short-term weather forecasting with medium- and long-term climate predictions. In total, 20 models were surveyed, of which a select subset of eight were chosen for in-depth scrutiny. These models are discerned as the industry’s avant-garde, thereby serving as invaluable references for researchers. For instance, the PanGu model exhibits remarkable congruence with actual observational results, thereby illustrating the caliber of the models included in our analysis.
  • In-Depth Analysis: Breaking new ground, this study delves into the intricate operational mechanisms of the eight focal models. We have dissected the operating mechanisms of these eight models, distinguishing the differences in their approaches and summarizing the commonalities in their methods through comparison. This comparison helps readers gain a deeper understanding of the efficacy and applicability of each model and provides a reference for choosing the most appropriate model for a given scenario.
  • Identification of Contemporary Challenges and Future Work: The survey identifies pressing challenges currently facing the field, such as the limited dataset of chronological seasons and complex climate change effects, and suggests directions for future work, including simulating datasets and physics-based constraint models. These recommendations not only add a forward-looking dimension to our research but also act as a catalyst for further research and development in climate prediction.

2. Background

3. related work, 3.1. statistical method, 3.2. physical models, 4. taxonomy of climate prediction applications, 4.1. climate prediction milestone based on machine-learning, 4.2. classification of climate prediction methods, 5. short-term weather forecast, 5.1. model design.

  • The Navier-Stokes Equations [ 73 ]: Serving as the quintessential descriptors of fluid motion, these equations delineate the fundamental mechanics underlying atmospheric flow. ∇ · v = 0 (3) ρ ∂ v ∂ t + v · ∇ v = − ∇ p + μ ∇ 2 v + ρ g (4)
  • The Thermodynamic Equations [ 74 ]: These equations intricately interrelate the temperature, pressure, and humidity within the atmospheric matrix, offering insights into the state and transitions of atmospheric energy. ∂ ρ ∂ t + ∇ · ( ρ v ) = 0 ( Continuity equation ) (5) ∂ T ∂ t + v · ∇ T = q c p ( Energy equation ) (6) D p D t = − ρ c p ∇ · v ( Pressure equation ) (7)
  • The Cloud Microphysics Parameterization Scheme is instrumental for simulating the life cycles of cloud droplets and ice crystals, thereby affecting [ 75 , 76 ] and atmospheric energy balance.
  • Shortwave and Longwave Radiation Transfer Equations elucidate the absorption, scattering, and emission of both solar and terrestrial radiation, which in turn influence atmospheric temperature and dynamics.
  • Empirical or Semi-Empirical Convection Parameterization Schemes simulate vertical atmospheric motions initiated by local instabilities, facilitating the capture of weather phenomena like thunderstorms.
  • Boundary-Layer Dynamics concentrates on the exchanges of momentum, energy, and matter between the Earth’s surface and the atmosphere which are crucial for the accurate representation of surface conditions in the model.
  • Land Surface and Soil/Ocean Interaction Modules simulate the exchange of energy, moisture, and momentum between the surface and the atmosphere, while also accounting for terrestrial and aquatic influences on atmospheric conditions.
  • Encoder: The encoder component maps the local region of the input data (on the original latitude-longitude grid) onto the nodes of the multigrid graphical representation. It maps two consecutive input frames of the latitude-longitude input grid, with numerous variables per grid point, into a multi-scale internal mesh representation. This mapping process helps the model better capture and understand spatial dependencies in the data, allowing for more accurate predictions of future weather conditions.
  • Processor: This part performs several rounds of message-passing on the multi-mesh, where the edges can span short or long ranges, facilitating efficient communication without necessitating an explicit hierarchy. More specifically, the section uses a multi-mesh graph representation. It refers to a special graph structure that is able to represent the spatial structure of the Earth’s surface in an efficient way. In a multi-mesh graph representation, nodes may represent specific regions of the Earth’s surface, while edges may represent spatial relationships between these regions. In this way, models can capture spatial dependencies on a global scale and are able to utilize the power of GNNs to analyze and predict weather changes.
  • Decoder: It then maps the multi-mesh representation back to the latitude-longitude grid as a prediction for the next time step.

