the experimental psychology society

The Society of Experimental Psychologists

The Society of Experimentalists was founded by  Edward Bradford Titchener  in 1904. Titchener’s design for his “Experimentalists” was that it be an ongoing workshop, with “members visiting labs, studying apparatus, and hearing and commenting on reports of ongoing research.”

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The first meeting of the Society of Experimental Psychologists – then called “The Experimental Psychologists”, or “The Experimentalists” for short – was held at Cornell University in Ithaca, New York, on April 4 – 5, 1904. The meetings then, and for many years thereafter, were presided over by Edward Bradford Titchener. Researchers from universities including Cornell, Yale, Clark, Michigan, and Princeton attended these early meetings, with Chicago and Iowa soon joining. Research papers were read and discussed by established researchers and tyros alike. 

As the number of practicing experimental psychologists grew nationally, along grew discussions concerning the limits that should be placed on membership in the group: Should it be kept small to ensure a manageable series of conferences; or should it be open to all interested, practicing experimental psychologists? The decision was made to keep it small-to follow the so-called Academy model-and eventually Fellows of the society were instrumental in the founding of an alternative organization, called The Psychonomic Society, to serve the needs of broader representation and communication (see Dewsbury & Bolles, 1995 for details).  During these early years, the total membership in the Experimentalists ranged around 35 individuals.  Learn More

The Society of Experimentalists was founded by   Edward Bradford Titchener   in 1904. Titchener’s design for his “Experimentalists” was that it be an ongoing workshop, with “members visiting labs, studying apparatus, and hearing and commenting on reports of ongoing research.” 

The Society has continued to meet annually in the years since, except for the war year 1918 and the COVID pandemic years 2020 and 2021. Upon Titchener’s death in 1927 the club was reorganized into The Society of Experimental Psychologists. The Society typically holds meetings in the spring, scheduled and organized by a member, who serves on the Executive Committee of the Society for that year. The meetings are open to all members of the Society, and to students and faculty from the host university as invited by the organizer.

The meetings are plenary and involve papers from various members of the society. The society currently admits at least 6 new members annually from among the leading experimentalists in North America. It has a current membership of 281 individuals, about 5 – 10% of the practicing experimental psychologists. The mission of the society is “To advance psychology by arranging informal conferences on experimental psychology.”

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The Howard Crosby Warren Medal is given for the most significant advances in Experimental Psychology over the prior five years.

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Dr. Robert L. Goldstone

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Northwestern University

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University of Pittsburgh

Recipient of the 2023 Howard Crosby Warren Medal

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University of Toronto

Recipient of the 2023 Norman Anderson Lifetime Achievement Award

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The Practice of Experimental Psychology: An Inevitably Postmodern Endeavor

The aim of psychology is to understand the human mind and behavior. In contemporary psychology, the method of choice to accomplish this incredibly complex endeavor is the experiment. This dominance has shaped the whole discipline from the self-concept as an empirical science and its very epistemological and theoretical foundations, via research practice and the scientific discourse to teaching. Experimental psychology is grounded in the scientific method and positivism, and these principles, which are characteristic for modern thinking, are still upheld. Despite this apparently stalwart adherence to modern principles, experimental psychology exhibits a number of aspects which can best be described as facets of postmodern thinking although they are hardly acknowledged as such. Many psychologists take pride in being “real natural scientists” because they conduct experiments, but it is particularly difficult for psychologists to evade certain elements of postmodern thinking in view of the specific nature of their subject matter. Postmodernism as a philosophy emerged in the 20th century as a response to the perceived inadequacy of the modern approach and as a means to understand the complexities, ambiguities, and contradictions of the times. Therefore, postmodernism offers both valuable insights into the very nature of experimental psychology and fruitful ideas on improving experimental practice to better reflect the complexities and ambiguities of human mind and behavior. Analyzing experimental psychology along postmodern lines begins by discussing the implications of transferring the scientific method from fields with rather narrowly defined phenomena—the natural sciences—to a much broader and more heterogeneous class of complex phenomena, namely the human mind and behavior. This ostensibly modern experimental approach is, however, per se riddled with postmodern elements: (re-)creating phenomena in an experimental setting, including the hermeneutic processes of generating hypotheses and interpreting results, is no carbon copy of “reality” but rather an active construction which reflects irrevocably the pre-existing ideas of the investigator. These aspects, analyzed by using postmodern concepts like hyperreality and simulacra, did not seep in gradually but have been present since the very inception of experimental psychology, and they are necessarily inherent in its philosophy of science. We illustrate this theoretical analysis with the help of two examples, namely experiments on free will and visual working memory. The postmodern perspective reveals some pitfalls in the practice of experimental psychology. Furthermore, we suggest that accepting the inherently fuzzy nature of theoretical constructs in psychology and thinking more along postmodern lines would actually clarify many theoretical problems in experimental psychology.

Introduction

Postmodernism is, in essence, an attempt to achieve greater clarity in our perception, thinking, and behavior by scrutinizing their larger contexts and preconditions, based on the inextricably intertwined levels of both the individual and the society. Psychology also studies the human mind and behavior, which indicates that psychology should dovetail with postmodern approaches. In the 1990s and early 2000s, several attempts were made to introduce postmodern thought as potentially very fruitful ideas into general academic psychology ( Jager, 1991 ; Kvale, 1992 ; Holzman and Morss, 2000 ; Holzman, 2006 ). However, overall they were met with little response.

Postmodern thoughts have been taken up by several fringe areas of academic psychology, e.g., psychoanalysis ( Leffert, 2007 ; Jiménez, 2015 ; but see Holt, 2005 ), some forms of therapy and counseling ( Ramey and Grubb, 2009 ; Hansen, 2015 ), humanistic ( Krippner, 2001 ), feminist and gender ( Hare-Mustin and Marecek, 1988 ; Sinacore and Enns, 2005 ), or cultural psychology ( Gemignani and Peña, 2007 ).

However, there is resistance against suggestions to incorporate postmodern ideas into the methodology and the self-perception of psychology as academic—and scientific!—discipline. In fact, postmodern approaches are often rejected vehemently, sometimes even very vocally. For instance, Gergen (2001) argued that the “core tenets” of postmodernism are not at odds with those of scientific psychology but rather that they can enrich the discipline by opening up new possibilities. His suggestions were met with reservation and were even outright rejected on the following grounds: postmodernism, “like anthrax of the intellect, if allowed [our italics] into mainstream psychology, […] will poison the field” ( Locke, 2002 , 458), that it “wishes to return psychology to a prescientific subset of philosophy” ( Kruger, 2002 , 456), and that psychology “needs fewer theoretical and philosophical orientations, not more” ( Hofmann, 2002 , 462; see also Gergen ’s, 2001 , replies to the less biased and more informed commentaries on his article).

In the following years, and continuing the so-called science wars of the 1990s ( Segerstråle, 2000 ), several other attacks were launched against a perceived rise or even dominance of postmodern thought in psychology. Held(2007 ; see also the rebuttal by Martin and Sugarman, 2009 ) argued that anything postmodern would undermine rationality and destroy academic psychology. Similarly, postmodernism was identified—together with “radical environmentalism” and “pseudoscience” among other things—as a “key threat to scientific psychology” ( Lilienfeld, 2010 , 282), or as “inimical to progress in the psychology of science” ( Capaldi and Proctor, 2013 , 331). The following advice was given to psychologists: “We [psychologists] should also push back against the pernicious creep of these untested concepts into our field” ( Tarescavage, 2020 , 4). Furthermore, the term “postmodern” is even employed as an all-purpose invective in a popular scientific book by psychologist Steven Pinker (2018) .

Therefore, it seems that science and experimental psychology on the one hand and postmodern thinking on the other are irreconcilable opposites. However, following Gergen (2001) and Holtz (2020) , we argue that this dichotomy is only superficial because postmodernism is often misunderstood. A closer look reveals that experimental psychology contains many postmodern elements. Even more, there is reason to assume that a postmodern perspective may be beneficial for academic psychology: First, the practice of experimental psychology would be improved by integrating postmodern thinking because it reveals a side of the human psyche for which experimental psychology is mostly blind. Second, the postmodern perspective can tell us much about the epistemological and social background of experimental psychology and how this affects our understanding of the human psyche.

A Postmodern Perspective on Experimental Psychology

Experimental psychology and the modern scientific worldview.

It lies within the nature of humans to try to find out more about themselves and their world, but the so-called Scientific Revolution of the early modern period marks the beginning of a new era in this search for knowledge. The Scientific Revolution, which has led to impressive achievements in the natural sciences and the explanation of the physical world (e.g., Olby et al., 1991 ; Henry, 1997 ; Cohen, 2015 ; Osterlind, 2019 ), is based on the following principle: to “measure what can be measured and make measurable what cannot be measured.” This famous appeal—falsely attributed to Galileo Galilei but actually from the 19th century ( Kleinert, 2009 )—illustrates the two fundamental principles of modern science: First, the concept of “measurement” encompasses the idea that phenomena can be quantified, i.e., expressed numerically. Second, the concept of “causal connections” pertains to the idea that consistent, non-random relationships can be established between measurable phenomena. Quantification allows that relationships between phenomena can be expressed, calculated, and predicted in precise mathematical and numerical terms.

However, there are two important issues to be aware of. First, while it is not difficult to measure “evident” aspects, such as mass and distance, more complex phenomena cannot be measured easily. In such cases, it is therefore necessary to find ways of making these “elusive” phenomena measurable. This can often only be achieved by reducing complex phenomena to their simpler—and measurable!—elements. For instance, in order to measure memory ability precisely, possible effects of individual preexisting knowledge which introduce random variance and thus impreciseness have to be eliminated. Indeed, due to this reason, in many memory experiments, meaningless syllables are used as study material.

Second, it is not difficult to scientifically prove a causal relationship between a factor and an outcome if the relationship is simple, that is, if there is only one single factor directly influencing the outcome. In such a case, showing that a manipulation of the factor causes a change in the outcome is clear evidence for a causal relationship because there are no other factors which may influence the outcome as well. However, in situations where many factors influence an outcome in a complex, interactive way, proving a causal relationship is much more difficult. To prove the causal effect of one factor in such a situation the effects of all other factors—called confounding factors from the perspective of the factor of interest—have to be eliminated so that a change in the outcome can be truly attributed to a causal effect of the factor of interest. However, this has an important implication: The investigator has to divide the factors present in a given situation into interesting versus non-interesting factors with respect to the current context of the experiment. Consequently, while experiments reveal something about local causal relationships, they do not necessarily provide hints about the net effect of all causal factors present in the given situation.

The adoption of the principles of modern science has also changed psychology. Although the beginnings of psychology—as the study of the psyche —date back to antiquity, psychology as an academic discipline was established in the mid to late 19th century. This enterprise was also inspired by the success of the natural sciences, and psychology was explicitly modeled after this example by Wilhelm Wundt—the “father of experimental psychology”—although he emphasized the close ties to the humanities as well. The experiment quickly became the method of choice. There were other, more hermeneutic approaches during this formative phase of modern psychology, such as psychoanalysis or introspection according to the Würzburg School, but their impact on academic psychology was limited. Behaviorism emerged as a direct reaction against these perceived unscientific approaches, and its proponents emphasized the scientific character of their “new philosophy of psychology.” It is crucial to note that in doing so they also emphasized the importance of the experiment and the necessity of quantifying directly observable behavior in psychological research. Behaviorism quickly became a very influential paradigm which shaped academic psychology. Gestalt psychologists, whose worldview is radically different from behaviorism, also relied on experiments in their research. Cognitive psychology, which followed, complemented, and partly superseded behaviorism, relies heavily on the experiment as a means to gain insight into mental processes, although other methods such as modeling are employed as well. Interestingly, there is a fundamental difference between psychoanalysis and humanistic psychology, which do not rely on the experiment, and the other above-mentioned approaches as the former focus on the psychic functioning of individuals, whereas the latter focus more on global laws of psychic functioning across individuals. This is reflected in the fact that psychological laws in experimental psychology are established on the arithmetic means across examined participants—a difference we will elaborate on later in more detail. Today, psychology is the scientific —in the sense of empirical-quantitative—study of the human mind and behavior, and the experiment is often considered the gold standard in psychological research (e.g., Mandler, 2007 ; Goodwin, 2015 ; Leahey, 2017 ).

The experiment is closely associated with the so-called scientific method ( Haig, 2014 ; Nola and Sankey, 2014 ) and the epistemological tenets philosophy of positivism—in the sense as Martin (2003) ; Michell (2003) , and Teo (2018) explain—which sometimes exhibit characteristics of naïve empiricism. Roughly speaking, the former consists of observing, formulating hypotheses, and testing these hypotheses in experiments. The latter postulates that knowledge is based on sensory experience, that it is testable, independent of the investigator and therefore objective as it accurately depicts the world as it is. This means that in principle all of reality can not only be measured but eventually be entirely explained by science. This worldview is attacked by postmodern thinkers who contend that the world is far more complex and that the modern scientific approach cannot explain all of reality and its phenomena.