5.2. Result Analysis

6. medium-to-long-term climate prediction, 6.1. model design.

  • Problem Definition: The goal is to approximate p ( Y ∣ X , M ) , a task challenged by high-dimensional geospatial data, data inhomogeneity, and a large dataset.
  • Random Variable z : A latent variable with a fixed standard Gaussian distribution.
  • Parametric Functions p θ , q ϕ , p ψ : Neural networks for transforming z and approximating target and posterior distributions.
  • Objective Function: Maximization of the Evidence Lower Bound (ELBO).
  • Initialize: Define random variable z ∼ N ( 0 , 1 ) [ 96 , 97 ] parametric functions p θ ( z , X , M ) , q ϕ ( z ∣ X , Y , M ) , p ψ ( Y ∣ X , M , z ) .
  • Training Objective (Maximize ELBO) [ 98 ]: The ELBO is defined as: ELBO = E z ∼ q ϕ log p ψ ( Y ∣ X , M , z ) − D KL ( q ϕ ∥ p ( z ∣ X , M ) ) − D KL ( q ϕ ∥ p ( z ∣ X , Y , M ) ) (8) with terms for reconstruction, regularization, and residual error.
  • Optimization: Utilize variational inference, Monte Carlo reparameterization, and Gaussian assumptions.
  • Forecasting: Generate forecasts by sampling p ( z ∣ X , M ) , the likelihood of p ψ , and using the mean of p ψ for an average estimate.
  • Two Generators : The CycleGAN model includes two generators. Generator G learns the mapping from the simulated domain to the real domain, and generator F learns the mapping from the real domain to the simulated domain [ 100 ].
  • Two Discriminators : There are two discriminators, one for the real domain and one for the simulated domain. Discriminator D x encourages generator G to generate samples that look similar to samples in the real domain, and discriminator D y encourages generator F to generate samples that look similar to samples in the simulated domain.
  • Cycle Consistency Loss : To ensure that the mappings are consistent, the model enforces the following condition through a cycle consistency loss: if a sample is mapped from the simulated domain to the real domain and then mapped back to the simulated domain, it should get a sample similar to the original simulated sample. Similarly, if a sample is mapped from the real domain to the simulated domain and then mapped back to the real domain, it should get a sample similar to the original real sample. L cyc ( G , F ) = E x ∼ p data ( x ) | | F ( G ( x ) ) − x | | 1 + E y ∼ p data ( y ) | | G ( F ( y ) ) − y | | 1 (10)
  • Training Process : The model is trained to learn the mapping between these two domains by minimizing the adversarial loss and cycle consistency loss between the generators and discriminators. L Gen ( G , F ) = L GAN ( G , D y , X , Y ) + L GAN ( F , D x , Y , X ) + λ L cyc ( G , F ) (11)
  • Application to Prediction : Once trained, these mappings can be used for various tasks, such as transforming simulated precipitation data into forecasts that resemble observed data.
  • Reference Model: SPCAM. SPCAM serves as the foundational GCM and is embedded with Cloud-Resolving Models (CRMs) to simulate microscale atmospheric processes like cloud formation and convection. SPCAM is employed to generate “target simulation data”, which serves as the training baseline for the neural networks. The use of CRMs is inspired by recent advancements in data science, demonstrating that machine learning parameterizations can potentially outperform traditional methods in simulating convective and cloud processes.
  • Neural Networks: ResDNNs, a specialized form of deep neural networks, are employed for their ability to approximate complex, nonlinear relationships. The network comprises multiple residual blocks, each containing two fully connected layers with Rectified Linear Unit (ReLU) activations. ResDNNs are designed to address the vanishing and exploding gradient problems in deep networks through residual connections, offering a stable and effective gradient propagation mechanism. This makes them well-suited for capturing the complex and nonlinear nature of atmospheric processes.
  • Subgrid-Scale Physical Simulator. Traditional parameterizations often employ simplified equations to model subgrid-scale processes, which might lack accuracy. In contrast, the ResDNNs are organized into a subgrid-scale physical simulator that operates independently within each model grid cell. This simulator takes atmospheric states as inputs and outputs physical quantities at the subgrid scale, such as cloud fraction and precipitation rate.

6.2. Result Analysis

7. discussion, 7.1. overall comparison, 7.2. challenge, 7.3. future work.

  • Simulate the dataset using statistical methods or physical methods.
  • Combining statistical knowledge with machine learning methods to enhance the interpretability of patterns.
  • Consider the introduction of physics-based constraints into deep learning models to produced more accurate and reliable results.
  • Accelerating Physical Model Prediction with machine learning knowledge.

8. Conclusions

Author contributions, institutional review board statement, informed consent statement, data availability statement, conflicts of interest, abbreviations.

vvelocity vector
ttime
fluid density
ppressure
dynamic viscosity
ggravitational acceleration vector
expectation under the variational distribution
latent variable
observed data
joint distribution of observed and latent variables
variational distribution
G, FGenerators for mappings from simulated to real domain and vice versa.
D , D Discriminators for real and simulated domains.
, Cycle consistency loss and Generative Adversarial Network loss.
X, YData distributions for simulated and real domains.
Weighting factor for the cycle consistency loss.
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Click here to enlarge figure

Time ScaleDomainsApplications
Short TermAgricultureThe timing for sowing and harvesting;
Irrigation and fertilization plans [ ].
EnergyPredicts output for wind and solar energy [ ].
TransportationRoad traffic safety; Rail transport;
Aviation and maritime industries [ ].
ConstructionProject plans and timelines; Safe operations [ ].
Retail and SalesAdjusts inventory based on weather forecasts [ ].
Tourism and
Entertainment
Operations of outdoor activities
and tourist attractions [ ]
Environment and
Disaster Management
Early warnings for floods, fires,
and other natural disasters [ ].
Medium—Long TermAgricultureLong-term land management and planning [ ].
InsurancePreparations for future increases in
types of disasters, such as floods and droughts [ ].
Real EstateAssessment of future sea-level rise or other
climate-related factors [ ].
Urban PlanningWater resource management [ ].
TourismLong-term investments and planning,
such as deciding which regions may become
popular tourist destinations in the future [ ].
Public HealthLong-term climate changes may impact the
spread of diseases [ ].
Time ScaleSpational ScaleTypeModelTechnologyNameEvent
Short-term weather predictionGlobalMLSpecial DNN ModelsAFNOFourCastNet [ ]Extreme Events
3D Neural NetworkPanGu [ ]
Vision TransformersClimaX [ ]Temperature & Extreme
Event
SwinTransformerSwinVRNN [ ]Temperature & Precipitation
U-TransformerFuXi [ ]
Single DNNs ModelGNNCLCRN [ ]Temperature
GraphCast [ ]
TransformerFengWu [ ]Extreme Events
Regional CapsNet [ ]
CNNPrecipitation Convolution
prediction [ ]
Precipitation
ANNPrecipitation Neural
Network prediction [ ]
LSTMStacked-LSTM-Model [ ]Temperature
Hybrid DNNs ModelLSTM + CNNConsvLSTM [ ]Precipitation
MetNet [ ]
Medium-to-long-term climate predictionGlobal Single DNN modelsProbalistic deep learningConditional Generative
Forecasting [ ]
Temperature & Precipitation
ML EnhancedCNNCNN-Bias-correction
model [ ]
Temperature & Extreme
Event
GANCycle GAN [ ]Precipitation
NNHybrid-GCM-Emulation [ ]
ResDNNNNCAM-emulation [ ]
RegionalCNNDeepESD-Down-scaling
model [ ]
Temperature
Non-Deep-Learning
Model
Random forest (RF)RF-bias-correction model [ ]Precipitation
Support vector
machine (SVM)
SVM-Down-scaling model [ ]
K-nearest
neighbor (KNN)
KNN-Down-scaling model [ ]
Conditional random
field (CRF)
CRF-Down-scaling model [ ]
ModelForecast-TimelinessZ500 RMSE (7 Days)Z500 ACC (7 Days)Training-ComplexityForecasting-Speed
MetNet [ ]8 h--256 Google-TPU-accelerators (16-days-training)Fewer seconds
FourCastNet [ ]7 days5950.7624 A100-GPU24-h forecast for 100 members in 7 s
GraphCast [ ]9.75 days4600.82532 Cloud-TPU-V4 (21-days-training)10-days-predication within 1 min
PanGu [ ]7 days5100.872192 V100-GPU (16-days-training)24-h-global-prediction in 1.4 s for each GPU
IFS [ ]8.5 days4390.85--
NameCategoriesMetricsESMThis Model
CycleGAN [ ]Bias correctionMAE0.2410.068
DeepESD [ ]Down-scalingEuclidean Distance to Observations in PDF0.50.03
CGF [ ]PredictionACC0.310.4
NNCAM [ ]EmulationSpeed130 times speed-up
The statements, opinions and data contained in all publications are solely those of the individual author(s) and contributor(s) and not of MDPI and/or the editor(s). MDPI and/or the editor(s) disclaim responsibility for any injury to people or property resulting from any ideas, methods, instructions or products referred to in the content.