The Postmodern Worldview

Postmodern thinking (e.g., Bertens, 1995 ; Sim, 2011 ; Aylesworth, 2015 ) has gained momentum since the 1980s, and although neither the term “postmodernism” nor associated approaches can be defined in a unanimous or precise way, they are characterized by several intertwined concepts, attitudes, and aims. The most basic trait is a general skepticism and the willingness to question literally everything from the ground up—even going so far as to question not only the foundation of any idea, but also the question itself. This includes the own context, the chosen premises, thinking, and the use of language. Postmodernism therefore has a lot in common with science’s curiosity to understand the world: the skeptical attitude paired with the desire to discover how things really are.

Postmodern investigations often start by looking at the language and the broader context of certain phenomena due to the fact that language is the medium in which many of our mental activities—which subsequently influence our behavior—take place. Thus, the way we talk reveals something about how and why we think and act. Additionally, we communicate about phenomena using language, which in turn means that this discourse influences the way we think about or see those phenomena. Moreover, this discourse is embedded in a larger social and historical context, which also reflects back on the use of language and therefore on our perception and interpretation of certain phenomena.

Generally speaking, postmodern investigations aim at detecting and explaining how the individual is affected by societal influences and their underlying, often hidden ideas, structures, or mechanisms. As these influences are often fuzzy, contradictory, and dependent on their context, the individual is subject to a multitude of different causalities, and this already complex interplay is further complicated by the personal history, motivations, aims, or ways of thinking of the individual. Postmodernism attempts to understand all of this complexity as it is in its entirety.

The postmodern approaches have revealed three major general tendencies which characterize the contemporary world: First, societies and the human experience since the 20th century have displayed less coherence and conversely a greater diversity than the centuries before in virtually all areas, e.g., worldviews, modes of thinking, societal structures, or individual behavior. Second, this observation leads postmodern thinkers to the conclusion that the grand narratives which dominated the preceding centuries and shaped whole societies by providing frames of references have lost—at least partially—their supremacy and validity. Examples are religious dogmas, nationalism, industrialization, the notion of linear progress—and modern science because it works according to certain fundamental principles. Third, the fact that different but equally valid perspectives, especially on social phenomena or even whole worldviews, are possible and can coexist obviously affects the concepts of “truth,” “reality,” and “reason” in such a way that these concepts lose their immutable, absolute, and universal or global character, simply because they are expressions and reflections of a certain era, society, or worldview.

At this point, however, it is necessary to clarify a common misconception: Interpreting truth, reality, or reason as relative, subjective, and context-dependent—as opposed to absolute, objective, and context-independent—does naturally neither mean that anything can be arbitrarily labeled as true, real, or reasonable, nor, vice versa, that something cannot be true, real, or reasonable. For example, the often-quoted assumption that postmodernism apparently even denies the existence of gravity or its effects as everything can be interpreted arbitrarily or states that we cannot elucidate these phenomena with adequate accuracy because everything is open to any interpretation ( Sokal, 1996 ), completely misses the point.

First, postmodernism is usually not concerned with the laws of physics and the inanimate world as such but rather focuses on the world of human experience. However, the phenomenon itself, e.g., gravity, is not the same as our scientific knowledge of phenomena—our chosen areas of research, methodological paradigms, data, theories, and explanations—or our perception of phenomena, which are both the results of human activities. Therefore, the social context influences our scientific knowledge, and in that sense scientific knowledge is a social construction ( Hodge, 1999 ).

Second, phenomena from human experience, although probably more dependent on the social context than physical phenomena, cannot be interpreted arbitrarily either. The individual context—such as the personal history, motivations, aims, or worldviews—determines whether a certain behavior makes sense for a certain individual in a certain situation. As there are almost unlimited possible backgrounds, this might seem completely random or arbitrary from an overall perspective. But from the perspective of an individual the phenomenon in question may be explained entirely by a theory for a specific—and not universal—context.

As described above, the postmodern meta-perspective directly deals with human experience and is therefore especially relevant for psychology. Moreover, any discipline—including the knowledge it generates—will certainly benefit from understanding its own (social) mechanisms and implications. We will show below that postmodern thinking not only elucidates the broader context of psychology as an academic discipline but rather that experimental psychology exhibits a number of aspects which can best be described as facets of postmodern thinking although they are not acknowledged as such.

The Postmodern Context of Experimental Psychology

Paradoxically, postmodern elements have been present since the very beginning of experimental psychology although postmodernism gained momentum only decades later. One of the characteristics of postmodernism is the transplantation of certain elements from their original context to new contexts, e.g., the popularity of “Eastern” philosophies and practices in contemporary “Western” societies. These different elements are often juxtaposed and combined to create something new, e.g., new “westernized” forms of yoga ( Shearer, 2020 ).

Similarly, the founders of modern academic psychology took up the scientific method, which was originally developed in the context of the natural sciences, and transplanted it to the study of the human psyche in the hope to repeat the success of the natural sciences. By contrast, methods developed specifically in the context of psychology such as psychoanalysis ( Wax, 1995 ) or introspection according to the Würzburg School ( Hackert and Weger, 2018 ) have gained much less ground in academic psychology. The way we understand both the psyche and psychology has been shaped to a great extent by the transfer of the principles of modern science, namely quantitative measurement and experimental methods, although it is not evident per se that this is the best approach to elucidate mental and behavioral phenomena. Applying the methods of the natural sciences to a new and different context, namely to phenomena pertaining to the human psyche , is a truly postmodern endeavor because it juxtaposes two quite distinct areas and merges them into something new—experimental psychology.

The postmodern character of experimental psychology becomes evident on two levels: First, the subject matter—the human psyche —exhibits a postmodern character since mental and behavioral phenomena are highly dependent on the idiosyncratic contexts of the involved individuals, which makes it impossible to establish unambiguous general laws to describe them. Second, experimental psychology itself displays substantial postmodern traits because both its method and the knowledge it produces—although seemingly objective and rooted in the modern scientific worldview—inevitably contain postmodern elements, as will be shown below.

The Experiment as Simulacrum

The term “simulacrum” basically means “copy,” often in the sense of “inferior copy” or “phantasm/illusion.” However, in postmodern usage “simulacrum” has acquired a more nuanced and concrete meaning. “Simulacrum” is a key term in the work of postmodern philosopher Jean Baudrillard, who arguably presented the most elaborate theory on simulacra (1981/1994). According to Baudrillard, a simulacrum “is the reflection of a profound [‘real’] reality” (16/6). Simulacra, however, are more than identical carbon copies because they gain a life of their own and become “real” in the sense of becoming an own entity. For example, the personality a pop star shows on stage is not “real” in the sense that it is their “normal,” off-stage personality, but it is certainly “real” in the sense that it is perceived by the audience even if they are aware that it might be an “artificial” personality. Two identical cars can also be “different” for one might be used as a means of transportation while the other might be a status symbol. Even an honest video documentation of a certain event is not simply a copy of the events that took place because it lies within the medium video that only certain sections can be recorded from a certain perspective. Additionally, the playback happens in other contexts as the original event, which may also alter the perception of the viewer.

The post-structuralist—an approach closely associated with postmodernism—philosopher Roland Barthes pointed out another important aspect of simulacra. He contended that in order to understand something—an “object” in Barthes’ terminology—we necessarily create simulacra because we “ reconstruct [our italics] an ‘object’ in such a way as to manifest thereby the rules of functioning [⋯] of this object” ( Barthes, 1963 , 213/214). In other words, when we investigate an object—any phenomenon, either material, mental, or social—we have to perceive it first. This means that we must have some kind of mental representation of the phenomenon/object—and it is crucial to note that this representation is not the same thing as the “real” object itself. All our mental operations are therefore not performed on the “real” object but on mental representations of the object. We decompose a phenomenon in order to understand it, that is, we try to identify its components. In doing so, we effect a change in the object because our phenomenon is no longer the original phenomenon “as it is” for we are performing a mental operation on it, thereby transforming the original phenomenon. Identifying components may be simple, e.g., dividing a tree into roots, trunk, branches, and leaves may seem obvious or even “natural” but it is nevertheless us as investigators who create this structure—the tree itself is probably not aware of it. Now that we have established this structure, we are able to say that the tree consists of several components and name these components. Thus, we have introduced “new” elements into our understanding of the tree. This is the important point, even though the elements, i.e., the branches and leaves themselves “as they are,” have naturally always been “present.” Our understanding of “tree” has therefore changed completely because a tree is now something which is composed of several elements. In that sense, we have changed the original phenomenon by adding something—and this has all happened in our thinking and not in the tree itself. It is also possible to find different structures and different components for the tree, e.g., the brown and the green, which shows that we construct this knowledge.

Next, we can investigate the components to see how they interact with and relate to each other and to the whole system. Also, we can work out their functions and determine the conditions under which a certain event will occur. We can even expand the scope of our investigation and examine the tree in the context of its ecosystem. But no matter what we do or how sophisticated our investigation becomes, everything said above remains true here, too, because neither all these actions listed above nor the knowledge we gain from them are the object itself. Rather, we have added something to the object and the more we know about our object, the more knowledge we have constructed. This addition is what science—gaining knowledge—is all about. Or in the words of Roland Barthes: “the simulacrum is intellect added to object, and this addition has an anthropological value, in that it is man himself, his history, his situation, his freedom and the very resistance which nature offers to his mind” (1963/1972, 214/215).

In principle, this holds truth regarding all scientific investigations. But the more complex phenomena are, the more effort and personal contribution is required on behalf of the investigator to come up with structures, theories, or explanations. Paraphrasing Barthes: When dealing with complex phenomena, more intellect must be added to the object, which means in turn that there are more possibilities for different approaches and perspectives, that is, the constructive element becomes larger. As discussed previously, this does not mean that investigative and interpretative processes are arbitrary. But it is clear from this train of thought that “objectivity” or “truth” in a “positivist,” naïve empiricist “realist,” or absolute sense are not attainable. Nevertheless, we argue here that this is not a drawback, as many critics of postmodernism contend (see above), but rather an advantage because it allows more accurate scientific investigations of true-to-life phenomena, which are typically complex in the case of psychology.

The concepts of simulacra by Baudrillard and Barthes can be combined to provide a description of the experiment in psychology. Accordingly, our understanding of the concept of the “simulacrum” entails that scientific processes—indeed all investigative processes—necessarily need to duplicate the object of their investigation in order to understand it. In doing so, constructive elements are necessarily introduced. These elements are of a varying nature, which means that investigations of one and the same phenomenon may differ from each other and different investigations may find out different things about the phenomenon in question. These investigations then become entities on their own—in the Baudrillardian sense—and therefore simulacra.

In a groundbreaking article on “the meaning and limits of exact science” physicist Max Planck stated that “[a]n experiment is a question which science poses to nature, and a measurement is the recording of nature’s answer” ( Planck, 1949 , 325). The act of “asking a question” implies that the person asking the question has at least a general idea of what the answer might look like ( Heidegger, 1953 , §2). For example: When asking someone for their name, we obviously do not know what they are called, but we assume that they have a name and we also have an idea of how the concept “name” works. Otherwise we could not even conceive, let alone formulate, and pose our question. This highlights how a certain degree of knowledge and understanding of a concept is necessary so that we are able to ask questions about it. Likewise, we need to have a principal idea or assumption of possible mechanisms if we want to find out how more complex phenomena function. It is—at least at the beginning—irrelevant whether these ideas are factually correct or entirely wrong, for without them we would be unable to approach our subject matter in the first place.

The context of the investigator—their general worldview, their previous knowledge and understanding, and their social situation—obviously plays an important part in the process of forming a question which can be asked in the current research context. Although this context may be analyzed along postmodern lines in order to find out how it affects research, production of knowledge, and—when the knowledge is applied—possible (social) consequences, there is a much more profound implication pertaining to the very nature of the experiment as a means to gain knowledge.

Irrespective of whether it is a simple experiment in physics such as Galileo Galilei’s or an experiment on a complex phenomenon from social or cognitive psychology, the experiment is a situation which is specifically designed to answer a certain type of questions, usually causal relationships, such as: “Does A causally affect B?” Excluding the extremely complex discussion on the nature of causality and causation (e.g., Armstrong, 1997 ; Pearl, 2009 ; Paul and Hall, 2013 ), it is crucial to note that we need the experiment as a tool to answer this question. Although we may theorize about a phenomenon and infer causal relationships simply by observing, we cannot—at least according to the prevailing understanding of causality in the sciences—prove causal relationships without the experiment.

The basic idea of the experiment is to create conditions which differ in only one single factor which is suspected as a causal factor for an effect. The influence of all other potential causal relationships is kept identical because they are considered as confounding factors which are irrelevant from the perspective of the research question of the current experiment. Then, if a difference is found in the outcome between the experimental conditions, this is considered as proof that the aspect in question exerts indeed a causal effect. This procedure and the logic behind it are not difficult to understand. However, a closer look reveals that this is actually far from simple or obvious.

To begin with, an experiment is nothing which occurs “naturally” but a situation created for a specific purpose, i.e., an “artificial” situation, because other causal factors exerting influence in “real” life outside the laboratory are deliberately excluded and considered as “confounding” factors. This in itself shows that the experiment contains a substantial postmodern element because instead of creating something it rather re- creates it. This re-creation is of course based on phenomena from the “profound” reality—in the Baudrillardian sense—since the explicit aim is to find out something about this profound reality and not to create something new or something else. However, as stated above, this re-creation must contain constructive elements reflecting the presuppositions, conceptual-theoretical assumptions, and aims of the investigator. By focusing on one factor and by reducing the complexity of the profound reality, the practical operationalization and realization thus reflect both the underlying conceptual structure and the anticipated outcome as they are specifically designed to test for the suspected but hidden or obscured causal relationships.

At this point, another element becomes relevant, namely the all-important role of language, which is emphasized in postmodern thinking (e.g., Harris, 2005 ). Without going into the intricacies of semiotics, there is an explanatory gap ( Chalmers, 2005 )—to borrow a phrase from philosophy of mind—between the phenomenon on the one hand and the linguistic and/or mental representation of it on the other. This relationship is far from clear and it is therefore problematic to assume that our linguistic or mental representations—our words and the concepts they designate—are identical with the phenomena themselves. Although we cannot, at least according to our present knowledge and understanding, fully bridge this gap, it is essential to be aware of it in order to avoid some pitfalls, as will be shown in the examples below.

Even a seemingly simple word like “tree”—to take up once more our previous example—refers to a tangible phenomenon because there are trees “out there.” However, they come in all shapes and sizes, there are different kinds of trees, and every single one of them may be labeled as “tree.” Furthermore, trees are composed of different parts, and the leaf—although part of the tree—has its own word, i.e., linguistic and mental representation. Although the leaf is part of the tree—at least according to our concepts—it is unclear whether “tree” also somehow encompasses “leaf.” The same holds true for the molecular, atomic, or even subatomic levels, where there “is” no tree. Excluding the extremely complex ontological implications of this problem, it has become clear that we are referring to a certain level of granularity when using the word “tree.” The level of granularity reflects the context, aims, and concepts of the investigator, e.g., an investigation of the rain forest as an ecosystem will ignore the subatomic level.

How does this concern experimental psychology? Psychology studies intangible phenomena, namely mental and behavioral processes, such as cognition, memory, learning, motivation, emotion, perception, consciousness, etc. It is important to note that these terms designate theoretical constructs as, for example, memory cannot be observed directly. We may provide the subjects of an experiment a set of words to learn and observe later how many words they reproduce correctly. A theoretical construct therefore describes such relationships between stimulus and behavior, and we may draw conclusions from this observable data about memory. But neither the observable behavior of the subject, the resulting data, nor our conclusions are identical with memory itself.

This train of thought demonstrates the postmodern character of experimental psychology because we construct our knowledge. But there is more to it than that: Even by trying to define a theoretical construct as exactly as possible—e.g., memory as “the process of maintaining information over time” ( Matlin, 2012 , 505) or “the means by which we retain and draw on our past experiences to use this information in the present” ( Sternberg and Sternberg, 2011 , 187)—the explanatory gap between representation and phenomenon cannot be bridged. Rather, it becomes even more complicated because theoretical constructs are composed of other theoretical constructs, which results in some kind of self-referential circularity where constructs are defined by other constructs which refer to further constructs. In the definitions above, for instance, hardly any key term is self-evident and unambiguous for there are different interpretations of the constructs “process,” “maintaining,” “information,” “means,” “retain,” “draw on,” “experiences,” and “use” according to their respective contexts. Only the temporal expressions “over time,” “past,” and “present” are probably less ambiguous here because they are employed as non-technical, everyday terms. However, the definitions above are certainly not entirely incomprehensible—in fact, they are rather easy to understand in everyday language—and it is quite clear what the authors intend to express . The italics indicate constructive elements, which demonstrates that attempts to give a precise definition in the language of science result in fuzziness and self-reference.

Based on a story by Jorge Luis Borges, Baudrillard (1981) found an illustrative allegory: a map so precise that it portrays everything in perfect detail—but therefore inevitably so large that it shrouds the entire territory it depicts. Similarly, Taleb (2007) coined the term “ludic fallacy” for mistaking the model/map—in our context: experiments in psychology—for the reality/territory, that is, a mental or behavioral phenomenon. Similar to the functionality of a seemingly “imprecise” map which contains only the relevant landmarks so the user may find their way, the fuzziness of language poses no problems in everyday communication. So why is it a problem in experimental psychology? Since the nature of theoretical constructs in psychology lies precisely in their very fuzziness, the aim of reaching a high degree of granularity and precision in experimental psychology seems to be unattainable (see the various failed attempts to create “perfect” languages which might depict literally everything “perfectly,” e.g., Carapezza and D’Agostino, 2010 ).

Without speculating about ontic or epistemic implications, it is necessary to be aware of the explanatory gap and to refrain from identifying the experiment and the underlying operationalization with the theoretical construct. Otherwise, this gap is “filled” unintentionally and uncontrollably if the results of an experiment are taken as valid proof for a certain theoretical construct, which is actually fuzzy and potentially operationalizable in a variety of ways. If this is not acknowledged, words, such as “memory,” become merely symbols devoid of concrete meaning, much like a glass bead game—or in postmodern terminology: a hyperreality.

Experiments and Hyperreality

“Hyperreality” is another key term in the work of Jean Baudrillard (1981) and it denotes a concept closely related to the simulacrum. Accordingly, in modern society the simulacra are ubiquitous and they form a system of interconnected simulacra which refer to each other rather than to the real, thereby possibly hiding or replacing the real. Consequently, the simulacra become real in their own right and form a “more real” reality, namely the hyperreality. One may or may not accept Baudrillard’s conception, especially the all-embracing social and societal implications, but the core concept of “hyperreality” is nevertheless a fruitful tool to analyze experimental psychology. We have already seen that the experiment displays many characteristics of a simulacrum, so it is not surprising that the concept of hyperreality is applicable here as well, although in a slightly different interpretation than Baudrillard’s.

The hyperreal character of the experiment can be discussed on two levels: the experiment itself and the discourse wherein it is embedded.

On the level of the experiment itself, two curious observations must be taken into account. First, and in contrast to the natural sciences where the investigator is human and the subject matter (mostly) non-human and usually inanimate, in psychology both the investigator and the subject matter are human. This means that the subjects of the experiment, being autonomous persons, are not malleable or completely controllable by the investigator because they bring their own background, history, worldview, expectations, and motivations. They interpret the situation—the experiment—and act accordingly, but not necessarily in the way the investigator had planned or anticipated ( Smedslund, 2016 ). Therefore, the subjects create their own versions of the experiment, or, in postmodern terminology, a variety of simulacra, which may be more or less compatible with the framework of the investigator. This holds true for all subjects of an experiment, which means that the experiment as a whole may also be interpreted as an aggregation of interconnected simulacra—a hyperreality.

The hyperreal character becomes even more evident because what contributes in the end to the interpretation of the results of the experiment are not the actual performances and results of the individual subjects as they were intended by them but rather how their performances and results are handled, seen, and interpreted by the investigator. Even if the investigator tries to be as faithful as possible and aims at an exact and unbiased measurement—i.e., an exact copy—there are inevitably constructive elements which introduce uncertainty into the experiment. Investigators can never be certain what the subjects were actually doing and thinking so they must necessarily work with interpretations. Or in postmodern terms: Because the actual performances and results of the subjects are not directly available the investigators must deal with simulacra. These simulacra become the investigators’ reality and thus any further treatment—statistical analyses, interpretations, or discussions—becomes a hyperreality, that is, a set of interconnected simulacra which have become “real.”

On the level of the discourse wherein the experiment is embedded, another curious aspect also demonstrates the hyperreal character of experimental psychology. Psychology is, according to the standard definition, the scientific study of mental and behavioral processes of the individual (e.g., Gerrig, 2012 ). This definition contains two actually contradictory elements. On the one hand, the focus is on processes of the individual. On the other hand, the—scientific—method to elucidate these processes does not look at individuals per se but aggregates their individual experiences and transforms them into a “standard” experience. The results from experiments, our knowledge of the human psyche, reflect psychological functioning at the level of the mean across individuals. And even if we assume that the mean is only an estimator and not an exact description or prediction, the question remains open how de-individualized observations are related to the experience of an individual. A general mechanism, a law—which was discovered by abstracting from a multitude of individual experiences—is then ( re -)imposed in the opposite direction back onto the individual. In other words, a simulacrum—namely, the result of an experiment—is viewed and treated as reality, thus becoming hyperreal. Additionally, and simply because it is considered universally true, this postulated law acquires thereby a certain validity and “truth”—often irrespective of its actual, factual, or “profound” truth—on its own. Therefore, it can become impossible to distinguish between “profound” and “simulacral” truth, which is the hallmark of hyperreality.

Measuring the Capacity of the Visual Working Memory

Vision is an important sensory modality and there is extensive research on this area ( Hutmacher, 2019 ). Much of our daily experience is shaped by seeing a rich and complex world around us, and it is therefore an interesting question how much visual information we can store and process. Based on the development of a seminal experimental paradigm, Luck and Vogel (1997) have shown that visual working memory has a storage capacity of about four items. This finding is reported in many textbooks (e.g., Baddeley, 2007 ; Parkin, 2013 ; Goldstein, 2015 ) and has almost become a truism in cognitive psychology.

The experimental paradigm developed by Luck and Vogel (1997) is a prime example of an experiment which closely adheres to the scientific principles outlined above. In order to make a very broad and fuzzy phenomenon measurable, simple abstract forms are employed as visual stimuli—such as colored squares, triangles, or lines, usually on a “neutral,” e.g., gray, background—which can be counted in order to measure the capacity of visual working memory. Reducing the exuberant diversity of the “outside visual world” to a few abstract geometric forms is an extremely artificial situation. The obvious contrast between simple geometrical forms and the rich panorama of the “real” visual world illustrates the pitfalls of controlling supposed confounding variables, namely the incontrollable variety of the “real” world and how we see it. Precisely by abstracting and by excluding potential confounding variables it is possible to count the items and to make the capacity of the visual working memory measurable. But in doing so the original phenomenon—seeing the whole world—is lost. In other words: A simulacrum has been created.

The establishment of the experimental paradigm by Luck and Vogel has led to much research and sparked an extensive discussion how the limitation to only four items might be explained (see the summaries by Brady et al., 2011 ; Luck and Vogel, 2013 ; Ma et al., 2014 ; Schurgin, 2018 ). However, critically, several studies have shown that the situation is different when real-world objects are used as visual stimuli rather than simple abstract forms, revealing that the capacity of the visual working memory is higher for real-world objects ( Endress and Potter, 2014 ; Brady et al., 2016 ; Schurgin et al., 2018 ; Robinson et al., 2020 ; also Schurgin and Brady, 2019 ). Such findings show that the discourse about the mechanisms behind the limitations of the visual working memory is mostly about an artificial phenomenon which has no counterpart in “reality”—the perfect example of a hyperreality.

This hyperreal character does not mean that the findings of Luck and Vogel (1997) or similar experiments employing artificial stimuli are irrelevant or not “true.” The results are true—but it is a local truth, only valid for the specific context of specific experiments, and not a global truth which applies to the visual working memory in general . That is, speaking about “visual working memory” based on the paradigm of Luck and Vogel is a mistake because it is actually about “visual working memory for simple abstract geometrical forms in front of a gray background.”

Free Will and Experimental Psychology

The term “free will” expresses the idea of having “a significant kind of control [italics in the original] over one’s actions” ( O’Connor and Franklin, 2018 , n.p.). This concept has occupied a central position in Western philosophy since antiquity because it has far-reaching consequences for our self-conception as humans and our position in the world, including questions of morality, responsibility, and the nature of legal systems (e.g., Beebee, 2013 ; McKenna and Pereboom, 2016 ; O’Connor and Franklin, 2018 ). Being a topic of general interest, it is not surprising that experimental psychologists have tried to investigate free will as well.