Share and Cite

Chen, L.; Han, B.; Wang, X.; Zhao, J.; Yang, W.; Yang, Z. Machine Learning Methods in Weather and Climate Applications: A Survey. Appl. Sci. 2023 , 13 , 12019. https://doi.org/10.3390/app132112019

Chen L, Han B, Wang X, Zhao J, Yang W, Yang Z. Machine Learning Methods in Weather and Climate Applications: A Survey. Applied Sciences . 2023; 13(21):12019. https://doi.org/10.3390/app132112019

Chen, Liuyi, Bocheng Han, Xuesong Wang, Jiazhen Zhao, Wenke Yang, and Zhengyi Yang. 2023. "Machine Learning Methods in Weather and Climate Applications: A Survey" Applied Sciences 13, no. 21: 12019. https://doi.org/10.3390/app132112019

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Majority of US adults say democracy is on the ballot but they differ on the threat: AP-NORC poll

Image

FILE - Democratic presidential nominee Vice President Kamala Harris and her running mate Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz arrive at a campaign rally in Philadelphia, Aug. 6, 2024. (AP Photo/Matt Rourke)

FILE - Republican presidential nominee former President Donald Trump and Republican vice presidential nominee Sen. JD Vance, R-Ohio, arrive a campaign rally, July 20, 2024, in Grand Rapids, Mich. (AP Photo/Evan Vucci)

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NEW YORK (AP) — Roughly 3 in 4 American adults believe the upcoming presidential election is vital to the future of U.S. democracy, although which candidate they think poses the greater threat depends on their political leanings, according to a poll.

The survey from The Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research finds that most Democrats, Republicans and independents see the election as “very important” or “extremely important” to democracy, while Democrats have a higher level of intensity about the issue. More than half of Democrats say the November election is “extremely important” to the future of U.S. democracy, compared to about 4 in 10 independents and Republicans.

Democrat Pamela Hanson, 67, of Amery, Wisconsin, said she has grave concerns for the future of democracy in the country if Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump gets elected .

“His statements tend towards him being a king or a dictator, a person in charge by himself,” Hanson said. “I mean, the man is unhinged in my opinion.”

But Republican Ernie Wagner from Liberty, New York, said it’s President Joe Biden’s administration — of which Vice President Kamala Harris, the Democratic nominee, is a part — that has abused the power of the executive branch.