The most famous study was conducted by Libet et al. (1983) , and this experiment has quickly become a focal point in the extensive discourse on free will because it provides empirical data and a scientific investigation. Libet et al.’s experiment seems to show that the subjective impression when persons consciously decide to act is in fact preceded by objectively measurable but unconscious physical processes. This purportedly proves that our seemingly voluntary actions are actually predetermined by physical processes because the brain has unconsciously reached a decision already before the person becomes aware of it and that our conscious intentions are simply grafted onto it. Therefore, we do not have a free will, and consequently much of our social fabric is based on an illusion. Or so the story goes.

This description, although phrased somewhat pointedly, represents a typical line of thought in the discourse on free will (e.g., the prominent psychologists Gazzaniga, 2011 ; Wegner, 2017 ; see Kihlstrom, 2017 , for further examples).

Libet’s experiment sparked an extensive and highly controversial discussion: For some authors, it is a refutation or at least threat to various concepts of free will, or, conversely, an indicator or even proof for some kind of material determinism. By contrast, other authors deny that the experiment refutes or counts against free will. Furthermore, a third group—whose position we adopt for our further argumentation—denies that Libet’s findings are even relevant for this question at all (for summaries of this complex and extensive discussion and various positions including further references see Nahmias, 2010 ; Radder and Meynen, 2013 ; Schlosser, 2014 ; Fischborn, 2016 ; Lavazza, 2016 ; Schurger, 2017 ). Libet’s own position, although not entirely consistent, opposes most notions of free will ( Roskies, 2011 ; Seifert, 2011 ). Given this background, it is not surprising that there are also numerous further experimental studies on various aspects of this subject area (see the summaries by Saigle et al., 2018 ; Shepard, 2018 ; Brass et al., 2019 ).

However, we argue that this entire discourse is best understood along postmodern lines as hyperreality and that Libet’s experiment itself is a perfect example of a simulacrum. A closer look at the concrete procedure of the experiment shows that Libet actually asked his participants to move their hand or finger “at will” while their brain activity was monitored with an EEG. They were instructed to keep watch in an introspective manner for the moment when they felt the “urge” to move their hand and to record this moment by indicating the clock-position of a pointer. This is obviously a highly artificial situation where the broad and fuzzy concept of “free will” is abstracted and reduced to the movement of the finger, the only degree of freedom being the moment of the movement. The question whether this is an adequate operationalization of free will is of paramount importance, and there are many objections that Libet’s setup fails to measure free will at all (e.g., Mele, 2007 ; Roskies, 2011 ; Kihlstrom, 2017 ; Brass et al., 2019 ).

Before Libet, there was no indication that the decision when to move a finger might be relevant for the concept of free will and the associated discourse. The question whether we have control over our actions referred to completely different levels of granularity. Free will was discussed with respect to questions such as whether we are free to live our lives according to our wishes or whether we are responsible for our actions in social contexts (e.g., Beebee, 2013 ; McKenna and Pereboom, 2016 ; O’Connor and Franklin, 2018 ), and not whether we lift a finger now or two seconds later. Libet’s and others’ jumping from very specific situations to far-reaching conclusions about a very broad and fuzzy theoretical construct illustrates that an extremely wide chasm between two phenomena, namely moving the finger and free will, is bridged in one fell swoop.

In other words, Libet’s experiment is a simulacrum as it duplicates a phenomenon from our day-to-day experience—namely free will—but in doing so the operationalization alters and reduces the theoretical construct. The outcome is a questionable procedure whose relationship to the phenomenon is highly controversial. Furthermore, the fact that, despite its tenuous connection to free will, Libet’s experiment sparked an extensive discussion on this subject reveals the hyperreal nature of the entire discourse because what is being discussed is not the actual question—namely free will—but rather a simulacrum. Everything else—the arguments, counter-arguments, follow-up experiments, and their interpretations—built upon Libet’s experiment are basically commentaries to a simulacrum and not on the real phenomena. Therefore, a hyperreality is created where the discourse revolves around entirely artificial phenomena, but where the arguments in this discussion refer back to and affect the real as suggestions are made to alter the legal system and our ideas of responsibility—which, incidentally, is not a question of empirical science but of law, ethics, and philosophy.

All of the above is not meant to say that this whole discourse is meaningless or even gratuitous—on the contrary, our understanding of the subject matter has greatly increased. Although our knowledge of free will has hardly increased, we have gained much insight into the hermeneutics and methodology—and pitfalls!—of investigations of free will, possible consequences on the individual and societal level, and the workings of scientific discourses. And this is exactly what postmodernism is about.

As shown above, there are a number of postmodern elements in the practice of experimental psychology: The prominent role of language, the gap between the linguistic or mental representation and the phenomenon, the “addition of intellect to the object,” the simulacral character of the experiment itself in its attempt to re-create phenomena, which necessarily transforms the “real” phenomenon due to the requirements of the experiment, and finally the creation of a hyperreality if experiments are taken as the “real” phenomenon and the scientific discourse becomes an exchange of symbolic expressions referring to the simulacra created in experiments, replacing the real. All these aspects did not seep gradually into experimental psychology in the wake of postmodernism but have been present since the very inception of experimental psychology as they are necessarily inherent in its philosophy of science.

Given these inherent postmodern traits in experimental psychology, it is puzzling that there is so much resistance against a perceived “threat” of psychology’s scientificness. Although a detailed investigation of the reasons lies outside the scope of this analysis, we suspect there are two main causes: First, an insufficient knowledge of the history of science and understanding of philosophy of science may result in idealized concepts of a “pure” natural science. Second, lacking familiarity with basic tenets of postmodern approaches may lead to the assumption that postmodernism is just an idle game of arbitrary words. However, “science” and “postmodernism” and their respective epistemological concepts are not opposites ( Gergen, 2001 ; Holtz, 2020 ). This is especially true for psychology, which necessarily contains a social dimension because not only the investigators are humans but also the very subject matter itself.

The (over-)reliance on quantitative-experimental methods in psychology, often paired with a superficial understanding of the philosophy of science behind it, has been criticized, either from the theoretical point of view (e.g., Bergmann and Spence, 1941 ; Hearnshaw, 1941 ; Petrie, 1971 ; Law, 2004 ; Smedslund, 2016 ) or because the experimental approach has failed to produce reliable, valid, and relevant applicable knowledge in educational psychology ( Slavin, 2002 ). It is perhaps symptomatic that a textbook teaching the principles of science for psychologists does not contain even one example from experimental psychology but employs only examples from physics, plus Darwin’s theory of evolution ( Wilton and Harley, 2017 ).

On the other hand, the postmodern perspective on experimental psychology provides insight into some pitfalls, as illustrated by the examples above. On the level of the experiment, the methodological requirements imply the creation of an artificial situation, which opens up a gap between the phenomenon as it is in reality and as it is concretely operationalized in the experimental situation. This is not a problem per se as long as is it clear—and clearly communicated!—that the results of the experiment are only valid in a certain context. The problems begin if the movement of a finger is mistaken for free will. Similarly, being aware that local causalities do not explain complex phenomena such as mental and behavioral processes in their entirety also prevents (over-) generalization, especially if communicated appropriately. These limitations make it clear that the experiment should not be made into an absolute or seen as the only valid way of understanding the psyche and the world.

On the level of psychology as an academic discipline, any investigation must select the appropriate level of granularity and strike a balance between the methodological requirements and the general meaning of the theoretical concept in question to find out something about the “real” world. If the level of granularity is so fine that results cannot be tied back to broader theoretical constructs rather than providing a helpful understanding of our psychological functioning, academic psychology is in danger of becoming a self-referential hyperreality.

The postmodern character of experimental psychology also allows for a different view on the so-called replication crisis in psychology. Authors contending that there is no replication crisis often employ arguments which exhibit postmodern elements, such as the emphasis on specific local conditions in experiments which may explain different outcomes of replication studies ( Stroebe and Strack, 2014 ; Baumeister, 2019 ). In other words, they invoke the simulacral character of experiments. This explanation may be valid or not, but the replication crisis has shown the limits of a predominantly experimental approach in psychology.

Acknowledging the postmodern nature of experimental psychology and incorporating postmodern thinking explicitly into our research may offer a way out of this situation. Our subject matter—the psyche —is extremely complex, ambiguous, and often contradictory. And postmodern thinking has proven capable of successfully explaining such phenomena (e.g., Bertens, 1995 ; Sim, 2011 ; Aylesworth, 2015 ). Thus, paradoxically, by accepting and considering the inherently fuzzy nature of theoretical constructs, they often become much clearer ( Ronzitti, 2011 ). Therefore, thinking more along postmodern lines in psychology would actually sharpen the theoretical and conceptual basis of experimental psychology—all the more as experimental psychology has inevitably been a postmodern endeavor since its very beginning.

Author Contributions

RM, CK, and CL developed the idea for this article. RM drafted the manuscript. CK and CL provided feedback and suggestions. All authors approved the manuscript for submission.

Conflict of Interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

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12 The Global Rise of Experimental Psychology

Vladimir mikhailovich bekhterev (1857–1927).

Vladimir Bekhterev was an incredibly versatile and successful Russian scientist in the 19th and early 20th centuries, whose contributions to his various fields of expertise made him a highly renowned scientist during his lifetime. Bekhterev was proficient in numerous scientific fields, namely neurophysiology, psychiatry, and experimental psychology.

Bekhterev was born in a small Russian village, to a clerk father and mother who encouraged schooling (Bekhterev, 1928, as cited in Lerner et al., 2005). He studied at the Military Medical Academy in St. Petersburg, receiving his medical doctorate in 1881, and working there as an associate professor until 1884, when he travelled to France and Germany to study neurology (Lerner et al., 2005). While in Germany, Bekhterev went to Leipzig to study neuroanatomy with Paul Flechsig and experimental psychology with Wilhelm Wundt (Lerner et al., 2005). When he returned to Russia in 1885, Bekhterev was appointed Professor and Chair of Psychiatry at the University of Kazan, where he established the first experimental psychology laboratory in Russia. In 1893, he returned to the Military Medical Academy in St. Petersburg as a Professor of Psychiatry and Chair of Mental and Neurological Diseases. In the same year, he published his book Conduction Paths in the Spinal Cord and Brain , which gained him international recognition for his unparalleled knowledge of the brain. Bekhterev was remarkably influential in the field of neurology due to his discoveries of novel brain structures (e.g., the superior vestibular nucleus) and being the first to describe certain diseases (e.g., Ankylosing spondylitis).

One of Bekhterev’s most significant contributions to experimental psychology was his “objective psychology”, which he later renamed “psychoreflexology”. This new psychological program situated the study of mental processes within a biological perspective. Bekhterev argued that the objective observation of neuropsychological processes, or “reflexes”, should be the focus of psychology (de Freitas Araujo, 2014). This definition of psychology shifted the focus away from the study of subjective or conscious processes (the subject matter and aim of Wundt’s experimental psychology) and toward an objective, experimental psychology. Over time, he extended the scope of his psychological program to encompass several domains, including genetics, education, pathology, and social psychology. Two prominent books written by Bekhterev on this subject were Objective Psychology , published in 1907, and General Principles of Human Reflexology , published in 1917. In addition to his previously mentioned accomplishments, Bekhterev founded the Society of Neurologists and Psychiatrists in 1892, the first Russian journal on nervous disease, the Neurology Bulletin , in 1892, the journal Review of Psychiatry Neurology and Experimental Psychology in 1896, and the Psychoneurological Institute in St. Petersburg in 1907 (Lerner et al., 2005).

Bekhterev’s influence in the fields of neurology, psychiatry, and experimental psychology is ever-lasting, despite the suppression of his work following his death in 1927. Bekhterev died under mysterious circumstances while attending the First Congress of Neurologists and Psychiatrists of Soviet Russia in Moscow (Lerner et al., 2005). The suspicious circumstances of Bekhterev’s death lead to speculation that he was poisoned by Russian authorities after examining Joseph Stalin and making an undesirable comment about Stalin’s mental state to his colleagues. Following Bekhterev’s untimely death, his works were removed from Soviet literature until Stalin’s death almost 30 years later. Nevertheless, Vladimir Bekhterev’s legacy has survived by way of his many neurological accomplishments and contributions to the establishment of experimental psychology in Russia.

Cavanaugh, R.  (2019, January). A brilliant career. A fatal error. Russian Life, 62 , 58–61.

de Freitas Araujo, S. (2014). The emergence and development of Bekhterev’s psychoreflexology in relation to Wundt’s experimental psychology. Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences, 50 , 189–210. https://doi.org/10.1002/jhbs.21653

Lerner, V., Margolin, J., & Witztum, E. (2005). Vladimir Bekhterev: His life, his work and the mystery of his death. History of Psychiatry, 16 , 217–227. https://doi.org/10.1177/0957154×05049611

Vladimir Mikhaylovich Bekhterev  (1857-1927). (2020, January 6). ACNR | Paper & Online Neurology Journal. https://www.acnr.co.uk/2020/01/vladimir-mikhaylovich-bekhterev-1857-1927/’

John Wallace Baird (1869–1919)

John Wallace Baird was a notable Canadian experimental psychologist and journal editor, as well as the first Canadian psychologist to serve as the president of the American Psychological Association (APA).

Born in Motherwell, Ontario, Baird was impaired with poor eyesight, hindering the rate of his progression through elementary and secondary school (Lahham & Green, 2012). Nevertheless, in 1893, Baird attended the University of Toronto, which had r(less than five years prior been equipped with an experimental psychology laboratory by James Mark Baldwin (Lahham & Green, 2012). Interestingly, it has been noted that Baird was a relatively average student throughout his undergraduate studies when considering his professional prominence in North American psychology during his career (Lahham & Green, 2012). Despite this, Baird earned his bachelor’s degree in 1897, with his thesis on abnormal colour vision, and remained at the University of Toronto as a laboratory assistant (Lahham & Green, 2012). Baird then left to study under Wilhelm Wundt in Leipzig, Germany. He studied under Wundt for just under a year before relocating to the United States and eventually beginning a fellowship position under E.B Titchener at Cornell University (Lahham & Green, 2012). There, he completed his Ph.D. in 1902 with a dissertation on depth perception (Lahham & Green, 2012). Baird remained at Cornell as a research assistant, during which he devoted his time solely to his vision research, culminating in the publication of The color sensitivity of the peripheral retina in 1905 (Lahham & Green, 2012). After leaving Cornell, Baird was appointed as an instructor at John Hopkins University (1904–1906), instructor and then Assistant Professor at the University of Illinois (1907–1909), and finally, director of the experimental psychology laboratory at Clark University (1910) (Lahham & Green, 2012).

The remaining nine years of Baird’s career saw a decline in research output, but his influence on experimental psychology during this period was far from inappreciable. In addition to the administrative responsibilities of running the psychological laboratory at Clark, Baird also taught a variety of introductory and advanced psychology courses, served editorial positions for two academic journals, and began publishing a yearly review of research on “memory, imagination, learning, and higher mental processes” (Lahham & Green, 2012). Moreover, in 1913, he translated Ernst Meumann’s Psychology of Learning from German and co-founded the Journal of Applied Psychology with G. Stanley Hall and Ludwig R. Geissler in 1917 (Lahham & Green, 2012). The following year, he was appointed President of the APA, during which time he also served as Vice-Chair of the National Research Council’s Psychological Committee (Lahham & Green, 2012). The purpose of this committee was to develop a rehabilitation program for disabled soldiers returning from WWI. Additionally, Baird had been selected many years earlier to become President of Clark University and Clark College in 1920 (Lahham & Green, 2012). However, as a result of his ongoing medical condition, Baird was hospitalized and passed away in February of 1919.

Despite his untimely passing, it is clear that Baird was held in high regard in the field of psychology in the United States. Throughout his career, he served editorial positions for the American Journal of Psychology , Psychological Bulletin , Journal of Educational Psychology , and the Journal of Applied Psychology , which he co-founded (Lahham & Green, 2012). Moreover, he attained membership in Titchener’s group of “Experimentalists”, the American Association for the Advancement of Science, and the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. Unfortunately, Baird’s impact on the field of psychology was shortly overshadowed by the rise of behaviourism, given his alignment with Titchener and the method of introspection (Lahham & Green, 2012). Nonetheless, Baird achieved immense success in American psychology, especially for a Canadian psychologist, and is thus a prominent figure in the history of Canadian psychology.

Lahham, D., & Green, C. D. (2013). John Wallace Baird: The First Canadian president of the American Psychological Association. Canadian Psychology/Psychologie Canadienne, 54 , 124–132. doi:10.1037/a0026286

Titchener, E. B. (1919). John Wallace Baird. Science, 49 , 393–394. doi:10.1126/science.49.1269.393

Contributors

• Kristen Arnold

Joseph Wolpe (1915-1997)

Joseph Wolpe was a South African psychologist and founder of the famous therapeutic technique, systematic desensitization.

Joseph Wolpe was born in Johannesburg, South Africa, into a family that valued education (O’Donohue et al., 2001). He grew up a studious child and became interested in the sciences as he entered high school (O’Donohue et al., 2001). Wolpe began his formal education by studying medicine at the University of Witwatersrand (Berger, 2005). Wolpe’s experiences volunteering as a military doctor during WWII moved him towards research in “war neurosis”, or what is now termed post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD)(O’Donohue et al., 2001). He found the previous treatments for PTSD to be unsatisfactory and set out to find a treatment rooted in behaviourism that could help with anxiety and phobia-based disorders. Finally, Wolfe founded the first form of behaviour therapy, systematic desensitization, in which the individual is exposed to the thing they fear at various levels of intensity, however, the fear is not paired with negative consequences. For example, an individual who fears snakes may at first be shown a photo of a snake, then presented a snake in a terrarium, and lastly, the individual may be asked to touch a snake. Over time, the individual is able to build confidence against their fear and eventually overcome it. Systematic desensitization had high success rates for treating individuals, and this method is still used today.

In 1956, Berger went to Stanford to work at the Center for Advanced Studies in Behavioural Sciences, eventually moving permanently to the United States in 1960 (Salkovskis, 1998). In 1965, he began working in the department of behavioural sciences at Temple University, establishing a behavioural therapy unit (Salkovskis, 1989). Moreover, he was one of the founders of the Association for the Advancement of Behaviour Therapy in the 1960s and the Journal of Behaviour Therapy and Experimental Psychiatry in 1970. One of Wolpe’s students, Arnold Lazarus (1932–2013), published his dissertation on the application of systematic desensitization in groups in 1961 and was the first to use the term “behaviour therapy” in the literature.

Wolfe proved to the field that empirical methods can be used to develop therapeutic treatments, and established himself as a leading psychological innovator (Berger, 2005). His work on systematic desensitization, which he developed through combining knowledge from several branches of psychology, such as psychotherapy and behaviourism, demonstrates the importance of interdisciplinary research and collaboration for the progress of psychology.

Berger, V. (2005). Psychologists: Joseph Wolpe | PsychologistAnywhereAnytime.com . Psychologistanywhereanytime.com. http://psychologistanywhereanytime.com/famous_psychologist_and_psychologists/psychologist_famous_joseph_wolpe.htm

O’Donohue, W. T., Henderson, D. A., Hayes, S. C., Fisher, J. E., & Hayes, L. J. (2001). A history of the behavioral therapies : founders’ personal histories . Context Press.

Salkovskis, P. (1998). Changing the face of psychotherapy and common sense: Joseph Wolpe, 20 April 1915 – 4 December 1997. Behavioural and Cognitive Psychotherapy, 26 , 189–191. https://doi.org/10.1017/s1352465898000216

• Anmol Thind

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How Does Experimental Psychology Study Behavior?

Purpose, methods, and history

• Why It Matters

What factors influence people's behaviors and thoughts? Experimental psychology utilizes scientific methods to answer these questions by researching the mind and behavior. Experimental psychologists conduct experiments to learn more about why people do certain things.

Overview of Experimental Psychology

Why do people do the things they do? What factors influence how personality develops? And how do our behaviors and experiences shape our character?

These are just a few of the questions that psychologists explore, and experimental methods allow researchers to create and empirically test hypotheses. By studying such questions, researchers can also develop theories that enable them to describe, explain, predict, and even change human behaviors.

For example, researchers might utilize experimental methods to investigate why people engage in unhealthy behaviors. By learning more about the underlying reasons why these behaviors occur, researchers can then search for effective ways to help people avoid such actions or replace unhealthy choices with more beneficial ones.

Why Experimental Psychology Matters

While students are often required to take experimental psychology courses during undergraduate and graduate school , think about this subject as a methodology rather than a singular area within psychology. People in many subfields of psychology use these techniques to conduct research on everything from childhood development to social issues.

Experimental psychology is important because the findings play a vital role in our understanding of the human mind and behavior.

By better understanding exactly what makes people tick, psychologists and other mental health professionals can explore new approaches to treating psychological distress and mental illness. These are often topics of experimental psychology research.

Experimental Psychology Methods

So how exactly do researchers investigate the human mind and behavior? Because the mind is so complex, it seems like a challenging task to explore the many factors that contribute to how we think, act, and feel.

Experimental psychologists use a variety of different research methods and tools to investigate human behavior. Methods in the experimental psychology category include experiments, case studies, correlational research, and naturalistic observations.

Experiments

Experimentation remains the primary standard in psychological research. In some cases, psychologists can perform experiments to determine if there is a cause-and-effect relationship between different variables.

The basics of conducting a psychology experiment involve:

• Randomly assigning participants to groups
• Operationally defining variables
• Developing a hypothesis
• Manipulating independent variables
• Measuring dependent variables

One experimental psychology research example would be to perform a study to look at whether sleep deprivation impairs performance on a driving test. The experimenter could control other variables that might influence the outcome, varying the amount of sleep participants get the night before.

All of the participants would then take the same driving test via a simulator or on a controlled course. By analyzing the results, researchers can determine if changes in the independent variable (amount of sleep) led to differences in the dependent variable (performance on a driving test).

Case Studies

Case studies allow researchers to study an individual or group of people in great depth. When performing a case study, the researcher collects every single piece of data possible, often observing the person or group over a period of time and in a variety of situations. They also collect detailed information about their subject's background—including family history, education, work, and social life—is also collected.

Such studies are often performed in instances where experimentation is not possible. For example, a scientist might conduct a case study when the person of interest has had a unique or rare experience that could not be replicated in a lab.

Correlational Research

Correlational studies are an experimental psychology method that makes it possible for researchers to look at relationships between different variables. For example, a psychologist might note that as one variable increases, another tends to decrease.

While such studies can look at relationships, they cannot be used to imply causal relationships. The golden rule is that correlation does not equal causation.

Naturalistic Observations

Naturalistic observation gives researchers the opportunity to watch people in their natural environments. This experimental psychology method can be particularly useful in cases where the investigators believe that a lab setting might have an undue influence on participant behaviors.

What Experimental Psychologists Do

Experimental psychologists work in a wide variety of settings, including colleges, universities, research centers, government, and private businesses. Some of these professionals teach experimental methods to students while others conduct research on cognitive processes, animal behavior, neuroscience, personality, and other subject areas.

Those who work in academic settings often teach psychology courses in addition to performing research and publishing their findings in professional journals. Other experimental psychologists work with businesses to discover ways to make employees more productive or to create a safer workplace—a specialty area known as human factors psychology .

Experimental Psychology Research Examples

Some topics that might be explored in experimental psychology research include how music affects motivation, the impact social media has on mental health , and whether a certain color changes one's thoughts or perceptions.

History of Experimental Psychology

To understand how experimental psychology got where it is today, it can be helpful to look at how it originated. Psychology is a relatively young discipline, emerging in the late 1800s. While it started as part of philosophy and biology, it officially became its own field of study when early psychologist Wilhelm Wundt founded the first laboratory devoted to the study of experimental psychology.

Some of the important events that helped shape the field of experimental psychology include:

• 1874 - Wilhelm Wundt published the first experimental psychology textbook, "Grundzüge der physiologischen Psychologie" ("Principles of Physiological Psychology").
• 1875 - William James opened a psychology lab in the United States. The lab was created for the purpose of class demonstrations rather than to perform original experimental research.
• 1879 - The first experimental psychology lab was founded in Leipzig, Germany. Modern experimental psychology dates back to the establishment of the very first psychology lab by pioneering psychologist Wilhelm Wundt during the late nineteenth century.
• 1883 - G. Stanley Hall opened the first experimental psychology lab in the United States at John Hopkins University.
• 1885 - Herman Ebbinghaus published his famous "Über das Gedächtnis" ("On Memory"), which was later translated to English as "Memory: A Contribution to Experimental Psychology." In the work, Ebbinghaus described learning and memory experiments that he conducted on himself.
• 1887 - George Truball Ladd published his textbook "Elements of Physiological Psychology," the first American book to include a significant amount of information on experimental psychology.
• 1887 - James McKeen Cattell established the world's third experimental psychology lab at the University of Pennsylvania.
• 1890 - William James published his classic textbook, "The Principles of Psychology."
• 1891 - Mary Whiton Calkins established an experimental psychology lab at Wellesley College, becoming the first woman to form a psychology lab.
• 1893 - G. Stanley Hall founded the American Psychological Association , the largest professional and scientific organization of psychologists in the United States.
• 1920 - John B. Watson and Rosalie Rayner conducted their now-famous Little Albert Experiment , in which they demonstrated that emotional reactions could be classically conditioned in people.
• 1929 - Edwin Boring's book "A History of Experimental Psychology" was published. Boring was an influential experimental psychologist who was devoted to the use of experimental methods in psychology research.
• 1955 - Lee Cronbach published "Construct Validity in Psychological Tests," which popularized the use of construct validity in psychological studies.
• 1958 - Harry Harlow published "The Nature of Love," which described his experiments with rhesus monkeys on attachment and love.
• 1961 - Albert Bandura conducted his famous Bobo doll experiment, which demonstrated the effects of observation on aggressive behavior.