Image

“Biden has tried to erase the student loans, and he’s been told by the courts that it’s unconstitutional to do that,” said Wagner, 85. “He’s weaponized the FBI to get at his political opponents.”

The poll findings suggest that many Democrats continue to view Trump as a threat to democracy after he tried to overturn the results of the 2020 election , embraced the rioters who attacked the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, and threatened to seek retribution against his opponents if he wins reelection.

But they also indicate that many of Trump’s supporters agree with him that Biden is the real threat to democracy. Trump and his allies have accused Biden of weaponizing the Justice Department as it has pursued charges against the former president over his effort to halt certification of the 2020 election and keeping classified documents, though there is no evidence Biden has had any involvement or influence in the cases .

Trump has framed himself as a defender of American values and portrayed Biden as a “destroyer” of democracy. He said multiple times after he survived an assassination attempt last month that he “took a bullet for democracy.”

The poll, conducted in the days after Biden dropped out of the race and Harris announced her campaign, is an early glimpse of Americans’ views of a reshaped contest.

Majorities of both Democrats and Republicans say democracy could be at risk in this election depending on who wins the presidency, responses generally in line with the findings when the question was last asked in an AP-NORC poll in December 2023 .

Hanson, the Wisconsin Democrat, said she worries Trump in a second term would use the conservative-dominated U.S. Supreme Court to overrule important freedoms. She also is concerned that he would fill his Cabinet with loyalists who don’t care about the well-being of everyone in the country and defund agencies that regulate key functions of society.

But Wagner, the New York Republican, brushed off those concerns and pointed to Trump’s time in office.

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“When he was in the White House, we had peace, we had prosperity, we had energy independence,” he said. “What’s undemocratic about that?”

He said he didn’t think Trump’s intentions leading up to and on Jan. 6 were criminal.

“I just think he was misguided,” Wagner said.

Some independents also are carefully considering the stakes of the upcoming election on the country’s democratic future.

“I believe that this is the most important election of my lifetime,” said 53-year-old Patricia Seliga-Williams of LaVale, Maryland, an independent who is leaning toward voting for Harris.

Seliga-Williams said she’s barely scraping by on $15 an hour as a hotel breakfast attendant and remembers Trump handling the economy and immigration well. But she didn’t like it when he recently quipped that he plans to be a “dictator” on day one in office.

“We all know Donald Trump could run the country,” she said. “But he’s just too aggressive anymore, and I don’t think I can trust that as a voter.”

Not everyone agrees that this year’s presidential election will be an inflection point for the country’s democracy, offering starkly different reasons, according to the AP-NORC poll. About 2 in 10 Americans say democracy in the U.S. is strong enough to withstand the outcome of the election no matter who wins, while another 2 in 10 believe democracy is already so seriously broken that the outcome doesn’t matter.

The poll also shows the stakes of democracy in the election are felt more by older adults rather than younger ones. About half of adults 45 and older say the outcome of the election is extremely important for the future of democracy, compared to about 4 in 10 adults under 45.

“Making the claim that the other candidate is trying to destroy democracy, it doesn’t really land for me,” said Daniel Oliver, 26, an independent from suburban Detroit. “I think that we have things in place that should safeguard against when you kind of play at destroying democracy. We have other branches of government. We have people that believe in voting. So, it would be hard for a candidate to take over and become some kind of dictator.”

He said he’ll be looking for candidates to talk about issues he’s more interested in, such as reducing inflation and investing in clean energy sources.

Biden and Trump spent months sparring over whose second term would be worse for democracy. The president nodded to the consequences when he ended his campaign last month, saying in his Oval Office address that “the defense of democracy is more important than any title.”

Harris has focused more on the concept of “freedom” in the early days of her campaign. She has said Trump’s reelection could result in Americans losing the freedom to vote , the freedom to be safe from gun violence and the freedom for women to make decisions about their own bodies. Her debut campaign ad last month was set to Beyoncé’s 2016 track “Freedom,” and it has become a campaign anthem for her at rallies ever since.