Experimental Psychology Uses

While experimental psychology is sometimes thought of as a separate branch or subfield of psychology, experimental methods are widely used throughout all areas of psychology.

• Developmental psychologists use experimental methods to study how people grow through childhood and over the course of a lifetime.
• Social psychologists use experimental techniques to study how people are influenced by groups.
• Health psychologists rely on experimentation and research to better understand the factors that contribute to wellness and disease.

A Word From Verywell

The experimental method in psychology helps us learn more about how people think and why they behave the way they do. Experimental psychologists can research a variety of topics using many different experimental methods. Each one contributes to what we know about the mind and human behavior.

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Weiner IB, Healy AF, Proctor RW. Handbook of Psychology: Volume 4, Experimental Psychology . John Wiley & Sons.

By Kendra Cherry, MSEd Kendra Cherry, MS, is a psychosocial rehabilitation specialist, psychology educator, and author of the "Everything Psychology Book."

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On This Day in 1902 Alexander Luria Was Born

The brilliant neuropsychologist was born in kazan on july 16, 1902.

Alexander Luria was born into a Jewish family in Kazan, Russia. His father was a professor of medicine at the University of Kazan. Luria began his student years at Kazan State University in language and literature, but he was fascinated by psychoanalysis. He founded the Kazan Psychoanalytic Society and corresponded with Sigmund Freud before graduating in 1921. Luria wanted the field of psychology to unify the generalizations of natural sciences with the deep insights into individual psychology offered by the humanities.

His early research attempted to integrate experimental techniques with the psychoanalytic technique of free association. In an experiment to improve worker efficiency in a Soviet laboratory, Luria used these techniques to study the effect of fatigue on mental activity. Workers experiencing varying degrees of fatigue were asked to free associate to given verbal stimuli while Luria recorded their response times. This research won him a position at the Moscow State Institute of Experimental Psychology, and he moved to Moscow in 1923.

In Moscow, Luria developed his “combined motor method” which would become an internationally famous psycho-diagnostic technique. At first, subjects were asked to perform several tasks simultaneously while responding to verbal stimuli. After the subject’s coordination baseline was established from these preliminary trials, the experimenter introduced a verbal stimulus based on a hypothesis about the subject’s thoughts. The type and duration of disruptions in subjects’ coordination were then used to reconstruct their thought processes. Luria’s combined motor method served as an early lie detector and was used in the criminal justice system.

In 1924, Luria met fellow Soviet psychologist Lev Vygotsky. They established the Vygotsky-Luria Circle, which tried to develop a theory of “cultural-historical psychology,” which sought to account for the unity of mind, brain and culture in human development in specific settings. In the early 1930s, this research took Luria to Central Asia, where he researched how changes in economic and educational opportunities affected the development of perception, problem solving, and memory. He concluded that underprivileged children were not “more backward” than educated ones, but had simply picked up different categorizations and cultural tools from their environments. Research on twins further helped Luria differentiate social factors from genetic ones in psychological development.

He entered medical school in the late 1930s and specialized in aphasias (speech disorders due to brain damage). The start of World War II made Luria’s expertise crucial to Soviet authorities, who were trying to deal with traumatic injury suffered by soldiers. From his clinical work with brain-injured victims of the war, he produced both a set of neuropsychological tests and a textbook that are still used today.

Anti-Semitic discrimination after the war forced Luria to move to the Institute of Defectology, where he studied the development of language and thought in intellectually disabled children. He concluded that language responses shape motor responses, framing his research in Pavlovian terms because this was the model for psychology research mandated by Stalin and the Soviet authorities. When he returned to neuropsychology in the late 1950s, Luria wrote two case studies which have since become very famous. The first, “The Mind of a Mnemonist,” was about a Russian journalist with a nearly unlimited memory. The second, “The Man with the Shattered World,” chronicled the treatment and recovery of a soldier who had suffered brain injuries during the war. These case studies synthesized experimental and narratological approaches and served as models for later cognitive science.

Luria continued his work until he died of heart failure in 1977.

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Physiology and Psychology in Russia and the USSR: A Synopsis (1897–1952)

• First Online: 19 October 2022

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This chapter synthesizes the historical constitution of the “psy” field in Russia and the USSR, with particular focus on the figures of Ivan P. Pavlov and Lev S. Vygotsky so as to contrast it later with the readings and appropriations of their research in the West, especially in Argentina. Regarding Pavlov, the psychological theories derived from his neurophysiological research, his organization of scientific work, and his place in Soviet politics are discussed. Regarding Lev Vygotsky, it presents his intellectual itinerary, his most outstanding teams and collaborators, and the agenda of his research. It also mentions authors that had transcendence outside the USSR, such as Sergei Rubinstein and Dimitri Uznadze. These figures are presented following the political and institutional changes in the USSR and the disciplinary changes in psychology in that context, from the constitution of the Institute of Experimental Psychology at the University of Moscow to the “Pavlovian sessions” of the early 1950s.

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García, L.N. (2022). Physiology and Psychology in Russia and the USSR: A Synopsis (1897–1952). In: Communist Psychology in Argentina. Latin American Voices. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-15621-2_2

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Psychology in Russia: State of the Art, Moscow: Russian Psychological Society, Lomonosov Moscow State University, 2010, 719 p.

Introduction

Zinchenko Yu.P., Petrenko V.F. (2010). Introduction. Psychology in Russia: State of the Art, 3, 6-8

This third issue of the yearbook Psychology in Russia: State of the Art is timed for the XXVIIth International Congress of Applied Psychology (11th-16th July 2010, Melbourne, Australia). The aim of the issue is to acquaint foreign colleagues with a broad spectrum of theoretical and applied research conducted by Russian psychologists in the last few years. Russian psychology is developing intensively today. To a very large extent this is determined by the great interest Russian society shows for psychology in general and for the possibilities of its practical application. An ever increasing number of organizations employ professional psychologists in Russia, and there is an ever increasing demand for scientifically sound innovations in management, production, education, and entertainment. In the last years, the quantity of popular psychology books has been steadily increasing, which is an unequivocal evidence for a rising concern of the Russian population with psychological issues. Although Russian psychology always was interested in solving applied problems, the dominance of applied research can today be regarded as one of its most characteristic features.

Keywords: Psychology in Russia: State of the Art, history of psychology

DOI: 10.11621/pir.2010.0000

Homo cogitans in the Information Age: Study of Cognitive Processes

Bogoyavlenskaya D.B. (2010). Giftedness: The Answer in One and a Half Centuries. Psychology in Russia: State of the Art, 3, 197-213

This article stresses the social importance of the problem of giftedness and in this connection the necessity to clarify this concept scientifically. The history of this problem reveals the origins of reduction of the concept and the wide-spread notion of giftedness as "intelligence level above average. "There are two reasons of it: 1) Galton's components of giftedness were put into a complex; 2) there were no measuring techniques of this complex. The unit of the analysis of giftedness was formed after Galton's notion of giftedness as comprised of components was supplemented with the method of measurement -"systematic observation"- and understood as an ability to generate activity at one's own initiative. Then it became possible to realize Galton's concept of giftedness as a manifestation of mind and character.

Keywords: giftedness, systemic quality, reduction, method, diagnostics, element-wise approach, unit of analysis, personality, scaling, abilities, development, genius.

DOI: 10.11621/pir.2010.0009

Shadrikov V.D., Taldykina A.A. (2010). Testing of Mental Abilities.Psychology in Russia: State of the Art, 3, 214-226

This article reports on the results of development of human mental abilities measurement method based on the stated theoretical positions. Such positions are represented by the following: the thesis formulated by M.I. Sechenov that a thought is generated in the process of establishing a connection between the object and its properties; the definition of thin king given by S.L.Rubinstein who wrote that in the process of solving a problem the object manifests its new properties and qualities, it shows a new side, a new content is "bailed out" of it, as well as the thesis about mental development of abilities formulated by V.D. Shadrikov (2007).

Keywords: abilities, mental abilities, abilities testing, intelligence test, psychometric procedure, validity, reliability

DOI: 10.11621/pir.2010.0010

Veraksa N.E. (2010). Structural Approach to Dialectic Cognition. Psychology in Russia: State of the Art, 3, 227- 239

The author views dialectic cognition as an integral and unique process, which is based on dialectical logic - the logic of operating opposites. The development of this logic takes place during the preschool years through transformation of contradictory situations. The transformation process is carried out by dialectical cognitive actions.

Keywords: dialectic cognition, dialectical structure, child thinking, contradictory situation, opposites

DOI: 10.11621/pir.2010.0011

Kornilova T.V., Kornilov S.A. (2010). Intelligence and Tolerance / Intolerance for Uncertainty as Predictors of Creativity. Psychology in Russia: State of the Art, 3, 240-256

The present paper describes two studies that investigated incremental predictive value of tolerance and intolerance for uncertainty in predicting creativity. The first study shows significant positive incremental predictive power of tolerance for uncertainty over general intelligence in predicting creativity. The second study reveals a negative relationship between intolerance for uncertainty and creativity with fluid intelligence scores being already accounted for. Overall, tolerance for uncertainty promotes creativity, whereas intolerance for uncertainty impedes it, demonstrating that creativity draws on both intellectual potential and processes of uncertainty acceptance.

Keywords: uncertainty, ambiguity, tolerance for uncertainty, intelligence, creativity

DOI: 10.11621/pir.2010.0012

Nourkova V.V., Bernstein D.M. (2010). Why Historical becomes Personal? Spontaneous Historical Content of Individual Autobiographical Memory. Psychology in Russia: State of the Art, 3, 257- 277

In the present paper we suggest that people experience history from four perspectives: Participant, Witness, Contemporary and Successor. These perspectives differ in the proportion of experience, knowledge and personal meaning that is available. We empirically demonstrated greater malleability of memories about terrorist attacks that were experienced as a Witness than as a Contemporary. We also review research on the extent to which people spontaneously use historical events as a reference for dating personal memories. In our Moscow sample (N = 476), historical references were present in 5% of people. We found that 17% of participants listed historical memories in their life stories, as indicated by where they placed events along a Life Line. There was a tendency to balance negative historical experience with positive events from the Contemporary perspective (Gagarin'61, Olympic Games'80). Older participants included historical memories in their Life Lines more often than younger participants did, while the majority of historical memories referred to the age before 29. Participants recollected historical memories only from periods in their past that fell within what is called the "reminiscence bump" - a lifetime period that covers the age interval between 18-28 years. The proportion of historical content in individual autobiographical memory is deter­mined by: 1) objective history; 2) experiencing historically transitional events in youth; 3) being older than the "reminiscence bump" period and 4) having at least a decade time distance toward historical event

Keywords: autobiographical memory, historical memories, historical references

DOI: 10.11621/pir.2010.0013

Menshikova G.Ya. (2010). Facial Expression Recognition with the Use of Chimeric Face Technique. Psychology in Russia: State of the Art, 3, 278-286

The aim of this study was to investigate holistic / feature processing for encod­ing face expressions employing the chimeric face technique. In the course of our experiment we tested the recognition accuracy of universal and "chimeric" countenance. As the study has revealed there was a considerable difference between distributions of subject responses depending on the localization of expression features (top/ bottom parts of the face). For chimeric face identification accuracy substantially decreased, there were considerable variations in the naming of face expression and the names assigned were hardly dictated by distinguishing features. The changes in recognition of facial expressions may be accounted for by disarrangement in holistic processing of expression encoding.

Keywords: face expression recognition, holistic / feature processing for encoding face expressions, chimeric face technique, identification accuracy

DOI: 10.11621/pir.2010.0014

Danilova N.N. (2010). Imaging Processes of Working Memory by Localization of Activated Frequency-Selective EEG Generators. Psychology in Russia: State of the Art, 3, 287- 300

The new method of microstructure analysis of oscillatory brain activity was pro­posed for studying the structure and dynamics of working memory. Mapping local network activity according to dipole localization of frequency-selective gamma and beta generators supports the leading role of frontal areas in processes of working memory. The retention of information during the delay interval is presented by joint activity of frequency-selective gamma and beta generators which provide the integration of frontal areas, associative, visual cortex and cerebellum. The joint activity of the gamma- and beta-generators has a wave-like character and is modulated by low-frequency wave activity.

Keywords: working memory, oscillatory brain activity, frequency-selective gene¬rator, equivalent dipole, pacemaker neuron

DOI: 10.11621/pir.2010.0015

Izmailov Ch.A., Chernorizov A.M. (2010). A Geometrical Approach to Research into Signal Recognition in Visual Systems of Humans and Animals. Psychology in Russia: State of the Art, 3, 301-332

In the paper an attempt is made to justify the importance of geometrical language (especially metric space models) for the description of visual perception processing. The tradition to use geometry for the description of psychophysiological processes goes back to a Newtonian color circle. At present there are many examples of such models, as well as of examples from other areas of mathematics. However, we want to justify a position, that geometrical language is not simply one of formal languages used for the description of visual perception phenomena. We'll try to represent it as the approach, which includes both the formal description of psychological phenomena and neurophysiological mechanisms, as well as experimental techniques of research into these phenomena and mechanisms.

Keywords: vector psychophysiology, categoriality of perception, perception of form and color, large (suprathreshold) interstimuli differences, multidimensional scaling, geometrical modeling of subjective perceptual spaces, spherical model of visual perception, neural modules (ensembles)

DOI: 10.11621/pir.2010.0016

Morosanova V.I. (2010). Conscious Self-Regulation of Voluntary Activity: Differential Approach. Psychology in Russia: State of the Art, 3, 333- 349

This research is devoted to the investigation of the role of conscious self-regulation in human development and activity. The concept of conscious self-regulation of a subject's voluntary activity and the history of its research conducted in Psychological Institute RAE are discussed. The results of the research dedicated to the typology of individual styles of self-regulation and their relationship with educational and professional activity effectiveness are presented. Personal dispositions have specific influence on the individual peculiarities of regulatory profile. It is concluded that the integrated system of individual self-regulation includes dynamic and content aspects of a personality, its conscious and subconscious structures for development and achievement of goals

Keywords: conscious self-regulation, subject and personality, individual style, self-regulation profile, personality dispositions

DOI: 10.11621/pir.2010.0017

Petrenko V.F., Mitina O.V. (2010). Psychosemantic Approach to Studying Gender Role Attitudes. Psychology in Russia: State of the Art, 3, 350-411

This article concerns studies devoted to the analysis of stereotypes of women's behavior using a method of plural identification. This method has developed within the general psychosemantic approach and allows to study not only well realized social and mental representations, but those deep and implicit, too. The article describes three experiments. All of them are cross-cultural. In the first and the second experiments attitudes of Russian and Azerbaijan respondents were compared. The third experiment is focused on comparing the feedback received from Russian and US samples. It has been shown that cultural influence is more important than gender influence when we deal with attitudes towards female behavior and life scenarios. That means that positions of men and women of the same culture have more in common than responses pf women or men from different cultures. The method permits to conduct cross-cultural researches into different (subcultures both in one country or in different countries.

Keywords: psychosemantics, semantic space, gender, social representations, factor analysis

DOI: 10.11621/pir.2010.0018

Barsky Ph.I., Gindina E.D., Lobaskova M.M., Malykh S.B. (2010). Perception of Family Environment with Russian Adolescent Twins: Possible Genotype-Environment Correlation. Psychology in Russia: State of the Art, 3, 412- 430

Gene-environment correlations have been studied in behavior genetics since the beginning of the 1980s, including genetic effect on the perceived family environment; however, the majority of studies have been based on retrospective self-reports. The current study is meant to analyze the sources of variance (complementary genetic factors, shared and non-shared environmental variance) in perceived family environment with Russian adolescent twins. Perception of family environment was measured with the Russian version of Family Environment Scale (Moos & Moos, 1981). The structural equation model in "Mx"(Neale, Boker, Xie, & Maes, 2004) was employed to estimate the influence of genetic and environmental factors on adolescents' self-reports. The environmental variance components are prevalent for most FES scales (6 of 10). The shared environment was significant for 3 primary grades and the Organization factor, the complementary genetic variance was revealed for 2 primary grades and the Expressiveness-Control super-order factor. These results are generally consistent with previously reported moderate heritability of FES scales, although the heritabilities for the Conflict scale and the Structure super-order factor appear to be relatively high. The gene-environment correlation might be a possible explanation for these findings.

Keywords: perceptions of family environment, environment, genotype, twins, gene-environment correlation, Family Environment Scale, adolescence

DOI: 10.11621/pir.2010.0019

Facing Challenges of the Modern World: Applied Aspects of Psychology

Glozman J.M. (2010). On the Fundamental Principles in the Contemporary Development of Russian Neuropsychology. Psychology in Russia: State of the Art, 3, 433- 451

This paper deals with the development and main features of the cultural-historical approach in neuropsychology. A three step model of the evolution of Russian neuropsychology is proposed. The social and subjective features of disturbances in the pattern of mental functions and their dynamics in children and adults are discussed. The problems of the internal representation of defects, of the quality of life of patients and of their caregivers prove to be of fundamental value for contemporary neuropsychological investigations.

Keywords: neuropsychology, A.R. Luria, L.S. Vygotsky, cultural-historical approach, mediation, care-givers, internal self-representation of disease

DOI: 10.11621/pir.2010.0020

Bazarov T.Yu. (2010). Social Cognition. Practical Psychology of Management. Psychology in Russia: State of the Art, 3, 452- 462

Management as a form of cognition implies gaining new experience and knowledge, particularly about oneself. Traditionally, the psychology of social cognition distinguishes between an object and a subject of cognition (i.e. the one who cognizes). The subject of cognition can represent both an individual and a social group. As consciousness and mentality of an individual changes in modern society, essential topics of social cognitive psychology assume new importance: society components are becoming inter-cognitive. There is a change in the structure of management relations within the management system that includes aims and functions, as well as the subject and object of management.

Keywords: social cognition, social change, management space, manager's self-concept, individual management concept, professional identity, managerial identity

DOI: 10.11621/pir.2010.0021

Kashapov M.M. (2010). Creative Thinking Training as a Means of Development of Conflict Competence of a Professional. Psychology in Russia: State of the Art, 3, 463- 481

The psychological basis of creative thinking training as a means of development of conflict competence of a professional includes: in the first place, the knowledge of psychological nature of creative thinking of a professional; in the second place, recognition of above situational thinking as a leading quality in the structure of creative professional thinking; consideration of above situational thinking in the context of development of conflict competence of a professional, in the third place. In order to develop conflict competence, it is necessary to learn to get above the level of momentary requirements of a situation, to detect above situational problems, to set the goals, excessive from the point of view of the initial task. Pro­fessionals, thinking in terms of above situation, while analyzing a conflict situation, start to realize and actualize their own resources, which facilitates a creative way in problems resolving. It is the detection of above situational problems that forms the basis for creative thinking and is characterized by a set of key personal qualities necessary for his self-transformation as an agent.

Keywords: conflict competence, creative conflict resolution training, psychodiagnostics of metacognitive components of conflict competence, the analysis of cognitive characteristics of conflict interaction

DOI: 10.11621/pir.2010.0022

Leonova A.B., Kuznetsova A.S., Barabanshchikova V.V. (2010). Self-Regulation Training and Prevention of Negative Human Functional States at Work: Traditions and Recent Issues in Russian Applied Research. Psychology in Russia: State of the Art, 3, 482- 507

The paper is devoted to consideration of self-regulation training that can be used in order to prevent a development of negative human functional states (HFS) in work environment. According to the well-developed in Russian work and organizational psychology traditions the effects of practical implementation of various self-regulation methods on job efficiency and worker's well-being are analyzed. The positive patterns of changes in HFS syndromes taken place as a result of prolonged courses of self-regulation training are described. It is shown that a successful acquisition of self-regulation skills strongly depends on (1) specificity of job content and (2) individual sensitivity to various relaxation techniques. These findings are useful for enhancing the quality of work-site stress management and health promotion programs.

Keywords: occupational stress, human functional state, self-regulation, stress management, relaxation effects, individual differences, health promotion programs

DOI: 10.11621/pir.2010.0023

Matveeva L.V. (2010). Basic Trends in Research of Media Communication Psychology. Psychology in Russia: State of the Art, 3, 508- 527

The present paper reveals basic trends of psychological studies in media com­munications conducted in Russia, in particular, at Lomonosov MSU.The principal researchers, engaged in the field, are introduced: A.A. Leontiev, N.N. Bogomolova, O.T. Melnikova, L.V. Matveeva.The model of human interaction with media space, suggested by LV. Matveeva, is considered in detail. The paper presents principal results of investigation, undertaken on the basis of the present model, and focused on personality self-expression within telecommunication, as well as characteris­tic features of telecommunicator and image regulation of mediated intercourse. There also presented some trends in development of media psychology in pres­ent day research: a study of reception and recognition of emotions in media com­munication; the problem of informational-psychological security of spectator; the image of Russia offered by mass media.

Keywords: globalization of media (informational) space, psychology of media communications, inter-personal and mediated intercourse, TV and advertisement communication, a psychological model of interaction of spectator with media space, developed by LV. Matveeva (the model of "three Russian dolls"), reception of emotions in media communication, the image of Russia offered by mass media, personality self-expression in telecommunication, personality features of communicator, image regulation of mediated intercourse

DOI: 10.11621/pir.2010.0024

Rozhdestvenskaya N.A. (2010). Interpersonal Cognition and Methods of its Development in Future Teachers. Psychology in Russia: State of the Art, 3, 528-540

This article deals with researches on the cognitive component of interpersonal cog­nition and studies a possibility of improving it during teachers' education. Mistakes people make while estimating one another are analyzed on the basis of empirical researches. The author suggests a model describing main interpersonal cognition principles that is capable of minimizing such mistakes. The author describes the researches conducted under her supervision, in which the strategies based on the interpersonal cognition principles were studied. It has been shown that teachers using a model set of the interpersonal cognition principles are much better at es­timating children's personality characteristics, than those who are unable to use them. The author also presents the method called The Development of the Strate­gies of Interpersonal Cognition, and considers forms and conditions of its usage in education of future teachers.

Keywords: interpersonal cognition, the strategies of interpersonal cognition, The Development of the Strategies of Interpersonal Cognition method, teachers' interpersonal cognition

DOI: 10.11621/pir.2010.0025

Voiskounsky A.E. (2010). Internet Addiction in the Context of Positive Psychology. Psychology in Russia: State of the Art, 3, 541-549

Optimal, or flow experience is a psychological construct introduced by M. Csik-szentmihalyi; it refers to intrinsic motivation when an activity is worth doing for its own sake and denotes productive work with high concentration on the task, distinct objectives and high level of satisfaction, positive feelings such as enjoyment, balance between the available skills and the task challenges, immediate feedback, as well as temporary loss of self-consciousness and distorted sense of time. This construct is being intensely used in numerous environments connected with the use of information technologies, including specific ones such as Internet addiction. The latter context is argued to be incorrect, since addiction means a negative feeling while flow is positive. Numerous examples follow distinguishing online gamers' repetitive behaviors referring to flow experience from those which refer to addictive behavior.

Keywords: flow experience, positive psychology, information technologies, Internet addiction, mimetic flow, repetitive behavior, online gaming

DOI: 10.11621/pir.2010.0026

Stefanenko T.G., Kupavskaya A.S. (2010). Ethno-Cultural Competence as a Component of Competence in Communication. Psychology in Russia: State of the Art, 3, 550- 564

The importance of success in cross-cultural communication in the modern world is growing every day. However, because of the lack of a coherent methodological framework and common terminology, there is eclecticism in the practical concepts of successful intercultural communication. This article presents the in­tegration of Russian and western social-psychological knowledge and creates a model of the ethno-cultural competence. Thus, in accordance with Russian social psychology, the socio-perceptive, communicative and interactive aspects of ethno-cultural communication are allocated and described. The three-part model of ethno-cultural competence, which includes cognitive, behavioral and motivational factors, was operationalized in order to become a base for standardized training programs to increase ethnic and cultural competence.

Keywords: ethno-cultural competence, intercultural communication, social-per¬ceptive, communicative and interactive components of ethno-cultural compe¬tence, competency model of ethno-cultural communication

DOI: 10.11621/pir.2010.0027

Glebov V.V., Arakelov G.G. (2010). Influences of Different Factors on Dynamics of Children's Aggression and Teenage Criminality (on an Example of the Moscow and Altai Regions). Psychology in Russia: State of the Art, 3, 565- 578

The paper studies the degree of aggression among teenagers in different social, economic, and cultural conditions. The research was conducted for the Altai and Moscow regions. It also suggests the analysis of dynamics of juvenile delinquency which is often expressed by social inability to adapt in society. Sex distinctions in dynamics of aggressive behavior of teenagers were specially considered.

Keywords: aggressive behavior, uneasiness, social teenager's disadaptation, minor offenders, the social environment

DOI: 10.11621/pir.2010.0028

Psychology, Society, Culture

Nazaretyan A.P. (2010). Beyond Ideologies: The Meaning of Life in the Historical and Psychological Perspective. Psychology in Russia: State of the Art, 3, 581- 610

Throughout human history, in-group solidarity has been achieved at the price of confrontation with out-group individuals ("them vs. us" mental scheme); this has been guaranteed by religious or quasi-religious ideologies. However, in compli­ance with some basic evolutionary patterns, the traditional mechanism of social aggression-regulation is actually becoming counter-productive and threatens to destroy planetary civilization during the next decades. The author argues that the perspectives of global viability essentially depend on whether or not the human mind develops new mechanisms of strategic meaning-construction and solidarity regardless of large-group (confessional, national or class) mythologies.