Harris didn’t mention democracy in her first two presidential campaign rallies, but she returned to the topic in remarks to Sigma Gamma Rho sorority members in Houston last week, saying “our fundamental freedoms are on the ballot, and so is our democracy.”

The poll of 1,143 adults was conducted July 25-29, 2024, using a sample drawn from NORC’s probability-based AmeriSpeak Panel, which is designed to be representative of the U.S. population. The margin of sampling error for all respondents is plus or minus 4.1 percentage points.

The Associated Press receives support from several private foundations to enhance its explanatory coverage of elections and democracy. See more about AP’s democracy initiative here . The AP is solely responsible for all content.

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UPDATED Aug. 14, 2024, at 12:36 PM

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RV , Trump Haley +71
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Trump DeSantis +59
Trump DeSantis Haley
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DeSantis Haley Ramaswamy Pence Christie Burgum Hutchinson
A
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GOP Reps. Derrick Van Orden and Bryan Steil of Wisconsin could both face competitive races in November. While Steil is expected to face Democratic former Rep. Peter Barca, multiple Democrats are competing to take on Van Orden. The top fundraisers in the Democratic primary include nonprofit leader Rebecca Cooke, state Rep. Katrina Shankland and activist Eric Wilson.

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IMAGES

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  2. Solved A research center poll showed that 81% of people

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COMMENTS

  1. Stats Section 4 Flashcards

    P (B or B) =1. Choose the correct answer below. - It is certain that the selected adult has type B blood or does not have type B blood. 4. A research center poll showed that 81% of people believe that it is morally wrong to not report all income on tax returns. What is the probability that someone does.

  2. Solved A research center poll showed that 81% of people

    A research center poll showed that 81% of people believe that it is morally wrong to not report all income on tax returns. What is the probability that someone does not have this belief? The probability that someone does not believe that it is morally wrong to not report all income on tax returns is (Type an integer or a decimal.)

  3. 4.3 Stats HW Flashcards

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    A research center poll showed that 81% of people believe that it is morally wrong not to report all income on tax returns. What is the probability that someone does not have this belief? The probability that someone does not believe that it is morally wrong not to report all income on tax returns is (type an integer or decimal).

  9. Answered: A research center poll showed that 81%…

    Statistics. A research center poll showed that 81% of people believe that it is morally wrong to not report all income on tax returns. What is the probability that someone does not have this belief? The probability that someone does not believe that it is morally wrong to not report all income on tax returns is (Type an integer or a decimal.)

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    The Levada Center is a Russian independent, nongovernmental polling and sociological research organization. It is named after its founder, the first Russian professor of sociology Yuri Levada (1930-2006). The center traces back its history to 1987 when the All-Union Public Opinion Research Center (VTsIOM) was founded under the leadership of academician Tatyana Zaslavskaya.

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    If a research center poll shows that 81% of people believe that it is morally wrong to not report all income on tax returns, the probability that someone does not have this belief is the complement of the given percentage. Since probabilities are always between 0 and 1 or 0% and 100%, we subtract the given percentage from 100% to find the ...

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  23. A research center poll showed that 81% of people believe that it is

    A research center poll showed that 85% of people believe that it is morally wrong to not report all income on tax returns. What is the probability that someone does not have this belief? The probability that someone does not believe that it is morally wrong to not report all income on tax returns is (Type an integer or a decimal.)

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    The survey from The Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research finds that most Democrats, Republicans and independents see the election as "very important" or "extremely important" to democracy, while Democrats have a higher level of intensity about the issue. More than half of Democrats say the November election is ...

  27. National : President: Republican primary : 2024 Polls

    When the dates of tracking polls from the same pollster overlap, only the most recent version is shown. Data for FiveThirtyEight's previous favorability, presidential approval and national 2024 Republican primary averages is available for download here .

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  29. Wisconsin House Primary Election 2024 Live Results

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