Keywords: crisis, civilization, techno-humanitarian balance, worldview, meaning of life, ideology, religion, knowledge-enabled destruction, Anthropic principle, synergetics, universal natural selection

DOI: 10.11621/pir.2010.0029

Yurevich A.V. (2010). Future from the Past. Psychology in Russia: State of the Art, 3, 611- 625

The author demonstrates that the bulk of futurological forecasts do not come true as well as predictions contained in scientific fiction. In his view the systematic mistakes of such forecasts are due not to the shortcomings of predictions, but to the fact that the development of civilization is unfolding in irrational direction. It is connected with the substitution of "paradigm of development" by the "paradigm of entertainment" - the distinguishing manifested process which has psychological roots. The author states that underestimation of the changes in human psychology is still alive and well in futurological forecasts what diminishes their exactness.

Keywords: futurology, scientific fiction, forecasts, systematic mistake, civilization, psychology, science, technology, "paradigm of development"

DOI: 10.11621/pir.2010.0030

Sirotkina I.E., Smith R. (2010). Psychological Society and Social Change: Russia in Transition. Psychology in Russia: State of the Art, 3, 626- 645

Like other terms of social analysis, such as "modernity,""postmodern ity,""democ-racy"and "globalization,"the term "psychological society',signals a contribution to debate about the direction cultural, social, economic and political life is taking. The most tangible manifestation of psychological society is the sheer rise in numbers of people calling themselves psychologists and having psychology as an occupa­tion. The second characteristic of psychological society concerns the emphasis on "the self"as an individual psychological subjectivity, conferring identity, and locus of agency. In a psychological society, people, including, of course, psychologists themselves, acquire a psychological subjectivity, a way of representing themselves to themselves and to others, as having a psychological identity. There is a sense in which, in psychological society, each person becomes her or his own psychologist. Finally, psychological society is a society in which the circle representing human nature in psychological terms and the formation of people as psychological subjects becomes a major feature of social structure. Since such a society developed in the twentieth century in many western countries, it is natural to ask whether at least elements of such a society are now coming into existence in Russia.

Keywords: psychological society, the modern liberal citizen, psychological identity, self-management, change in Russia

DOI: 10.11621/pir.2010.0031

Reshetnikov M.M. (2010). The Development of Psychiatry and Psychoanalysis in Post- totalitarian and Transitional Societies. Psychology in Russia: State of the Art, 3, 646- 653

The author analyzes in brief the historical development of psychiatry, psychology and psychotherapy in Soviet Union and pots-Soviet Russia. He expresses his view on modern state of affairs between state and private practice and gives a detailed account of the formation of modern Russian psychoanalytic community and its entry into the international community.

Keywords: psychology and psychotherapy in Soviet Union and Russia, psychiatrists, psychologists, psychotherapists, state and private medicine, psychoanalysis and psychoanalytic community, psychoanalytic training and education, European Confederation of Psychoanalytic Psychotherapies

DOI: 10.11621/pir.2010.0032

Levchenko E.V., Prodovikova A.G. (2010). The Comparative Analysis of Scientific and Social Representations of Consciousness and the Unconscious. Psychology in Russia: State of the Art, 3, 654- 683

The article deals with the research into social notions of such integral psychic phe­nomena as consciousness and the unconscious.The concept of social notions, pro­posed by S. Moscovici in 1961, was used. This research was carried out in several stages. Firstly, scientific definitions of consciousness and the unconscious were analyzed. Secondly, dictionaries of the Russian language were studied. Then an empirical study of social notions of consciousness and the unconscious was con­ducted. As many as 240 students of Perm State University took part in the study as subjects. The core-periphery structure of scientific and social representations of consciousness and the unconscious that is typical of modern Russian culture and common to such of its carriers as active researchers in psychology and stu­dents was reconstructed. Finally, notions of consciousness were compared to the notions of the unconscious. Studying the notions of psychic phenomena makes it possible to reconstruct the idea of the psychic that is typical of non-professionals. The process of constructing social notions can be explained by the"dynamic mod­el" proposed in the study by S. Moscovici and M. Hewstone (1984).

Keywords: social representations, scientific representations, consciousness, the unconscious, "dynamic model" of S. Moscovici and M. Hewstone, the core-periphery structure of scientific and social representations, stages of objectivation

DOI: 10.11621/pir.2010.0033

Sokolova E.T. (2010). Narcissism as Clinical and Socio-Cultural Phenomenon. Psychology in Russia: State of the Art, 3, 684-702

Basing on the theoretical analysis and personal longstanding research, the author offers general characteristics of narcissism, delineates the relations between the disturbances of identity structure, regulatory mechanisms, cognitive styles and modes of interpersonal cognition, which allows predicting a wide range of psychic and behavioral disorders. It is shown that the phenomenon of narcissism has a bio-psycho-social causation, and that the contemporary technological glut as well as the expansion of consumerist values give new stimuli for the development of narcissistic and perfectionist personality trends.

Keywords: narcissism, consumerist values, perfectionism, body as the object of metamorphoses of self, manipulativeness in communication, compliance, psychotherapy, cognitive style, alexithymia, defense mechanisms, coping, autodestruc-tiveness

DOI: 10.11621/pir.2010.0034

Rossokhin A.V. (2010). Psycholinguistic Analysis of the Psychoanalytical Process (Based on the Material of a Patient's Narrations of their Dreams). Psychology in Russia: State of the Art, 3, 703- 719

The work is aimed at the studying of the reflexive process of a personality dur­ing psychoanalysis, which has never been researched empirically basing on the material of a subject's narrations of their dreams. It was shown that during the psychoanalytical process the reflexive processes of a personality enhance, become more active and change qualitatively. As reflection develops, the subjects start to think reflexively about their dreams, which leads to qualitative and quantita­tive change of intrapsychic images. The extracommunicative direction of dreams during psychoanalysis is replaced by the intrapsychic one, and the content of the reflexive processes changes qualitatively. The amount of ascertaining statements decrease, more frequent is detailed description of inner feelings and emotions of the subject.

Keywords: personality, reflection, psychoanalysis, altered states of consciousness, psychoanalytical process, dreams, psycholinguistic analysis

DOI: 10.11621/pir.2010.0035

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Tv academy to honor greg berlanti with 2024 governors award, visual effects society 2024 honorees include brooke breton & four new hall of famers.

By Erik Pedersen

Erik Pedersen

Managing Editor

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The Visual Effects Society has named the first honorees who will be feted at a special event in October.

Avatar co-producer Brooke Breton , a former SVP Production at James Cameron’s effects house Digital Domain who also worked on three Star Trek movies from 1986-91, will receive the 2024 VES Founders Award. The group also named Reid Paul and Ronald B. Moore as Lifetime VES Members and posthumously will induct Tim McGovern , Thad Beier , Maya Deren and Dorothy Davenport into the VES Hall of Fame.

Read more about them all below.

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The 23rd annual VES Awards will be handed out Tuesday, February 11, and the nominees will be revealed January 14.

Here is more about the Visual Effects Society’s honorees revealed today, per the group:

Brooke Breton, Founders Award Honored for her sustained contributions to the art, science or business of visual effects and meritorious service to the Society. Breton has been principally involved in a wide variety of prominent live-action films, animated films, television series and theme park projects which have received Academy, BAFTA, Emmy, Annie and VES awards and nominations. Key projects include:  Avatar, Master and Commander: The Far Side of the World, Sky Captain and The World of Tomorrow, Solaris, Star Trek IV: The Voyage Home, Star Trek VI: The Undiscovered Country  and  Dick Tracy.

During her career, Breton played an instrumental role in launching James Cameron’s effects house Digital Domain, where she served as SVP Production, and was Senior Production Executive and in-house producer for Illumination Entertainment, where she produced the film content for the Annie- and VES Award-winning  Despicable Me  theme park attraction, Minion Mayhem.

Reid Paul, Lifetime VES Member Honored for meritorious service to the Society and the global industry. Paul has more than 40 years experience as an artist, producer, supervisor and manager of visual effects for television, feature film and special venue production. His tenure in the industry includes roles at Liberty Studios, The Optical House and Broadcast Arts; director of award-winning interactive educational videos at ComputerSmarts; Commercial Director represented by Major League Productions; Camera Operator at Cinema Research Corporation; VFX Supervisor and Producer at Pixel Magic; Head of Production and VFX Producer/Supervisor at Stargate Studios; and VFX Producer at Netflix. He is currently a Senior Bidding Producer in the Los Angeles office of Crafty Apes. Paul has traveled extensively to train crews, manage productions and learn new things including 3D Filmmaking and Virtual Production. Proud of his longtime involvement with the Visual Effects Society, Paul has been a Co-Chair of the VES Los Angeles Section, and a member of the VES Awards Committee since 2003, and its Co-Chair from 2019-2024.

Ronald B. Moore, Lifetime VES Member  Honored for meritorious service to the Society and the global industry. Moore is an acclaimed Visual Effects Producer who worked in the field for 30 years. He is a VES Award winner, five-time Emmy Award winner, and 11-time Emmy Award nominee for his VFX work on the series  Star Trek: The Next Generation, Star Trek: Voyager  and  Star Trek: Enterprise.  Moore’s work includes time at Boss Films under Richard Edlund, on  Ghostbusters , 2010 and a number of TV series. He joined the team on  Star Trek: The Next Generation  working on the pilot episode, and continued to work on the series through seven seasons, and on the first feature,  Star Trek: Generations  as Visual Effects Supervisor. He then joined the team on  Star Trek: Voyager  and when that ended, switched to  Star Trek: Enterprise.  Other projects include supervising the visual effects on the music video for the Michael Jackson single “Black or White” and the Alejandro González Iñárritu film  Birdman . He also formed OMR Productions with Dan Curry, acclaimed special effects colleague from his Star Trek creative family. Moore has served on the VES global Board of Directors and the Membership Committee and is proud to be one of the earliest members of the VES.

Thad Beier (1960-2024) , VES Hall of Fame Beier was a Visual Effects Supervisor, known for films including  U-571, Eight Legged Freaks, Deep Blue Sea  and  The Core. Beier left Johns Hopkins at the age of 18, and started working at New York Institute of Technology Computer Graphics Lab. He spent five years there doing innovative CG software and animation and then went to Pacific Data Image as they were just starting doing computer graphics commercial work, again writing software and creating animation, and began leading teams in both of those fields. He then started Hammerhead Productions to do visual effects work in Hollywood, and was a Visual Effects Supervisor on a dozen films, including  Fast and Furious 4  for Universal Pictures. After his work as the technical leader and VFX Supervisor at Hammerhead and Universal, Beier served as the Chief Technology Officer and VFX Supervisor at Digital Domain. He most recently served as the Director of Image Platform Workflow, overseeing high-dynamic-range content creation at Dolby Laboratories.

Maya Deren (1917-1961) , VES Hall of Fame Deren was a Ukraine-born iconic American experimental filmmaker and an important entrepreneurial promoter of the avant-garde in the 1940s and 1950s. She was also a choreographer, dancer, film theorist, poet, lecturer, writer, and photographer. She combined her expertise in dance and choreography, ethnography, the African spirit religion of Haitian vodou, symbolist poetry and psychology in a series of perceptual black-and-white short films. Using editing, multiple exposures, jump-cutting, superimposition, slow-motion, and other camera techniques to her advantage, Deren abandoned established notions of physical space and time, innovating through carefully planned films with specific conceptual aims.  Meshes of the Afternoon , her collaboration with her husband Alexander Hammid, was one of the most influential experimental films in American cinema history. Deren went on to make several more films, including  At Land, A Study in Choreography for Camera  and  Ritual in Transfigured Time.

Dorothy Davenport (1895-1977) , VES Hall of Fame   Davenport was an American actress, screenwriter, film director and producer. Born into a family of film performers, Davenport had her own independent career before her marriage to film actor and director Wallace Reid. After Reid died following an addiction to morphine, Davenport took her own story as source material and co-produced  Human Wreckage , in which she was billed as Mrs. Wallace Reid and played the role of a drug addict’s wife. She advertised the film in terms of a moral crusade. Davenport followed its success with other social-conscience films on a variety of topics, including  Broken Laws  about excessive mother-love and  The Red Kimono  about white slavery. While Davenport’s own production company dissolved in the late 1920s, she would later direct  Linda, Sucker Money, Road to Ruin  and  The Woman Condemned  and worked as a producer, writer and dialogue director.

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